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BARTON, G. A.: Religious Conceptions Underlying Sumerian Proper 

Names 315 

BELVALKAR. S. K.: Stage-emendations in the Uttara-Rama-charita . 428 
BLAKE, F. R. : The Expression of Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in 

Hebrew 115 

CUNNINGHAM, F. A.: The Sothic Cycle used by the Egyptians . . . 369 

EDGERTON, F.: The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six .... 374 

FAY, E. W.: Indo Iranian Word-Studies (ii) 329 

HAUPT, P.: Armageddon 412 

KENT, R. G.: Note on Atharva-Veda XX, 127, 10 . 310 

MERCER, S. A. B.: The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions . . 282 

NEGELEIN, J. v.: Atharvaprayascittani 229 

OLMSTEAD, A. T. : The Assyrian Chronicle 344 

PRINCE, J. D. : Striking Phenomena of Sumerian 321 

WOODS, J. H.: The Yoga-sutras of Patahjali as illustrated by the 

Comment entitled The Jewel's Lustre or Maniprabha .... 1 
WORRELL, W. H. : The Consonants Z and Z in Egyptian Colloquial 

Arabic 278 

WORRELL, W. H.: A Coptic Ostracon 313 

Proceedings . . , 435 

List of Members 445 

Societies etc 454 

Constitutions and By -Laws 458 

The Toga-sutras of Patanjali as illustrated by the Com- 
ment entitled The Jewel's Lustre or Maniprabha. 1 - 
Translated by JAMES HAUGHTON WOODS, Professor of 
Philosophy in Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Book First: Concentration. 

I praise Him unalloyed by hindrance or any such thing, 
Hari, the Primal Man, the Enjoyer of the primary-substance, 
Sita, Him who is the Lord of Yoga and the Giver of Yoga. 
Bowing down devoutly to Patanjali the Author of the Sutras, 
and to the Silent Sage Vyasa, the Author of the Comment, 
I shall set forth an Exposition upon the Yoga called the 
Jewel's Lustre and, so far as my mind permits, worthy to be 

In this [sutra], as every one knows, the Exalted Patanjali, 
to assist the activity of the learned, tells what is to be taught 
by the book. 

1 The title of the book is an allusion to the passage in the Comment 
on Yoga-sutra i. 36 (p. 82 2 , Calc. ed.). Here the mind becomes stable in 
intent contemplation and unconcerned with its transitory and particular 
conditions. It is illumined by insight into its universal qualities. "It 
becomes like a ray of the sun or the moon or of a planet or a gem. 
Having attained to a feeling of its self, it becomes waveless like the Great 
Sea, calmed, endless, with a sense of nothing but itself." The pervasive 
sense of personality is further described in this book at i. 36 (p. 193 o f 
the Benares text) and again at iii. 32 (p. 63 s ). 

The date of the book is not far from 1592 A. D. For in the colophon 
of the Maniprabha we read that the author Ramananda-sarasvati was the 
disciple of Govinananda-sarasvati. Ramanarida-sarasvati dedicated another 
of his works the Bhasya-ratnaprabha to the same master (Hall: Contribu- 
tion towards an Index to the Bibliography of the Philosophical Systems, 
p. 89 90). Another disciple of Govinananda named Narayana-sarasvatl 
wrote a book in the year 4693 of the Kali-yuga, corresponding to 1592 A. D. 
Accordingly the date of Ramananda, author of the Maniprabha, would 
not be far from that same year. 

1 JAOS 34. 

2 James Haughton Woods, 

1. Now Che exposition of yoga [is to be made]. 
The word <Now> indicates a beginning; that is, the 
authoritative book on yoga is begun. Although an authori- 
tative book was made by Hiranyagarbha, still since that was 
deemed too extended, an authoritative work conforming to that 
[book] is begun. This he makes clear by the word < exposi- 
tion). 1. In this sutra the word <yoga> stands for what is to 

be taught in the authoritative book. 2. It is evident that any 
one who wishes to understand is competent [to begin the 
book]. 3. Whereas the outcome of yoga is to be Isolation. 
4. The association together of these [three] as required. These 
may be regarded as the four introductory-reasons (anubandha). 
In this system yoga is said to be of two kinds, that cons- 
cious [of an object] and that not conscious [of an object]. 
This [yoga] moreover is a condition of the mind- stuff in so 
far as the fluctuations are properties of the mind-stuff. Accord- 
ingly the yoga which is the restriction of these [fluctuations] 
is also a condition of that [mind-stuff]. Of this mind-stuff there 
are five stages, the restless, the infatuated, the distracted, the 
single-in-intent, and the restricted. Restless [mind-stuff] is ex- 
cessively changeable by the force of rajas [and is the mind-stuff] 
of daityas. Infatuated [mind-stuff] contains sleep and similar 
states [and is the mind-stuff] of raksasas. Distracted [mind- 
stuff] is distinguished from restless and other [mind-stuffs and 
is the mind-stuff] of gods and similar beings. Its distinguish- 
ing characteristic is that its excessively changeable mind-stuff 
is occasionally steady. Of these [three], in the case of the 
restless and infatuated [mind-stuffs] there is not even a trace 
of yoga. Whereas in case of the distracted mind-stuff, the 
occasional yoga, which is consumed by the fire of increasing 
distraction and becomes unpoised and fruitless, cannot properly 
be called yoga. But in the mind-stuff focussed-in-intent, with 
a' predominance of sattva and stable in respect of one object, 
the restriction of the fluctuations of rajas and tamas, which 
is distinguished by its sattva, becomes [yoga] conscions [of an 
object]. In as much as it is indirectly experienced by either 
verbal -communication or inference, it becomes, when its in- 
tended-object is known, directly-experienced; as a result of the 
direct-experience undifferentiated-consciousness and the other 
hindrances dwindle away; after this there is a burning of both 
merit and evil; as the result of this there is a change into the 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 3 

yoga not concious [of an object], which is the restriction even 
of its fluctuations of sattva in the restricted mind- stuff which 
is subliminal-impressions only and nothing more. Accordingly 
the Author of the Comment says But that [yoga] which, 
when the mind is single-in-intent, illumines a distinct and real 
object, and causes the hindrances to dwindle, slackens the 
bonds of karma, and sets before it as a goal the restriction 
[of all fluctuations] is called that in which there is conscious- 
ness of an object (samprajndtd)*. 

The characteristic-mark common to the two kinds of yoga 
he now describes. 
2. Toga is the restriction of the fluctuations of the mind-stuff. 

In other words <yoga> is the restriction of the rajas and 
tamas fluctuations of the mind-stuff. There is therefore no 
defect in the extension-of-the-term to [yoga] conscious [of an 
object] also, which has its existence in its fluctuation of sattva. 
The objecters might ask 'Why does a mind-stuff which is a unit 
have the distracted stage and various other stages? 7 In reply 
we say it is because the mind-stuff is, in essence, of three 
aspects (guna). For the mind-stuff, because it is predisposed 
to thinking and pleasure and the like, and because it has 
activity and other properties, and because it undergoes 
apathy and poverty and other conditions, has the aspects of 
sattva and rajas and tamas. This being so, when rajas and 
tamas are both a little less than sattva, but reciprocally equal 
to each other, then because of the sattva [the mind-stuff] in- 
clines to contemplation; and afterwards, when this [sattva] is 
shut off by tamas, under the influence of the rajas, it becomes 
lustful of lordly-power and devoted to objects of sense [and so 
becomes again] distracted. But when tamas predominates, the 
mind-stuff is infatuated, and then undergoes what is the opposite 
of happiness and of right-living and of thinking and of passion- 
lessness and of power. And the opposite of thinking in this case 
is error and sleep. But when rajas predominates, the mind-stuff 
is restless. These [last] two, the restless and the infatuated, are 
common to all [states of the mind-stuff]. But it is the restless 
[mind- stuff which] especially appertains to those who are notyogins. 
Now there are four [classes of] yogins, the Prathamakalpikas and 
the Madhubhumikas and the Prajnajyotis and the Atikranta- 
bhSvanlyas. But later the characteristic-mark of these will 

4: James Haughton Woods, 

be told. If however sattva predominates and [the mind-stuff] 
is free from tamas and contains some rajas, [the mind-stuff] 
is single -in -intent. And the mind-stuff of the two middle 
[classes of] yogins who attain to yoga conscious of an object 
becomes full of right-living and thinking and passionlessness 
and power. But now when the stain of rajas and tamas is 
washed away and the sattva is pure, the mind-stuff accomplishes 
the discriminative discernment and accomplishes the so-called 
Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things, the contemplation of the Self 
and nothing more. This is designated by contemplators the 
highest elevation. The Energy of Thought is immutable and 
does not unite [with objects] and objects are only shown to it; 
it is undefiled and unending. Since this is determined and 
because (sat) the mind-stuff frees itself from attachment even 
to the discriminative discernment, which belongs with its sattva 
aspect, [the mind-stuff] restricts this [discriminative discern- 
ment] and finally becomes subliminal-impressions and nothing 
more. This is the mind-stuff of the fourth [class of] yogins. 
And this is the concentration not concious [of an object]. 
Because [as yet] nothing very definite has been made known 
with regard to this [concentration], nothing more need now be 
said. The quotation beginning The Energy of Thought and 
ending with the word unending is from the Comment. In 
this quotation the words does not unite with objects refers 
to the Self when he has entered the thinking-substance 1 or 
some other [form of the primary-substance] and does not go 
elsewhere, just as a serpent when he has entered his hole 
[remains there]. The words objects are only shown to it 
refer to that [Energy of Thought] which has its objects shown 
to it by the thinking-substance. The word <(undefiled means 
without pleasure or pain or infatuation. 

If now the Self, whose nature is that the fluctuations of 
thinking-substance [are shown to him], restricts [these] fluctua- 
tions, how can he become self-stable (stMti)? In reply to this 
he says 

1 The comparison of the mind to a cave in which the Self is concealed 
common. See for example the Comment on Yoga-sutra iv. 22: "That 
cave in which the eternal Brahman lies concealed is not an under-world 
nor mountain- chasm nor dismal pit nor caverns of the sea, but in some 
fluctuation of the thinking-substance when not distinguished from himself." 
The similarity to Plato's figure of the Cave, Republic Book VII, is obvious. 

Toga-sutras with Maniprabha. 5 

3. Then the Knower [that is, the Self] abides in himself. 

When all the fluctuations, peaceful and cruel and infatuated, 
of the mind-stuff are restricted, then the Knower, whose essence 
is consciousness, is established in his own natural form. Just 
so the crystal [gem] has [its own natural color] when the 
flower [next it] is removed. The point is that the Self's own 
nature is intelligence and nothing more and is not fluctuations. 

The doubt is raised whether then in the emergent state, the 
Self lapses from his own nature. In reply he says 

4. At other times it takes the same form as the fluctuations 

[of mind-stuff]. 

The fluctuations, whether in the tranquil or other states, 
which are at other times than the restriction, [that is] during 
the emergence. It takes the same form as these. As a result 
of the Self's failure to discriminate [himself] from his thinking- 
substance which contains fluctuations, he makes the error of 
identifying himself with the fluctuations so that he thinks 'I am 
tranquil or I am pained or I am infatuated'. Hence he does 
not lapse from his own nature. For when one falls into the 
error of regarding the crystal [gem] as red, the crystal does 
not itself lapse from its own nature which is white. This is 
the point. Thus in restriction there is release; in emergence 
there is bondage. This is the import of the two sutras. 

He new tells the number of the fluctuations which are to 
be destroyed. 

5. The fluctuations are of five kinds hindered or unhindered. 

In the Rajavarttika it is said "The Author of the Sutras 
desirous of explaining the restrictions of the fluctuations of 
mind-stuff after explaining by a pair of sutras that mind-stuff 
of which during restriction there is release and during emer- 
gense there is bondage, and after explaining the fluctuations 
by the words beginning [i. 5] with The fluctuations explains 
restriction by the rest of the Book [First] beginning [i. 12] 
with "By means of practice and passionlessness." The termina- 
tion tayap[tayyah] has the meaning of having parts. The 
word fluctuation refers to fluctuations in general. Because 
fluctuations in general are many, inasmuch as there are different 

6 James Haughton Woods, 

mind-stuffs belonging to Chaitra or Maitra on to others, the 
word < fluctuations) is used in the plural. In other words, 
fluctuation in general have five particular cases, sources-of- 
valid-ideas and the rest, which are described in the next sutra. 
Those are of fine kinds (pancatayyali), the parts of which are 
five. He describes the distinction between them for the pur- 
pose of rejecting some and accepting others by saying <hindered 
or unhindered>. The causes of the hindrances, passion and 
aversion for example, are <hindered> and result in bondage. 
For every creature after having done a deed with passion, it 
may be, for intended-objects known by the source-of-a-valid-idea 
or by some other [fluctuation] is bound by pleasure or in some 
other way. The < unhindered > are destructive of the hindran- 
ces and result in release. These latter, occupied with the 
difference between sattva and the Self and arising under the 
influence of practice and passionlessness in the midst of the 
stream of hindered fluctuations, restrict the stream of hindered 
fluctuations by restriction of the hindered subliminal-impres- 
sions through the agency of self-effected unhindered subliminal 
impressions which have grown strong by repeated practice; and 
[in turn] they themselves are restricted by higher passionless- 
ness. As a result of this the mind-stuff which is nothing but 
subliminal-impressions dissolves and release comes to pass. 
This is the point. 

He specifies the fine fluctuations. 

6. Sour ces-of -valid-ideas, misconceptions, predicate-relations, 
sleep, and memory. 

Other than these there is no fluctuation. This is the result 
of the sutra of announcement. 

Of these [five] he analyzes the fluctuation of the source-of- 

7. The sources-of-valid-ideas are perception and inference and 

The point is that there are three sources-of-valid-ideas. In 
this case the common characteristic-mark is the causation of 
valid-ideas. A valid-idea, moreover, is an illumination by the 
Self which pervades an unknown object and which is reflected 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbhd. 7 

in a fluctuation. The instrument for this is a fluctuation. 
This being so, by means of a relation with a sense-organ, 
the mind-stuff, when there is a 'relation to any such thing 
as a water-jar, undergoes a fluctuation, which is chiefly con- 
cerned with the specification of a particular phenomenalized 
form in an intended-object which is essentially both general 
and particular, this is source-of-valid-ideas from perception. 
That reflection of the conscious self upon the fluctuation which 
has the form of the conscious object acquires also, by means 
of the fluctuation, the form of the intended-object. Thus when 
an object not immediately presented is known in its general 
form by concentration, there exists the fluctuation of the par- 
ticular, and that is knowable [by yogins] as having a percep- 
tive validity. In inference and verbal testimony, requiring as 
they do, the the-major-premiss (vyapti) and the grasping of a 
connected-meaning (samgaii), there is, as regards the generic 
idea of fieriness, for example, only the presentation of the 
generic idea by the grasping of this [the major premiss and 
the connected-meaning]. Of these two, when one has grasped 
the major-premiss, inference is the fluctuation which speci- 
fies in general the characteristic-property (avachedalta) of the 
thing to he proved by the syllogistic-mark (lingo) which func- 
tions (vrtti) in the minor-term (paksa). Verbal-communication 
is a fluctuation of the [mind-stuff of the] hearer having for its 
province that intended-object, whether seen or inferred by a 
trustworthy person, which [fluctuation] is produced from the 
words used by that [trustworthy person]. It will be declared 
that the Veda is composed by the trustworthy Igvara. 

Misconception is characterized. 

8. Misconception is an erroneous notion which does not remain 
in the proper form of that [in respects of which the misconcep- 
tion is entertained]. 

This amounts to saying that it, has no basis (pratlsthd) upon 
its own object which has the form of this or that. This is 
the opposite of a contradiction; [it is an assertion]. The pre- 
dicate-relation is also the opposite of a contradiction and has 
no basis in the form of this or that. So, the characterization 
in too wide. So remove this he uses the words < erroneous 
notion>. So that (tenet) in respect of its own object [miscon- 

8 James Haugliton Woods. 

ception] is possessed of a contradiction, admitted by all, which 
does away with [all] the business of life which it might itself 
produce. And you cannot say that a similar contradiction 
applies to the predicate-relation. .For although certain pandits 
have an idea that there is contradiction in the predicate- 
relation, still the business-of-life goes on as before. Because 
doubt, moreover, is just about to be characterized, the charac- 
terization is not [after all] too wide. This is the point. It 
will be said that the five hindrances are cases (bheda) of this 
same misconception. 

The predicate-relation is characterized. 

9. The predicate-relation is [a notion] devoid of any correspond- 
ing perceptible object and follows upon knowledge conveyed by 


That fluctuation which is called a predicate-relation does 
necessarily arise after one hears assertions, it might be 
for example, about a man's horns. This predicate-relation 
having no real object is not the source-of-a-valid-idea. It is 
not a misconception because it necessarily arises even when 
[you are aware] that there is a contradiction and because it 
is the source of [ordinary] business-of-life. Thus for instance 
when it is said [by some philosophers] that "The true nature 
of the Self is intelligence (caitanya)", although it is certain 
that there is an identity, yet the predicate-relation is between 
the Self and intelligence as different. Non-existence apart 
from existence is nothing at all. Although you are certain of 
this, still the Self is defined as having non-existence of all 
attributes, and this is a predicate-relation between subject and 
predicate. Similarly when, for example, one speaks of Rahu's 
head, predicate-relations must be instanced. 

Sleep is characterized. 

10. Sleep is a fluctuation [of mind-stuff] supported ly the cause 
(pratyaya, that is tamas,) of the [transcient] negation [of 

the waking and the dreaming fluctuations]. 

It proceeds to (pratyayate), [that is] goes to an effect. In 
this sense it is a cause (pratyaya) [that is] a reason. It is 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 9 

the reason why the waking and dreaming fluctuations cease. 
That fluctuation the support, [that is] object of which is [this] 
tamas is sleep. There is an express mention of the word 
< fluctuation^ although it is continued from [sutra L 5], in 
order to exclude the theory that sleep is cessation of thinking. 
So then a man [just after] awakening has the memory which 
leads him to say 'I slept well'. This has for its object the 
tamas, which is auxiliary to the saitva of his thinking-substance, 
and leads us to postulate an experience of that [tamas]. The 
memory which leads [him] to say 'I have slept poorly 7 has 
tamas and rajas for its object, and leads us to postulate an 
experience of them. The memory which leads [him] to say 
'I have slept in deep stupor' has tamas only for its object and 
leads us to postulate an experience of that [tamas only]. And 
it is this experience, which is a property of the thinking-sub- 
stance, that is sleep. This [sleep] although it resembles the 
fluctuation which is single-in-intent, must yet be restricted 
by one who desires yoga, because it partakes of tamas. This 
is the point. 

11. Memory is not-adding surreptitiously to the perceived object. 

For the experience of a valid idea is the father of a memory; 
that which concerns this [experience] is [also] related to the 
memory; just as in ordinary life the wealth of the father be- 
longs to the son, But the memory is concerned with the 
original experience. The taking of this property of another is 
surreptitious adding, [that is] stealing. And so with regard to 
the perceived object this same not-adding surreptitiously is not 
grasping after more. In other words, memory would be the 
grasping of what was perceived and nothing more. Thus an 
experience is an illumination on the part of the Self which rests 
upon a fluctuation and which illumines itself. Accordingly 
memory, as a result of a subliminal-impression produced by 
this experience, is also concerned with the experience. An 
objector [who denies that memory is caused by experience] 
asks, 'Does not a man in dream remember the assumption of 
the form of an elephant such as he never experienced [in 
waking]?' The reply is, no, because this [memory] partakes 
of misconception [instead of experience]. 

10 James Haughton Woods, 

The method for restricting these fluctuations is described. 

12. The restriction of them is ~by practice and passionlessness. 

Every living-creature has by nature a fluctuation of mind- 
stuff which is a river moving on to the level of objects and 
which flows towards the sea of the round-of-existence. This 
being so, by passionlessness with regard to an object the 
flowing of this [river] is broken and by practice in the dis- 
crimination between saliva, and the Self the opposite flowing 
of this river is brought to pass. For if [a man] were not to 
repeat [this discrimination between the sattva and the Self] 
then the mind-stuff, which is naturally deliquescent and dis- 
tracted, when once the distraction is broken by passionlessness, 
would fall into sleep. Therefore both practice and passion- 
lessness, because there is a distinction of use in the repression 
of the deliquescence and of the distraction, are required to 
act together for the restriction, which is the effect to be 

The nature of practice is described. 

13. Practice is the [repeated] exertion that [the mind-stuff] shall 

have permanence in its [natural] state. 

<Permanence> means a singleness-of-intent on the part of 
the mind-stuff which has- no fluctuation of rajas or of tamas. 
<In its natural state> would mean in one of these two. 
<Practice> is the following up of the continued exertion which 
has as its object this, the abstentions and restraints and so 
on, which are means of effecting this result. 

The objector says that practice, blunted by hostile subliminal- 
impressions from fluctuations of rajas and tamas extremely 
powerful from time without beginning, is not capable of per- 
manence. In reply to this he says 

14. But this [practice] becomes confirmed when it has been 
cultivated for a long time and uninterruptedly and with earnest 


The word <But> is intended to remove a doubt. This prac- 
tice cultivated for a long time with earnest attention, in the 
form of self-castigation and chastity and science and belief, 
and with earnest attention acquires confirmed subliminal- 

Yoga-Sutras ivith Maniprabhd. 11 

impressions. And it is not overpowered by the subliminal- 
impressions of emergence. On the contrary it becomes capable 
of permanence. The Sacred AYord [Prac,na Up. i. 10] "But on 
the Northern [Path] by self-castigation and continence and 
belief and science having sought the Atman" shows what 
earnest attention is. 

The nature of passionlessness is described. 
Id. Passionlessness is the consciousness of being master on the 
part of one who has rid himself of thirst for objects either seen 

or revealed. 

There are four forms of consciousness 1. the Yatamdna, 
2. the Vyatireka, 3. the Ekendriya, 4. the Vaclkara. 1. The Tata- 
mdna form of passionless consciousness is an effort to bring to 
completion the stains, resident in the mind-stuff full of passion 
and of other [hindrances], which are drawing the mental-pro- 
cesses to objects-of-sense. 2. Then the determination which 
separates a certain number of stains already come to completion 
from those which are coming to completion is the Vyatireka form 
of passionless conciousness. 3. Next the abiding in the central- 
organ of all those that are come to completion and are in- 
capable of drawing the mental-processes is the Ekendriya form 
of passionless conciousness. 4. [For objects] seen means for 
women, or food and drink. Revelation is Veda; that which 
is revealed is heard, [that is] revealed after it has been uttered 
by the spiritual-guide. Things as so denned are revealed. The 
passionlessness which is the <consceiousness of being master > 
(vagikara) is the distinguishing perception (apeksd-'buddhi) -on 
the part of <one who has rid himself of thirst> as a result of 
immediately-presenting [to his mind] by practice such flaws 
as evanescence and anguish or the capacity-of-being-excelled 
and envy of thirst for objects whether divine or not-divine, 
such for instance as heaven. 

The lower passionlessness having been declared he now 
describes the higher passionlessness. 

16. This [passionlessness] is the highest when discernment of the 

Self results in thir sties sness for the aspects (gun a) [and not 

merely for objects]. 

The earlier passionlessness is the cause of the later. Ac- 
cordingly as a result of presenting-immediately [to his mind], 

12 James Haughton Woods, 

by practice, the kind of contemplation called the Rain- Cloud 
of [knowable] Things, there is that discernment of the Self 
which is understood from the verbal-communication of the 
spiritual guide. When once now there is the passionlessness 
called Mastery, as a result of seeing the flaws in objects after 
the mind-stuff not yet quite pure has followed up the aids to 
yoga which are to be described, the mind- stuff from which the 
stains of tamas and rajas have been completely dispelled and 
which is finally sattva and nothing more, becomes absolutely 
undisturbed-calm. This same undisturbed-calm, the condition 
of the quite purified mind-stuff, the final limit of the Rain-Cloud 
of [knowable] Things, has [gradually] become the result of 
this same [Rain-Cloud]. The higher passionlessness is the 
thirstlessness for aspects [and not merely for objects]. This is 
called by expects in Release the immediate-experience of the 
cause of release. At the rising of this [passionlessness] the 
yogin, all of whose hindrances have dwindled away and whose 
latent-deposit of karma with residuum has been washed away, 
is indifferent even to the discriminative discernment which he 
has accomplished and reflects thus, 'That which was to be 
accomplished has been accomplished; that which was sought 
has been found'. That mind-stuff which immediately succeeds 
this and which is reduced to subliminal-impressions not con- 
scious of objects and to nothing more is the higher passionless- 
ness. The lower passionlessness, on the other hand, is a con- 
dition of the mind-stuff which has ridden itself of tamas and 
which has a trace of the stain of rajas. In consequence of 
which there where [bodies] are resolved into primary-matter 
pars through an experience of power. In accordance with 
which it has been said, "As a result of passionlessness there 
is resolution into primary-matter". 

Having thus discussed practice and passionlessness, the 
Author [of the Sutras] in discussing what is to be effected by 
them points ont first of all that [concentration] conscious of 
an object is of four kinds. 

17. [Concentration becomes] conscious [of an object] ~by assuming 
forms either of deliberation or of reflection or of joy or of the 

feeling-of-persona lity. 

Just as in ordinary life a novice bowman pierces first only 
a gross mark and afterwards a minute mark, so the yogin, 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 13 

when a novice, by contemplation has direct-experience only 
of something coarse such as a Qalagrama stone. This imme- 
diate-experience of the coarse [object] the cause is delibera- 
tion (vitarka). Of this coarse [object] the cause is subtile, 
consisting of the subtile-elements and other [imperceptible 
things]; the immediate-experience of this subtile by contempla- 
tion is <reflection>. Sense-organs are coarse; and because 
they illumine they have the sattva form; the immediate- 
experience of these by contemplation is <joy>. The cause of 
these [sense-organs] is the thinking-substance; the sense-of- 
personality is because [the thinking-substance] has become one 
with the knower, [that is] the Self; the immediate-experience 
of this [sense-of-personality] by contemplation is said to be the 
<sense-of-personality>. And of these [four], the coarse is an 
object- to-be-known; the sense-organs are processes-of-knowing; 
the so-called sense-of-personality is the knower. The full com- 
pletion of contemplation with regard to these [three], knower 
and process-of- knowing and object-to-be-known, is yoga < con- 
scious [of an object] >. And this [kind of yoga] <by assuming > 
the four forms of deliberation or of reflection or of joy or of 
the feeling-of-personality is said to be [concentration] with 
deliberation or with reflection or with joy or with the feeling- 
of-personality. With regard to these [four kinds] the yoga 
with the coarse [object] has [at the same time] a coarse and 
a subtile and a joyous and a personal object, just as the per- 
ception of an earthen-jar has [at the same time] the clay [of 
which the jar is made] as its object; the yoga with the subtile 
[object] has three kinds of objects; the other two kinds have 
respectively two and one objects. This is the distinction 
mentioned by the Author of the Comment. In these cases, 
just as the perception of the clay does not have the earthen- 
jar as its object, so we must suppose that the [three kinds 
of] yoga, with reference to subtile and other objects, do not 
have the coarse object or the other objects [in their respec- 
tive order]. In the Gloss of Bhoja, however, after describing 
the [concentration-]with-deliberation as referring to the sense- 
organs; and after describing the [concentration-]with-reflection 
as referring to the [five] fine substances (Tanmatra); [the author] 
describes the [concentration-] with-joy as referring to the per- 
sonality-substance [and] the [concentration-] with- the-feeling-of- 
personality as referring to the Great Entity, [the thinking 

14 James Haughton Woods, 

substance]. In that [book] 1. the personality-substance is the 
inner-organ which apprehends as its object the percept "I"; 
2. the feeling-of- personality is the inner-organ turned inwards 
and merged in the Great Entity, which is being and nothing 
more, and [so] flashes forth the sense of being and nothing 
more. This would be the distinction between these [last] two 
cases. The apprehender is the Self. 

He now describes the [concentration] conscious [of an ob- 
ject] and the method [of attaining it]. 

18. The other concentration [which is unconscious of an object] 
consists of subliminal-impressions only, [after objects have merged] 
and follows upon that practice which produces the cessation [of 


This [concentration] is that which <follows upon> [that is] 
has as its method the <practice> of that higher passionlessness 
which <produces> [that is] is the cause of that < cessations 
[that is] the absence of fluctuations. By this word [<produces>] 
the method [of attainment] has been described. <The other > 
is that [unconscious of an object] which < consists of subliminal- 
impressions only>. For the higher passionlessness after having 
overpowered even the subliminal-impressions of [concentration] 
conscious [of an object] leaves only its own subliminal-impres- 
sions as a remainder. This is concentration without seed. 
Because there is nothing upon which it depends, since it has 
no seed of karma. 

Now this [concentration] is of two kinds: it is produced 
either by the worldly method or by the [spiritual] method. 
Of these two the first is to be rejected by those who aim at 
liberation; and this [first] he describes. 

19. [Concentration unconscious of an object] caused by existence- 
in-the-world is that to which the discarnate and those [whose 

bodies] are resolved into primary-matter attain. 

In any one of the evolved-effects from among the elements 
and organs, which are not-self, there is an idea (bhavana) of 
the self. To this extent those who, after the dissolution of the 
body, are resolved into elements and organs and are without 
the six-sheathed body are < discarnate >. Those who are resol- 
ved into unphenomenalized-matter or the Great [Thinking- 

Toga-sutras with Maniprablia. 15 

substance] or the personality-substance or the five fine- sub- 
stances, in so far they have an idea of the self with regard 
to these as evolving-causes, are called <those [whose bodies] 
are resolved into primary-matter >. Because the mind-stuff of 
these consists of subliminal-impressious only and nothing more, 
their [concentration] is not conscions [of an object]. But this 
[concentration] is < caused by existence-in-the-world>. Because 
in it creatures are caused, [that is] born, it is undifferentiated- 
consciousness (avidyci), [that is] <existence-in-the-world>; and 
the production, [that is] the cause of it, is the idea of the not- 
self as being the self. Due to undifferentiated-consciousness, 
this yoga gives results that are perishable. As says the Vayu 
[Purana], "Ten Manu-periods the devotees of sense-organs 
remain here; a full hundred the worshippers of elements; those 
who identify themselves with illusions of personality remain 
without anxiety a thousand [Manu-periods]; those who identify 
themselves with thinking-substances without anxiety, for ten 
thousand; those who contemplate upon unphenomenalized 
[primary-matter] stay for a full hundred thousand; but after 
attaining the Self who is out of relation with qualities there 
is no limit of time". The mind -stuff of those who have no 
discriminative insight, although it be absorbed, rises up and 
falls into the round- of-rebirths, just as a sleeping mind-stuff 
would do. 

Now he says what the second topic is. 

20. [Concentration not conscious of an object,] which follows 

upon faith and energy and mindfulness and concentration and 

insight is the one to which the others [the yogins] attain. 

The Selfs range of action is the <faith> that is full of 
sattva; this produces <energy> [that is] effort; this by the 
successive steps of abstentious and observances and the rest 
[leads to] <mindfulness> [that is] contemplation; [and] this to 
< concentration >; and this to <insight> [that is] practice, con- 
scious [of its object], in the discernment of the Self's range of 
action. As a result of this higher passionlessness <the others>, 
the yogins who are searching for release, gain [the yoga] not 
conscions [of an object]. 

The methods begin with faith and end with insight. When 
preceded by these this [concentration] is produced by the 

16 James Haughton Woods, 

[spiritual] method. These methods, moreover, in the case of living 
beings, under the compulsion of earlier subliminal-impressions, 
are gentle and moderate and vehement, of three kinds. And 
accordingly the yogins are three, the followers of the gentle, 
of the moderate, and of the vehement method. Among these 
three the follower of the gentle method is of three kinds, 
[that is] with gentle intensity, with moderate intensity, and 
with keen intensity. Likewise in the case of the other two 
[methods] there are three kinds [of intensities]. And thus there 
are nine [kinds of] yogins. These gain perfections slowly [or] 
more slowly, quickly [or] more quickly by reason of the grada- 
tion of method. Because perfection comes more quickly to 
some of these he says, 

21. [Concentration] is near for the keenly intense. 

For those yogins whose intensity, [that is] whose passionless- 
ness is keen and whose methods are vehement, concentration 
not conscious [of an object] is near. And from this comes 

22. There is a distinction even from this [near concentration] 
ly reason of gentleness and moderation and vehemence. 

In the case also of keen intensity <by reason of gentleness 
and moderation and vehemence > there is, as compared with 
the concentration that is near, for the yogin of gently keen 
intensity [and] as compared with [the concentration] that is 
nearer, for [the yogin] of moderately keen intensity, an acqui- 
sition of concentration that is nearest, belonging to [the 
yogin] whose intensity is vehemently keen. Thus there is a 

23. Or [concentration is attained] by devotion to the Icvara. 
<By devotion > either mental or verbal or corporeal, by a 
special kind of adoration <to the Icvara> the attainment of con- 
centration is most near. The word <Or> indicates that [the 
yogin] who uses the method of devotion has a choice in so far 
as he may use the methods previously described. For the 
Igvara, turned towards [him] by the devotion, without regard 
to anything other than the devotion, favors him by saying 
'Let this that he desires be his'. This is the point. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 17 

He discusses the nature of the Igvara. 

24. Untouched ~by hindrances, karma, fruition, or latent-deposits 
[of karma], the Igvara is a special kind of Self. 

Undifferentiated-consciousness (avidya) and the rest are the 
five < hindrances >. Right and wrong living are < karma >. The 
result of there two is < fruition >. The subliminal-impressions 
which correspond to the result are the <latent-impressions>. 
For (by derivation) they are latent (dgerate) in the central- 
organ. Just as in a man the subliminal-impressions [tending] 
to the eating of sticks in a birth as elephant intensify them- 
selves (for otherwise life would be impossible). A Self in the 
round-of-rebirth is touched by hindrances and so on resident 
in his mind-stuff, inasmuch as he is an enjoyer so long as he 
does not discriminate himself from mind-stuff. Whereas the 
Self which is out of relation to these even in [all] the three 
times is the Igvara. The word <special> which expresses the 
alsence of relation with the three times serves as the distinc- 
tion between [the Self] and released souls. Because in time 
past they were in relation with the three bonds, when resolved 
into primary-matter they have a bond to primary-matter; when 
resolved into evolved-forms [of primary-matter] either into ele- 
ments or organs, as discarnate beings they have a bond to 
evolved-forms; in other's, gods or men or so on, there is the 
bond to the South [the Way of the Fathers]. Because the 
fruition of karma depends upon the [particular kind of] mind- 
stuff. This is the difference. An objector asks 'If the highest 
power of the Self has the faculty of thinking and of action, 
how can you say that it is immutable'. The answer is that 
the Igvara has a mind-stuff perfect from time- without-beginn- 
ing and of pure sattva in its essence and originating from the 
primary-cause and with unexcelled faculties of thinking and of 
action. For He, the Exalted, with the desire to rescue living^- 
beings from the sea of the round-of rebirth assumes this mind- 
stuff, for without this it is not possible to exercise thinking or 
instruction in right-living or compassion upon adorers. And one 
should not ask how a desire could arise before He had assu- 
med mind-stuff. For the stream of creations and dissolutions 
is, like [the sucession of] seed and sprout, from time without 
beginning. When there is a dissolution of all effects, then the 
Exalted resolves 'In time to come, in order to show favor to 

2 JAOS 34. 

18 James Haughton Woods, 

the world, this mind-stuff must be assumed'. Because (sat) the 
mind-stuff tinged by this resolve becomes merged in the 
primary-cause, at the beginning of a creation it becomes 
intense. And in such wise the Igvara shows favor. Thus [our 
contention] is without flaw. If an objector asks what the 
authority is for the existence (sattva) of such a mind-stuff, the 
reply is in such utterances of the Veda [Qvet. Up. vi. 8] as this 
"And He the Ic^vara of all is self-inherent thinking and power 
and action". Thus the order * would be. The Veda was com- 
posed by an Ic.vara distinguished for his unexcelled thinking 
and power. Consequently it is authoritative; this is the brief 

Thus because the Veda is authoritative, an all-knower, the 
Igvara is proved. He gives also an inferential-proof that He 
is all-knowing. 

25. In Him [the Igvara] the germ of the all-Mower it at its 
utmost excellence. 

Thinking, such as ours must be inherently-connected with 
that which is at its utmost excellence, because it admits of 
degrees. Whatever admits of degrees, is always connected with 
the utmost excellence, which is of the same kind with it, just 
as the dimension of a water-pot is connected with the dimen- 
sion of the all-pervasive [atmosphere]. This <knowledge> which 
has been proved to be of the <utmost excellence> has a <germ> 
[that is] an implication of the all-knower; <In Him>, in whom 
knowledge is of the utmost excellence, it is known as having 
the quality of all-knower. This all-knower [thus] established 
in generic form has various designations, established by reve- 
lation (Qruti), such as Qiva or Visnu or Narayana or Mahec,vara. 
And thus it is said in the Vayu-Purana [xii. 32] "Omniscience, 
Contentment, Limitless Knowledge, Freedom, Ever-unthwarted 
Energy, Infinite Energy these are called by the knowers of 
the sacred-ordinance the six parts of the all-pervasive Mahe$- 
vara. Knowledge, Passionlessness, Preeminence, Self-control, 

i The order would be 1. A dissolution, 2. Merging of effects, 3. Re- 
Bolve in the Igvara's mind-stuff, 4. Tinging of this mind-stuff, 5. Merging 
in the primary-cause, 6. Intensification of the impression in the mind- 
stuff at the beginning of the new creation. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd 19 

Truth, Patience, Perseverance, Creative Energy, Right Know- 
ledge of Self, and Competency to rule the creation abfde 
eternally in Qankara". Similarly in the Mahabharata "By 
praising Visnu, who is without beginning or end, the great 
Lord of all the world, the Ruler of the World, he would for- 
ever pass beyond all pain" and in similar passages. 

He describes the difference between this Exalted One and 
Brahma with the rest [of the gods]. 

26. Teacher of the Primal [Sages] also, forasmuch as [with 
Him] there is no limition of time. 

<0f the Primal [Sages] > [that is] of those limited by time 
who arise at the beginning of the creation. The < Teacher > 
[that is] the Igvara. Why is this? <Forasnmch as [with Him] 
there is no limitation of time> [that is] because he has no 
boundary at the beginning. And in this sense the revelation 
(Qruti) [Qvet. Up. vi. 18] "To Him who first made Brahma and 
who sent forth the Vedas" and in similar passages. 

Having thus discussed the Igvara, in order to tell what de- 
votion to Him is, he tells his secret name. 

27. The word-expressing Him is the Mystic- Syllable. 

The sutra is easy. An objector says 'The expressiveness of 
a words is its so-called denotative significance, the relation 
between the word and its object. Is this significance made by 
the conventional-usage, or is it revealed [by the conventional- 
usage]? It is not the first [alternative; that is, the faculty is 
made by the usage]. Because this would involve that the 
Igvara, who [would] be quite independent [of the past], would 
fit together the word and the intended-object, which would be 
different from the conventional-usage. Nor is it the second 
[alternative, that is, the significance is revealed by the usage]. 
Because [if the usage of the Ic^vara is there] it is superfluous 
for a father to make for his sons the conventional-usage of the 
word 'sun' or of other words. For there is no significance 
($akti] which could be revealed [merely] by the conventional- 
usage of the father (tatra). And if there is nothing to be 
revealed [that is, a Qakti], then a revealer [that is, a samketa] 
would be of no use. Accordingly this conventional -usage 

20 James Haughton Woods, 

[mentioned in the sutra] would be useless.' If this is objected, 
the 1 reply would be this. 

The significance remains * all the time; and is only revealed 
by the conventional-usage. Just as the relation between father 
and son which remains all the time is revealed by the state- 
ment 'This is my son'. Likewise the Igvara makes us know 
by the conventional-usage the significance, of this or that word 
for this or that intended-object, which is always permanent, and 
which in any word, such as 'cow', is reduced at the time of 
a dissolution to [the condition of] the primary-cause and is 
intensified again together with its significance at the time of 
a creation. Whereas the subliminal- impressions of living- 
beings are broken. But the conventional-usage of a father, 
for instance, living today causes the significance to appear. 
Yet there are some who say that all words have significance 
for all intended-objects. So [the conclusion is that] the con- 
ventional-usage of the father or of others is also a revealer; 
but the words 'cow' or other words are restricted by the 
Igvara to a particular intended-object in order to give a fixity 
to the objects-intended by the Veda. So they say. Thus it 
is proved that even in all cases the Vedic relation between 
word and intended- object is permanent (nitya) in so far as it 
fixes what is expressed. 

Having thus described the expressive-word he tells of the 

28. Its repetition and reflection on its meaning [should be 


The Comment of this is written The repetition on the 
Mystic Syllable (pranava) and reflection upon the Ic,vara who 
is to be denoted by the Mystic Syllable. Then in the case 
of this yogin who thus repeats the Mystic Syllable and reflects 
on its meaning his mind attains to singleness-of-intent. And 
so it has been said [VP. vi. 7. 33f.] 

"Through study let him practise yoga 
Through yoga let him meditate on study. 
By perfectness in study and in yoga 
Supreme soul shines forth clearly." 

1 This is of course the point missed by the objector. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 21 

For this devotion to the Igvara the acquisition of concentration 
as the result is the nearest [method]; this has been previously 
[i. 22] stated. Now he tells of another result which corresponds 
with this. 

29. From this [devotion] comes the knowledge of him tvho 
thinks in an inverse ivay, also the removal of obstacles. 

A self is inverted (pratyanc) in the sense that it represents 
(ancati), that is, understands in a reversed (pratlpam), that is, 
opposite way [to the ordinary man whose mind-stuff flows out 
and is modified by objects]. This word describes the difference 
from the Icvara or else something other than the thinking- 
substance. This < thinking > is inverted; its <knowledge> [that 
is] its direct experience comes <from this> devotion. And 
besides there is <also the removal of obstacles>. The objector 
asks 'How can there be a direct experience of one's self com- 
ing from a devotion to the igvara who is different from one's 
self. Because the practice and the thinking resulting from it 
have a perception (darcana) of some one object such as the 
fourth-primary-note'. The reply is this. Just as the Igvara 
is unaffected [by objects] and consists of intellect (cit) and is 
absolutely unchanged and is without hindrance or any such 
thing, just so is the soul (jwd) on account of its similarity 
[to the iQvara]. The contemplation of the Igvara by virtue 
of His favor is the cause of the direct-experience of the soul 
as such. Thus there is no flaw in the argument. 

He tells of the obstacles. 

30. Sickness, languor, doubt, heedlessness, listlessness, worldliness, 

erroneous perception, failure to attain any stage, and instability 

in the stage [ivhen attained] these distractions of the mind-stuff 

are the obstacles. 

< These distractions of the mind-stuff > which distract the 
mind-stuff, [that is] cause it to lapse from yoga, are the nine 
obstacles [that is] obstructions of yoga. Of these [nine] 
< sickness > is a disorder of the wind or bile or phlegm or of 
the organs which secrete food. <Languor> is an incapacity 
for action on the part of the mind- stuff although it is attracted. 
<Doubt> is familiar enough. <Heedlessness> is a failure to 
follow up the aids to yoga. <Listlessness> is a lack of effort 

22 James Haughton Woods, 

due to heaviness of body. <Worldliness> is a greed for objects- 
of-sense. <Erroneous perception> is a misconception which 
sees only one alternative of a dilemma. < Failure to attain 
any stage > is a failure to gain any stage of concentration. 
The Honeyed (madhumatl) and the other stages of concentra- 
tion will be described. <Failure to attain any stage> so-called, 
is a lack of steadiness on the part of the mind-stuff in the 
stage which has been attained. For the mind-stuff when 
established in the earlier stage should produce the next stage. 
Lack of steadiness is accordingly a defect. 

These distractions not only destroy yoga, but also give pain 
and so on. 

31. Pain, despondency, unsteadiness of the lody, inspiration, 
and expiration are accompaniments of the distractions. 

<Pain> produced by disease is corporeal, produced by love 
and so on is mental; both of these two proceed from self; pro- 
duced by tigers and so on it proceeds from living creatures; 
produced by the baleful influence of planets or something of 
the kind it proceeds from the gods. < Unsteadiness of the 
body> is the state of one unsteady in body, a trembling of the 
limbs. <Inspiration> is breathing involuntarly which makes 
the outer wind enter within; it is opposed to emission (recaka) 
which is [voluntary], an aid to concentration. Similarly <ex- 
piration> is the out-going of the abdominal wind involuntarily; 
it is opposed to inhalation. These arise in the distracted 
mind-stuff together with the distractions. 

He draws the discussion to a close by saying that these 
cease to be as a result of devotion to the Ic.vara. 

32. To check them [let there be] practice upon a single entity. 

To destroy the distractions <practice> [that is] contempla- 
tion should be performed upon a single entity [that is] upon 
the Igvara. On this point, with regard to the question of the 
Momentary (ksanika) theory which asks whether, if the mind- 
stuff is durable (sthayiri), its focussed state may be attained, 
the author of the Comment proves that by, for instance, re- 
cognizing 'This is I', this mind -stuff is found to be one and 
implicated in many objects and durable. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 23 

He tells of the methods for removing the taints of the mind- 
stuff that is tainted with envy and similar [vices] by bringing 
it into touch (dyoga) with yoga. 

33. By the cultivation of friendliness toivards happiness and 

compassion toiuards pain and joy toivards merit and indifference 

towards demerit [the yogin should attain] the undisturbed -calm 

of the mind-stuff. 

He should cultivate <friendliness> [that is, friendship] towards 
living beings who are in happiness; towards those who are in 
pain, < compassion > [that is] sympathy; towards those whose 
lives are meritorious, <joy> [that is] gladness; towards those 
who lives are evil, who are called demeritorious, < indifference >. 
By this cultivation an < undisturbed-calm > of the mind-stuff is 
gained. As a result of the cultivations, as described in order 
with reference to happiness and the rest, the external-aspect 
(dharma) [of the mind-stuff] which is full of sattva is produced. 
As a result of destroying jealousy, the desire to injure, envy, 
and hatred, the taints of the mind, with regards to these [classes 
of persons] are destroyed; and by virtue of the bright external- 
aspect the mind-stuff becomes undisturbedly calm. And when 
it has become undisturbedly calm, by methods to be described 
[it becomes] focussed and gains the stable state. This is the 
outcome of the argument. 

Now after the cultivation of friendliness and the other 
[sentiments] he describes the methods for keeping the mind- 
stuff which is [in the state of] undisturbed-calm in the stable 

34. Or [the yogin should attain the undisturbed-calm of the 
mind-stuff] by expulsion and retention of breath. 

<Expulsion> is emission; there is <retention> of the emitted 
air outside. By using there to the best of one's power the 
mind-stuff gains stability upon one point-of-direction. If the 
breath is subdued, there is a subdual of the mind-stuff, because 
the two are not separate. After the restraint of the breath 
has caused all evil to cease, the mind-stuff becomes steady 
with regard to the cessation of evil. The word <or> expresses 
an option with regard to the other means which are to be 
described, but not with regard to the cultivation of friendli- 

24 James Haugliton Woods, 

ness and the others. Because it must be supposed that the 
cultivation of these [latter] is connected [with them] inasmuch 
as they act as accessories to all the [other] aids. 

Hedescribes the other aids. 

35. Or by a process connected ivitli an object the central-organ 

[comes into] the relation of stability. 

By constraining the mind-stuff upon the tip of the nose he 
has a direct experience of super-normal odors; by constraint 
upon the tip of the tongue he has the consciousness of super- 
normal taste; upon the palate, the consciousness of color; upon 
the middle of the tongue, the consciousness of touch; upon the 
root of the tongue, the consciousness of sound. These cons- 
ciousnesses, processes connected with objects such as odors, 
when quickly produced, having produced confidence, bring about 
a relation of stability between the central-organ and the Igvara 
or a similar object, which are very subtile things. When any 
point specially laid down by the authoritative-books is found 
to be in experience, then the yogin 1 passes on towards con- 
straint in faith with regard even to something very subtile. 

36. Or a griefless, luminous [process brings the central-organ 

into a relation of stability]. 

After he has contemplated by emission (recaka) [of breath] 
the eight-petalled lotus of the heart, as a result of constraint 
upon the vein, situated with mouth upward in the pericarp of 
this [lotus], and called Susumna, consciousness of the central- 
organ follows. This central- organ assumes in many ways the 
forms of those rays which belong to the sun or moon or planets 
or gems. This [pure] light of the saliva is the central- organ. 
The cause of this [central-organ] is the personality-substance, 
waveless like the Great Sea and pervasive. As a result of 
constraint upon the light as such which belongs to this per- 
sonality-substance, consciousness arises. This is that two-fold 
consciousness. The central- organ or the so-called personality- 
substance, when having a luminous object, is called <luminous>; 
it is <griefless> [that is] without pain; [this] process when it 
is produced is the cause of the central-organ's stability. 

1 Reading yogi. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 25 

37. Or the mind-stuff has as its object one [tuhose mind-stuff] 

is freed from passion. 

The mind-stuff of the yogin which is fixedly attentive to that 
mind-stuff as its object which is < freed from passion >, one 
[that is] belonging to Vyasa or to Quka or to such as they. 

38. Or the mind-stuff [is influenced] by thinking derived in 

dream or in sleep. 

The word <thinking> refers to something to be thought. 
While worshipping in dream the very beautiful embodiment 
of the Exalted One he should attentively fix the mind-stuff on 
that alone. In deep sleep he should attend fixedly to the 
pleasure therein. In such wise, supported by the object 
thought in dream or in sleep, his mind-stuff gains stability. 

39. Or [the mind-stuff gains the stable position] ly contemplating 

upon that object it'hich he desires. 

What need of saying more? Let him contemplate upon 
whatever [divinity] he desires. [The mind-stuff] having gained 
stability there, gains stability in other cases also. The an- 
alysis [of the compound] is: <by contemplating > upon <that 
object which he desires> [that is] by not passing outside his 

The objector asks 'If it be true that stability of the mind- 
stuff is produced, what is there to make this known?' 

40. His mastery extends from the smallest atom to the Supreme 


< Mastery > [that is] freedom from obstruction < extends > to 
the <smallest atom> and belongs to <it (asya)> [that is] to the 
mind-stuff which enters into a subtile object. Likewise there 
is freedom from obstruction, which extends to the Supreme 
Greatness, [that is] to space, belonging to the mind-stuff which 
enters a coarse object. Having known by this supreme mastery 
that the mind-stuff has gained stability, he desists from follow- 
ing up the means of stability. 

Thus the means for the stability of the mind-stuff having 
been described; and the mastery which makes this known having 

26 James Haugliton Woods, 

been described; what now is the object of the mind-stuff which 
has gained stability; and of what does it consist ? In reply 
to this he recites the answer. 

41. The mind-stuff from which, as from a noble gem, the 

fluctuations have dwindled away reaches the balanced -state 

which rests in the Imower or the processes- of-lmowing or the 

object-for-lcnoidedge, and ivliich is colored by them. 

Just as <a noble> [that is] high-class and quite pure crystal 
<gem> when colored by an hibiscus or some other flower, by 
the disappearance of its own color gains a red on some other 
kind of color, so as a result of practice and passionlessness 
the gem of the mind-stuff from which fluctuations of rajas and 
tamas have dwindled away, by giving up its own nature is 
affected in so far as it is an object-to-be-known which is in 
essence a coarse or fine element, or in so far as it is the pro- 
cesses-of-knowing [that is] the organs-of-sense, or the knower 
[that is] the Self, the so-called feeling-of-personality previously 
[i. 17] described and acquires that [yoga] in accordance with 
the kind of object into which it is changed (dpatti). By assum- 
ing forms either of deliberation or of reflection or of joy or 
of the feeling-of-personality previously [i. 17] described it is to 
be understood as being of four kinds, as having four objects. 
In this sutra by following the order of the objects intended 
(after breaking [the order of] the reading [of the sutra]) the 
mind-stuff, when affected by 1. the object-for-knowledge, 2. the 
processes-of-knowing, and 3. the knower, <rests in> these by 
giving up its own nature and assuming a complete change. 
This is the way of explaining [the sutra] because mind-stuff 
is affected by the knower in the order of the coarse and [then 
of] the subtile. The word <rests in> should be taken as a 
separate word. Although it has no declination, we should 
understand it to be the genitive singular and then connect 
Jcsinavrtter with tatsthasya. Or else, tatstham and tadanjanam 
are two coordinate [members of the compound] and the ending 
ta is added to denote an abstract noun. 1 That is to say, 

1 In the first case the translation would be <the mind-stuff from which 
fluctuations have dwindled away>. In the second case it would be 
,because of the dwindling of the fluctuations the mind-stuff pains the 
balanced state'. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 27 

after the dwindling of the fluctuations as a result of this [state, 
the bhdva] there is the balanced state. 

This same balanced state, the so-called conscions [yoga], 
however, is of four kinds, with deliberation, and super-delibe- 
rative (nirvitarka), with reflection, and super -reflective. Of 
these [four], he describes the [yoga] with deliberation. 

42. Of these [balanced- states] that with deliberation is mixed 
with predicate-relations between words and things and ideas. 

<0f these> [that is] from among these balanced -states, 
this is the balanced- state with deliberation. To explain. 
If we say 'cow', three thiogs appear undistinguished [in 
consciousness]. This being so, when we think of 'cow' as a 
word, there is one predicate-relation. For this predicate- 
relation has as its object the word which has not been 
distinguished from the thing and from the idea which 
have been derived from [the word] 'cow'. Similarly the thing 
'cow' is another predicate-relation. In this case, the predicate- 
relation has as its object the thing which has not been dist- 
inguished from the word and from the idea which have been 
derived from [the thing] 'cow'. Likewise there is another pre- 
dicate-relation the idea 'cow'; but this refers to the idea which 
has riot been distinguished from the word and from the thing 
which have been derived from the [idea] 'cow'. These same 
are predicate-relations because they refer to a false kind of 
failure to distinction. Thus such statements as 'the water-jar 
is a piece of cloth' are to be understood as predicate-relations. 
In this [system], just as, in so far as there is a failure to 
distinguish [things] from words and ideas, the direct-experience 
(produced by the concentration of the yogin's mind-stuff con- 
centrated upon some coarse object in predicate-relation, a 
cow, for instance) grasps even an imaginary thing, so this con- 
centrated insight <mixed> with predicate-relations of words 
and things and ideas becomes like them, because it is of the 
same quality as the predicate-relations. In other words this 
mixed [balanced-state] is the balanced-state with delibera- 

He describes the super-deliberative [balanced-state]. 

28 James Haughton Woods, 

43. When the memory is quite purified, [that balanced -state] 
which seems empty of itself, and which appears as the object 

only, is the super-deliberative [balanced-state]. 
The significant conventional-usage of words such as -cow' is 
commonly understood with regard to things in predicate-rela- 
tions only. By remembering this [conventional-usage] there is 
a memory which pertains to words. And only a predicate- 
relation inferred from some other thing arises. And so a 
balanced-state with deliberation arises the origin of which is 
a predicate-relation consisting in an action of hearing or of 
inferring with regard to a thing heard or inferred. <When 
the memory is quite purified > [that is] when the memory of 
the conventional-usage is given up because the mind-stuff 
which aims at the thing intended and nothing more is fixed 
upon the thing-intended only. After giving up the predicate- 
relation which is the effect of this, the concentrated insight, 
< seeming empty of itself > [that is] of its own condition of 
knower which consists in insight, because it < appears at the 
object only>, appears only as that object-for-knowledge which 
consists in a thing out of predicate-relations. In other words 
it is the super- deliberative balanced-state. In it there is a 
direct-experience with deliberation, which is a lower kind of 
perception because it has predicate-relations. But the super- 
deliberative is higher because its object is a true object. And 
this true object is to be understood as being a whole such as 
a cow or a water-jar. With regard to the doubt as to the 
Buddhist theory which states that in the case of this [real 
object] there is no whole over and above the group of atoms 
[of which it is composed], there is [a whole], inasmuch as if it 
is sure that one single water-jar is of a certain size (mahan), 
there is nothing to contradict the experience. And this [whole] 
in our system is a mutation of atoms which consist of subtile 
elements, And this [mutation, which is a whole] is identical, 
yet it has a difference in unity with its material cause [the 
atoms]. This is proved in the Comment. 

44. By this same [balanced-state] the reflective and the super- 
reflective [balanced- states] which have subtile objects have been 

explained [in respect of the giving up of predicate-relations]. 
That balanced-state with reference to those objects which 
have been particularized by a multitude of properties belonging 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbhd. 29 

to their own peculiar causes or effects or place or time, and 
which are in predicate-relations in so far as the objects have 
not heen distinguished from the ideas or the words which ex- 
press them, [objects] which are subtile, arranged as consist- 
ing of elements and as being evolved-effects of the five fine 
substances (tanmdtra), that is, the atoms, which are adapted 
to serve as material cause for coarse mutations such as water- 
jars this [balanced-state] is said to be <with reflections That 
balanced-state with regard to the same atoms when they are 
the things themselves and nothing more, empty of all attri- 
butes is super-deliberative (nirvicdra). This now consisting of 
the real thing and nothing more is the concentrated insight 
and appears as if empty of itself. And in so far as the de- 
liberative and the super-deliberative [balanced-states] are ex- 
plained as referring to something coarse, the reflective and the 
super-reflective are explained as having subtile objects. 

The objector asks 'Does the balanced-state with regard to 
the object- to-be-known end with the atoms?' The answer 

is, No. 

45. The subtile object also terminates in unresoluUe [primary 


<The subtile object> of this balanced-state terminates in the 
unresoluble primary cause. To explain. The atom of earth is 
produced from the fine substance smell, to which the other 
fine substances are subordinate. But [the atom] of water, 
after the fine substance smell has been excluded, is from 
the fine substance of taste, to which the other fine substances 
are subordinate. Whereas [the atom] of fire, after the pair 
smell and taste have been excluded, [is produced] from the 
fine substance of color, to which the other two are subordinate. 
But [the atom] of water [is produced] from the previously 
rejected fine substance of touch, and has subordinate to it the 
fine substance of sound. Whereas the atom of air is produced 
from the single fine substance of sound only. This is the pro- 
cedure. Accordingly the five fine substances are the material 
causes for the evolved-effects, the atoms, and are [with respect 
to them] subtile. And as compared with them the personality- 
substance is subtile. And as compared with it the Great 
[thinking substance is subtile]. And as compared with the 

30 James Haughton Woods, 

Great, the primary-cause [is subtile]. For this does not become 
resolved, therefore it is called unresoluble [primary matter]. 
Higher than this there is nothing subtile as material cause, 
because the Self is not the material cause for the sattva. For 
the Self because it has experience and liberation as its pur- 
poses is nothing but efficient cause for the creation, which has 
the purposes of the Self as its efficient cause. Therefore it 
is proved that the balanced-state with regard to a subtile 
object-for-knowledge terminates in the primary-cause. 

Thus the four balanced-states with regard to a coarse and 
a subtile object-for-knowledge have been described. He now 
brings to a conclusion the discussion of the fact that they are 

46. These same are the seeded concentration. 
And in so far as there is the distinction between predicate 
and non-predicate relation in the case of processes-of-knowing 
and of the knower, there are four balanced-states 1. with joy 
and 2. joy and nothing more, 3. with the feeling-of-personality 
and 4. the feeling of personality in conformity with the rule 
described. Thus < these same>, the eight balanced-states are 
<the seeded concentration > [that is, concentration] conscious 
[of an object]. So long as there is no discriminative discern- 
ment, because there is the seed of bondage, the state of having 
seed must be recognized. 

Here he describes the supremacy of the super-reflective 
balanced-state in respect of its result. 

47. When clearness of the super-reflective [balanced-state] arises, 

then the yogin gains the inner undisturbed-calm. 
The sattva of the thinking-substance from which the taints 
of rajas and tamas have been removed has a flow of pure 
fluctuations stable in quality; its range is to the subtile object- 
for-knowledge which ends in the primary-cause; and this is 
the < clearness > of the super-reflective balanced-state. In this. 
Taking in his grasp, in the order of reality, the whole assem- 
blage of entities from the atom to the primary-cause he abides 
in his own self, <he gains the inner undisturbed-calm.> 

He tells the technical name approved by yogins for this 

Yoja-sutras with Maniprablid. 31 

48. In this [clearness of the mind-stuff] the insight is truth- 

In him (tasya) the super-reflective insight, which arises pro- 
duced by concentration when this clearness has arisen, becomes 
the consciousness called < truth-bearing. > Because the etymo- 
logy is that it bears truth [that is] unpredicated reality. He 
tells how the object of this is distinguished from false sources- 

49. This has a different object than the insight of oral- 
communication or of inference, inasmuch as it refers to the 


The significance of any word such as 'cow 7 is in the common 
charactistic of the genus 'cow', not in the particular individuals. 
For these are innumerable and it is impossible to know them. 
Similarly the concomitance also gives you only the common 
characteristic of fieriness. Hence a generic thing is the object 
of the insight in oral-communication and in inference. So in 
ordinary life after one has a knowledge of words and of a 
middle term (linga), one knows cow in general and fire in 
general and not any particular individuality. This is everyone's 
own experience. Although sense-perception has some particular 
cow or piece of cloth as its object, still a subtile or hidden 
or remote particular is the peculiar object of concentrated 
insight. And if the concentrated insight has power-to-apprehend 
(prasanti) subtile and other things, enlightened by oral-com- 
munication or by inference, you should not ask whether it can 
have within its range particulars which are beyond the range 
of oral-communication and inference which are its own origin. 
For the thinking-substance has of itself the power of knowing 
all things. For the sattva of the thinking-substance, which is 
in essence light, although it has capacity to know all intended- 
objects, yet if obscured by tamas has little as its object as 
compared with ordinary-proof. But when its cover of tamas 
has gone away, by reason of the concentration, enlightening 
on all sides, it passes beyond ordinary proof, then because of 
the endlessness * of light what can there be which is not within 
its range? Therefore concentrated insight because particular 
intended objects are within its range has one object and 

1 Reading prdkdgdnantydt. 

32 James Haughton Woods, 

ordinary proof has another object. This has been said [MBh 
xii. 530] 'As a man standing on a crag sees persons on the 
ground below, so a man of insight having risen to the pinnacle l 
of insight, himself free from pain, sees all creatures in pain, 
[below].' The word 'creatures' means those who have no con- 
centration, those who are slaves of ordinary proof. 

The objector says 'If the concentrated insight is overpowered 
by very powerful subliminal-impressions from the experience of 
sounds and other [perceptible] objects, it does not gain stabi- 
lity'. In reply to this he says. 

60. The subliminal-impression produced by this [super-reflective 
balanced-state] is hostile to other subliminal-impressions. 

<The subliminal-impression > produced by the super-reflective 
concentration is <hostile> that is <inhibitory> to emergent 
subliminal-impressions. The emergent subliminal -impression 
because it is not in contact with [one of] the entities is in- 
hibited by the subliminal-impression of the [concentrated] in- 
sight which is in contact with an entity. When these [emer- 
gent subliminal-impressions] are inhibited, emergent presented 
ideas do not arise. Whereas the concentrated insight does 
arise. From this there is a subliminal-impression over and over 
again. So because the subliminal-impressions from concentra- 
tion accumulate, when the hindrances are completely dwindled 
away, the mind-stuff becomes disgusted with experience and 
turns towards the Self; having accomplished the discriminative 
dicernment, its task done, it becomes resolved [into its primary 
cause], because its predominance in finished. For the move- 
ment of the mind-stuff terminates at the time of the [discrimi- 
native] discernment. 

The objector asks 'If the mind-stuff which is full of sublimi- 
nal-impressions from consciouly concentrated insight accom- 
plishes in succession the insights of this [concentration], how 
can it accomplish seedless concentration?' In reply to this 
he says. 

1 The change of one vowel- quantity makes this word mean undisturhed- 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 33 

ol. When this [subliminal-impression] also is restricted, since all 
is restricted, [the yogin gains] seedless concentration. 

After the discernment of the Self [and] in so far as there 
is an accumulation of subliminal-impressions of the higher 
passionlessness, <this> subliminal-impression from the cons- 
ciously concentrated insight, and the insight itself as implied 
by the word <also> <is restricted. > Because all the stream 
of insights and of subliminal-impressions from them is restricted. 
For the mind-stuff has nothing to do inasmuch as its predo- 
minance is ended, according to the rule "When there is no 
cause there is no effect" and the seedless concentration comes 
to pass. This has been said. "Preparing his consciousness 
in a three-fold manner by the Sacred Tradition and by in- 
ference and by eagerness for practice in contemplation he 
gains the highest yoga". In other words, by the Veda, by 
reasoning, by the higher passionlessness [that is] eagerness for 
the so-called Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things [that is] practice 
in the contemplation of the Self and nothing more, by directly 
experiencing the Self, he gains the seedless yoga. In course 
of time, when there is an accumulation of subliminal-impressions 
of restriction, which are seedless, the mind-stuff resolves itself 
into its primary matter since there is no reason for it [to 
remain]. Because the reason for the stability of the mind-stuff 
is its predominance characterized by something to be done. 
For the mind-stuff which has the discriminative discernment 
and which has finished its experience has nothing to be done 
Therefore it is proved that the Self, when the mind-stuff is 
dissolved, is grounded in nothing but itself, isolated, released. 

Book Second: Means of attainment. 

In the previous Book after stating what yoga is and after 
having described its characteristic-mark and explained the 
fluctuations and made iknown practice and passionlessness as 
methods for restricting them; and after describing certain 
methods for steadying the mind-stuff, the two kinds of yoga 
with the subdivisions was made known. In this book assuming 
that practice and passionlessness have been established as 
means for purifying the mind-stuff, he first describes the yoga 
of action which is the reason for the purity of this [mind-stuff]. 

3 JAOS 34. 

34 James Haughton Woods, 

1. The yoga of action is self-castigation and study and devotion 

to the Igvara. 

In this Book the means of attainment of the yoga described 
in the previous book are described. This is the connection 
of these two Books. Continence, service of the spiritual guide, 
speaking truth, stock-stillness (kdstha-mduna) and silence of 
countenance (dkara-mduna), duties appropriate to one's stage 
of life, endurance of extremes, measured food, and the like 
this is < self-castigation.> < Study > is the repetition of purify- 
ing formulas, such as the Mystic Syllable or [the verses to] 
the Exalted Rudra, or the Hymn to the Purusa [RV. x. 90] 
or the reading of books on release. The offering of actions, 
done without attachment to the result, to the Supreme Teacher, 
the Ic,vara is < devotion to the Ic,vara>. These are the yoga 
which consists in action because they are means of attaining 

He describes the result of the yoga of action. 

2. For the cultivation of concentration and the attenuation of 

the hindrances. 

When the hindrances are dense, concentration is not per- 
fected. Accordingly the yoga of action attenuates the hind- 
rances and cultivates concentration. Attenuation is the occa- 
sional appearance of hindrances which [otherwise] appear at 
all times. Cultivation is the bringing about of concentration. 
<For> this is that whose result is this. By the yoga of action 
having obtained an opportunity in the intervals of the hind- 
rances, concentration brings the discriminative discernment to 
pass and burns the hindrances together with the subconscious 
impressions. This is the point. 

Now of what sort are the hindrances and how many are 
they? In reply to this he says. 

3. Undifferentiated- consciousness (avidyd) and the feeling of 
personality and passion and hatred and the will-to-live are the 

Jive hindrances. 

They hinder, [that is] in that they give an impulse to karma 
and its results they give pain to the Self. So they are called 
<hindrances.> And they are five. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbha. 35 

"With regard to these [five], in so far as the four are the 
effects of undifferentiated-consciousness, he says that they have 
undifferentiated-consciousness as their essence. 

4. Undifferentiated-consciousness is the field for the others whether 
they be dormant or attenuated or intercepted or sustained. 

<0f the others> beginning with the feeling-of-personality un- 
differentiated-consciousness is the field > [that is] the propaga- 
tive soil. He describes the different subdivisions of these by 
saying < dormant. > Dormant or attenuated or intercepted or 
sustained of these. Of these [four], the hindrances which 
belong to yogins who are discarnate or whose [bodies] are 
resolved into the primary-matter are dormant, because they 
remain unburned, in potential form, so long as there is no 
discriminative discernment. Accordingly at the end they appear 
again. Attenuated hindrances belong to active yogins. Inter- 
cepted belong to those who are attached to objects and become 
sustained. Just as Chaitra's anger is intercepted towards the 
woman for whom he feels a passion, and his passion is sustai- 
ned, so passion is intercepted for that person towards whom 
one's anger is sustained. In time it becomes sustained and 
hinders man and beast. These hindrances have their root in 
undifferntiated-consciousness. When this ceases, as a result 
of the Self becoming perceptibly perceived, they cease, just as 
the hindrances of one who is liberated during life [cease]. 
When one can say that they have dwindled away, then this 
would be regarded as a fifth state of the hindrances. 

Of these [five] he describes the nature of undifferentiated- 

o. The recognition of the permanent in the impermanent, of 
the pure in the impure f of pleasure in pain, of self in the non- 
self is undifferentiated-consciousness (avid yd). 

That is, the thought of a thing with reference to what is not 
that thing. If one thinks that the gods are deathless as the result 
of the error of [finding] the permanent in the impermanent 
one performs sacrifice for the sake of a divinity and is bound. 
Similarly as a result of finding purity in impurity, in the body 
of a woman one is bound. This is said by the Exalted Divine 
Vyasa 'Because purification must be applied, the learned know 

36 James Haughton Woods, 

that the body is, because of its [first] abode, of its seed, of 
its sustenance, of its exudations, and of its decease, impure/ 
Its <abode> is the mother's belly full of excrement and urine. 
Its <seed> is semen and blood. Its <sustenance> is secretions 
and the like from mutations of food. Its <exudations> are the 
issue of filth from all the doors [of the body]. Its <decease> 
is death. If so, even the body of the Brahmin is endlessly 
impure. It needs [constant] purification, [that is] by bathing, 
anointing, and the like purity is attained. Likewise there is 
the error of [finding] pleasure in enjoyment which has the pain 
of mutation [iii. 15]. There is the recognition of the self in 
what is non-self, for instance, the thinking-substance. In other 
words, <undifferentiated- consciousness > is contrary to the 
consciousness of reality. Although there are undifferentiated- 
consciousnesses of the mother-of-pearl and of the silver and 
so on, still this undifferentiated-consciousness of just four kinds 
is the root of bondage. This is the point. 

6, The feeling -of -personality is a fusion, as it appears to be, 
of the power of seeing and of the power of the sight. 

The power of seeing is the Self. The sight 1 in the sense 
that it is seen; the thinking -substance is the power of this. 
The word <power> has the meaning of predisposition. An 
identity [that is] oneness of essence has been accomplished by 
undifferentiated-consciousness between the enjoyer and the 
power of being enjoyed which are predisposed [to each other] 
but absolutely discriminate, the seer and the thing to be seen. 
By the words <as it appears to be> he indicates that an error 
with regard to identity has been made when one thinks 'I am.' 
In other words this is <the feeling-of-personality.> "This is 
the knot of the heart" as those 2 who hold the theory of the 
Brahman say. 

He explains that passion is the effect of the feeling-of- 

7. Passion is that which dwells upon pleasure. 

When there is an experience of pleasure, that longing which 
there is in memory for another pleasure of the same kind or 

L According to the Varttika dar^ana means organ- of-sight (karand). 
2 Compare Mund. Up. ii. 2. 8. and Katha Up. vi. 15. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 37 

for the means of attaining it is <passion.> [This passion] 
dwells upon pleasure [that is] makes it its object; so it is said 
to < dwell upon pleasures 

8. Hatred is that which dwells upon pain. 

That anger which is in the memory of him who felt the pain 
towards pain and the means of pain is <hatred.> 

9. Sweeping on [by the force of] its own nature the will-to-live 
(abhinivega) exists in this form even in the wise. 

That fear of death in a creature just born, whether [he is 
to be] a wise man or a fool, is the will-to-live. Just as fear 
exists in the fool when he wishes 'May I always be,' so it 
exists [that is] is found <even in the wise.> It < sweeps on 
[by the force of] its own nature > in the sense that is flows 
[that is] flows onward by its own nature which is an attach- 
ment to a subconscious-impression produced by an experience 
of the pain of death more than once in previous births. By 
means of this fear the Comment shows incidentally that the 
soul is over and above the body. For even in a child just 
born the fear of death is found and this could not be ex- 
plained unless there were a memory of previous death. These 
five, moreover, undifferentiated-consciousness and the rest are 
called (Gaudapada's Bhasya on Saihkhya Karika xlviii) 
"Gloom, infatuation, great infatuation, darkness, blind dark- 
ness." Of these [five], 1. gloom is undifferentiated-conscious- 
ness, the thought of self in what are non-selves, in the un- 
phenomenalized [primary matter] or in the Great [thinking- 
substance] or in the personality-substance or in the five sub- 
stances. 2. Infatuation is the identification with atomization or 
some other of the eight powers so that one thinks 'I am ato- 
mic [or] I am of great size.' 3. Great infatuation is passion 
for sounds or other of the ten [perceptible] objects in so far 
as there is this distinction between what is super-normal and 
what is not-super-normal. 4. Darkness is hatred towards the 
eighteen obstructions, in case there is failure to gain the ten 
objects which are the causes of these [powers], if for any cause 
there be obstruction to the [ten] powers. 5. Blind darkness 
is the fear of the destruction of these same eighteen things 
desired. And in this sense the Samkhya Karika [xlviii] "The 
distinctions of gloom are eightfold and also those of infatuation; 

38 James Haugliton Woods, 

great infatuation is tenfold; darkness is eighteenfold and so is 
blind darkness." 

And these hindrances are of two kinds. The subtile which 
consist of subliminal-impressions burned by the discernment of 
the Self; the coarse, attenuated by the yoga of action and by 
the purification which consists in the cultivation of friendliness 
and so on [i. 33]. Of these [two], he describes the method of 
rejecting the subtile [hindrances]. 

10. These [hindrances tvhen they are subtile] are to be rejected 

~by inverse propagation. 

The mind-stuff having performed its task is dissolved into 
the feeling-of-personality, its own evolving -cause. < These > 
hindrances <are to be rejected> by <inverse propagations 
In other words as a result of the destruction of the whole 
there is a destruction of the external-aspects of this [whole]. 

He describes the means of rejecting the coarse [hindrances]. 

11. The fluctuations of these should he rejected ~by means of 


Those fluctuations of the hindrances, which are coarse, 
thinned by the yoga of action, being pleasure and pain and 
infatuation are to be rejected only by contemplation. Just as 
in ordinary life a spot of very coarse matter upon a piece of 
cloth is first cleansed by washing. Afterwards it is thinned 
by contact with alkali on something of the kind. But the 
latent-impression of the spot is destroyed only by the destruc- 
tion of the piece of cloth. Similarly extremely dense hindrances 
become thinned by the yoga of action. But when thinned, 
they are attenuated by contemplation. Yet subtile [hindrances] 
are destroyed only by the destruction of the mind- stuff. This 
is the point. 

After the hindrances have been discrused, the objector asks 
'How is it that they are hindrances?' In reply he says they 
are called hindrances because they are bonds, in so far as 
they are the root of karma and of its effects. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 39 

12. The latent-deposit of karma has its root in the hindrances 
and may be felt either in a Urth seen or in a birth unseen. 

In this [sutra], by the three words in order, the cause and the 
nature and the effect of karma are described. That in which all 
Selves in the round- of-rebirth are latent is a latent-deposit of 
karmas, a subliminal-impression consisting of right and wrong- 
action. Because the root of it is the hindrances, love and anger 
and the rest, it is said to <have its root in the hindrances.> And 
it is of two kinds <to be felt in a birth seen and to be felt in a 
birth not seen.> And the first [kind] is to be experienced in the 
very same body by which the karma was made (hrta) ; this is 
the birth seen. Just as Nandlcjara, when only a lad, with a 
human body offered adoration to the Igvara with keen inten- 
sity both by incantations and self - castigation and concentra- 
tion, and instantly gained birth as a divinity and a long length - 
of-life and supernormal experiences. Likewise Vishvamitra 
gained the birth and the length-of-life. In like manner con- 
tempt shown to illustrious personages who have remained 
worthy of trust in the terrible calamities which they have 
undergone is instantly rewarded. Just as Nahusa because of 
contempt shown to the great sage [Agastya] instantly became 
a serpent. The second [kind], however, is the <latent-deposit 
of karma > which is the cause of heaven or hell or whatever 
it may be to be experienced in another birth. 

This [latent -deposit of karma] does not occur when the 
hindrances have dwindled away. He describes this distinction. 

13. So long as the root exists, there will be fruition from it, 

birth and length-of-li/e and hind-of-experience. 

So long as <the root> which consists in the hindrances 
exists, there is <fruition> [that is] a result from the karma. 
For a man who has no hindrance does not enjoy. Since one 
who has no passion has no sensation of pleasure in any result 
arising in karma. For one who is not dejected does not lament. 
Therefore the seed of karma in hindrances burned by the fire 
of discriminative discernment, like rice which has no husk, does 
not generate a fruit. This fruition is of three kinds. < Birth > 
is being born as a divinity or as something or other; <length- 
of-life> is connected with the body and the breath for a long 

40 James Haughton Woods, 

time; <kind-of-experience> is the enjoyment of objects of sense 
by sense organs. Of these [three], kind-of- experience is prim- 
ary; birth and length-of-life are supplementary to it. Because 
in this one body one feels different kinds-of-experience, many 
karmas bring the time of death to the full realization and 
originate a single birth. So the latent-deposit of karma is 
said to be one which has [its limit] in one existence. This is 
to be understood as having a multiplicity of results, in one 
case as birth, in another as length-of-life, in another as kind- 
of-experience; in another as two [of these], in another as three 
of these. This is said by the Exalted [Bhag. Grit. iv. 17] 'Myst- 
erious are the ways of karma.' The details way he looked 
up in the Comment. 

In order now to indicate that birth and the others are to 
be rejected, he describes their result. 

14. These [fruitions] have joy or extreme anguisJi as results in 
accordance with the quality of their causes tvhether merit or 


<These> [that is] birth and length-of-life and kind-of- 
experience. Those that have a meritorious cause result in 
pleasure. Demerit is evil; those [fruitions] that have this as 
a cause result in pain. But [Vacaspati-]migra says 1 that the 
kind-of-experience is the feeling of pleasure or pain; pleasure 
and pain are the results of that [kind of experience] because 
this [kind of experience] is a kind of action, 2 just as the village 
is [the result] of walking. So he says. 

The objector says 'Suppose that these [karmas] which result 
in pain are to be rejected; but how is it that those which 
result in pleasure are to be rejected.' In reply to this he says. 

15. By reason of the pains due to mutations, to anxiety, and 
to subliminal-impressions, and by reason of the opposition of the 

fluctuations of the aspects, to the discriminating all is pain. 

<Mutation> is a change of state. <Anxiety> is present. 
< Subliminal-impressions > are past. These same are pains; by 

1 See iii. 35, p. 245 u and compare bhogah sukhaduhkha-sdksdtkdrah 
ii. 13, p. 1268 (Calc. ed.). 

2 That is, it is something to be accomplished not something ready-made. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 41 

reason of these. This is the analysis [of the compound]. To 
explain. The fire of passion increases as a result of the enjoy- 
ment of the pleasure in objects. In case it increases, when a 
man does not get what he desires, pain necessarily will come. 
There is aversion towards that which lessens [enjoyment]. As 
a result of this, because there is an increase of evil due to 
passion and aversion, there is pain. And if [enjoyment] does 
not lessen, there is disease and also evil. From this there is 
pain. Thus enjoyment has the painfulness of mutations. So 
at the time of the enjoyment of pleasure there is pain because 
of the fear of the loss of the objects. And as a result of 
the hatred for the destroyer there is anxiety. Thus enjoy- 
ment has the painfulness of anxiety. In this way when the 
enjoyment of pleasure is destroyed there is a subliminal-im- 
pression. In so far as there is this memory, when there is pas- 
sion, because of the accumulation of merit and demerit, there 
is the experience of pleasure and of pain, there is a subliminal- 
impression again. Thus the uninterrupted-succession of pain is 
endless. If there were no subliminal-impression when enjoy- 
ment is destroyed, then there would be no uninterrupted- 
succession of pain. But because there is the subliminal-im- 
pression there is the painfulness of the subliminal-impression. 
These pains deject the discriminating yogin who is [sensitive] 
as the eye-ball; but not [ordinary people] busy in action, whose 
mind-stuffs are hard. Just as even a thread of wool of deli- 
cate structure dejects the eye-ball, but not any other part of 
the body. Accordingly to the discriminating every means of 
enjoyment without exception, like food mixed with poison, is 
surely pain by connection with < pains due to mutations, to 
anxiety, and to subliminal-impressions> < and by reason of the 
opposition of the fluctuations of the aspects.> In other words, 
there is opposition [that is] the reciprocal relation of causing 
and of being made to disappear, in the case of the fluctuations, 
pleasure and pain and infatuation, which belong to the aspects, 
sattva and rajas and tamas, which are mutated as mind-stuff. 
Because of this. For the mind-stuff is unstable. Whatever 
fluctuation of the aspects there is in this mind-stuff which 
appears when right-living becomes intensified, this same, be- 
cause wrong-living is intensified, when once right-living has 
appeared, disappears again. The fluctuation of pleasure, which 
really by its very nature partakes of pain, manifests its natur- 

42 James Haugliton Woods, 

ally painful nature, because it is a mutation of sattva mixed 
with rajas, the nature of which is pain. But in its own time 
[of being experience], the painfulness of this [fluctuation of 
pleasure] is not clear, because, at that time, the sattva [aspect] 
is predominant. [But when] the sattva [aspect] disappears by 
reason of the rajas, then it becomes clear. Thus it is that 
pleasure and pain are differently named. In this way the fact 
that pleasure infatuates is explained. Consequently it is pro- 
ved that the whole world, in essence a mutation of aspects, 
is to be rejected as having in its essence an infatuation as 
to pain. 

Just as in a book of medicine there are four divisions ] . Dis- 
ease 2. Cause of the disease 3. Health 4. Cause of this [Health], 
so in this book too he shows that what is to be rejected is 
to be particularized and divided into four 1. What is to be 
Rejected 2. Cause of what is to be Rejected 3. Release 4. Cause 
of this [Release]. 

16. That ivhicli is to be rejected is pain yet to come. 

Because past pain has passed away in experience and be- 
cause present pain is dwindling in the very experience itself, 
it is <pain yet to come> that <is to be rejected. > 

He describes the cause of the rejection. 

17. The cause of that which is to be rejected is the correlation 
of the Seer and the object-for-sight. 

The <Seer> consisting in intelligence is the Self who has 
a vision which is his own image lying on the thinking-substance. 
The <object-for-sight> is the sattva of the thinking- substance. 
The < correlation > is the relation of property and proprietor. 
For the sattva of the thinking-substance, mutated into the 
form of the various sounds and other [perceptible] substances, 
by the agency of the organs or in some other way, by chang- 
ing into the image of the intelligence is seen as not different 
from the Self; giving its aid like a loadstone merely by being 
near and making the Self look towards the experience and 
the liberation which abide within him, it becomes the property 
of the Self the proprietor. This same is the correlation, formed 
by the the undifferentiated-consciousness which consists in the 

~Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 43 

the error which does not [see] the difference; and, constantly 
subject to the ends of the Self, is the cause of the pain which 
is to be rejected. 

He amplifies [the description] of the object-for-sight. 

18. The object-for-sight with its disposition to light and to 
activity and to inertia, consisting of elements and organs, 
exists for the purpose of the experience and of the liberation 

[of the Self]. 

The sattva has the disposition to light. The rajas has the 
disposition to activity. Inertia is an impediment to light and 
to activity; the tamas has this disposition. Thus while there 
is relation of castigated and castigator between the sattva and 
the rajas, infatuation is found in the Self because he looks 
upon them as belonging to him (mamataya). These same three 
aspects, cooperating with their own effects of this kind or 
that, undiscriminated, objects-of-experience, to be put aside by 
the discriminating, causing each other to disappear, in the 
relation of whole and part to each other, having differences 
knowable by characteristic effects of pleasure and light and 
lightness and of pain and activity and incitement and of in- 
fatuation and obstruction and heaviness, with the difference 
between them hard to know inasmuch as they are not separated 
from each other, denoted by the word primary cause, [these 
aspects] < consist of elements and organs. > The elements are 
the coarser fine substances; the organs are the ten organs of 
perception and of action, the thinking-substance and the per- 
sonality-substance and the central-organ, which are the three 
inner organs. This is the object-for-sight, the mutation of 
which consists of, [that is] is not different from, [elements and 
organs]. It is <for the purpose of the experience and the libera- 
tion [of the Self]> [that is] its purpore is experience and release. 

He shows what the mutation of these aspects is when one 
separates them. 

19. The divisions of the aspects are the particularized and the 
unparticularized [forms] and resoluble [primary matter] and 

unresoluUe [primary matter]. 

Sixteen evolved-forms are < particularized > in the sense that 
they are made particular [that is] singled out. Five coarse 

44 James Haugliton Woods, 

elements, air and wind and fire and water and earth, ten 
organs of sense and of action, and the central-organ these 
sixteen are evolved-forms only and not evolving-causes of other 
entities. The evolving-causes of these evolved-forms are evolved- 
forms of the thinking-substance, the six unparticularized, the 
five fine substances and the personality substance. According 
to the Samkhya the five fine-substances are from the personality- 
substance. According to the Yoga the fine substances are off- 
spring of the thinking-substance produced after the personality- 
substance. Of these the five fine-substances, sound and touch and 
color and taste and smell as they are called, are the evolving- 
causes of the coarse elements. The personality-substance, in both 
aspects of the sattva and the rajas, is the evolving- cause of the 
organ of sense and of action of the central-organ. The Great 
Entity is a fine-substance and it is < resoluble > in the sense 
that it is reduced to a resolution [into primary matter]. And 
the word mdtra makes clear its characteristic-difference from 
the particularized and the unparticularized. For it is in 
essence unpredicated determinations and it is the first effect 
of the primary- cause which consists in the state of equipoise. 
The four divisions of the aspects are mutations. It is to be 
supposed that the aspects are supplementary to the intelligence. 

Thus having discussed the object-for-sight he discusses the 

20. The Seer, who is seeing and nothing more, although undffiled 
[by aspects], looks upon the presented-idea. 

<The Seer> is the Self. <Who is seeing and nothing more> 
[that is] who is intelligence and nothing more, not having pro- 
perties such as perception. Accordingly, although <undefiled> 
[that is] immutable, he beholds the presented-idea in con- 
formity with a fluctuation of the thinking-substance. Thus he 
<looks upon the presented-idea. > In other words as a result 
of not discriminating the thinking-substance from himself, by 
becoming one with the fluctuations he looks upon the sounds 
and other [perceptible] things. This has been said [i. 4] 'At 
other times it takes the same form as the fluctuations [of 

Having thus described the object-for-sight and the Seer he 
tells which is subordinate and which is principal. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbha. 45 

21. The being of the object-for-sight exists only for the sake of 

it [the Self]. 

The nature of the <object-for-sight> [that is] the object of 
experience is only for the sake of the Seer, not for its own 
sake, because it is unintelligent. 

The objector says 'Then, when once the purpose of the Seer 
is completed, because it would have nothing to do, the primary- 
cause would not be an object-for-sight; it would be without 
functional activity; and so no world-of-change would now be 
apperecived.' In reply to this he says 

22. Though it has ceased [to he seen] in the case of one whose 

purpose is fulfilled,' it has not ceased to he, since it is common 

to others besides him. 

The primary-cause is one; the Selves are endless [in number]. 
This is the settled rule, in accordance with the passage of the 
Sacred Word [Qvet. Up. iv. 5] 'The one she-goat.' In this case 
that Self with reference to whom the primary-cause has ful- 
filled its experience and liberation is <one whose purpose is 
fulfilled > because he is master, just as a master is said to 
have won a victory by a victory which has been won by a 
servant. Similarly, with reference to that Self who has ac- 
complished his purpose and is free, this object-for-sight, al- 
though it has ceased to be [that is] reduced to non-sight, still 
it has not ceased to be, because it is common to other Selves. 
What he means to say is this. Because the purpose of the 
Self has stages yet to come, it is the cause of activity on the 
part of the primary-cause. In this case, although the primary- 
cause is not active with reference to [a Self] who has fulfilled 
its purpose, with reference to one whose purpose is not fulfilled, 
in the form of the Great [thinking substance] and the rest, 
activity does take place. And so if one [Self] has freedom, 
it does not follow that all have freedom. 

Thus having explained the object-for-sight and the Seer he 
discusses the cause of what is to be rejected [that is] the 

46 James Haugliton Woods, 

23. The cause of the recognition of the nature of the power of 

the property and of the proprietor is the correlation. 

The <property> is the object-for- sight; its <power,> inasmuch 
as it is inert, is its capacity for being seen. But the <pro- 
prietor> is the Self; his power, inasmuch as he is intelligent, 
is his capacity as Seer, which merely consists in being himself. 
These two powers, whose nature is that they should be pro- 
perty and proprietor, have experience, that is to say, a recogni- 
tion of the peculiar nature of the thinking-substance as the 
object-for- sight in the form of various sounds and other [per- 
ceptible] things. The recognition of the peculiar nature of the 
proprietor is liberation. The cause of this [recognition] is the 
<correlation> the so-called relation of property and proprietor. 
The same is called the relation of Seer and object-for-sight 
[and] the relation of experiencer and object -of -experience. 
When this is not, there is no recognition of the nature of the 
Seer and the object-for-sight; when it is, there is this [recogni- 
tion]. This correlation is knowable only in [its] effect. This 
is pointed out. 

Having thus described the nature and the effect of the cor- 
relation he tells of its cause. 

24. The cause of it is undifferentiated-consciousness (avidya). 

In other words the cause of the correlation is a subconscions- 
impression from erroneous knowledge. When any one thinks 
T the presented idea which does not distinguish between the 
Seer and the object-for-sight is an error. A mind-stuff per- 
meated (vasitti) by subconscions-impressions of this [error] is 
resolved at a dissolution and passes over into the condition 
of the primary-cause; at the time of a creation, in the case 
of each Self, it comes forth as the sattva aspect only. By 
means of this correlation there is bondage for the undiscriminat- 
ing and release for the discriminating. For [they are] together 
with that undifferentiated-consciousness, in the mind-stuff, which 
is diversified with subconscious-impressions from time without 
beginning. Upon the human victim * perforated like a fish-net 
and rejecting the pain received, which has been applied by 
his own karma, and receiving [the pain] rejected, who conforms 

* This simile is derived from the Bhasya on ii. 13 and 15. 

Yoga-Sutras with Maniprabha. 47 

himself to the idea 'I' and to the idea 'mine', upon him, born 
again and again, the triple anguishes, from both kind of causes 
both inner and outer, sweep down. 

Having thus shown the consistency between, that which is 
to be rejected and its cause, he traces the derivation of the 
release, which is the rejection of that which is to be 

25. Because this [undifferentiated-consciousness] does not exist, 
there is no correlation; this is the rejection, the Isolation of 

the Seer. 

Because this [undifferentiated-consciousness] does not exist, 
after it has been destroyed by consciousness, the cause, the 
pain to be rejected, which is the correlation of the thinking- 
substance and the Self, does not exist [that is] is quite destroyed. 
This <Isolation> of the <Seer> [that is] of the permanently 
freed is itself the rejection. 

After describing freedom he tells of its cause. 

26. The method of the rejection is unwavering discriminating 


The < discernment > is the sense of < discriminating > [that is] 
distinguishing between the Seer and the object - for - sight. 
Wavering is false sensation. In the first place we know that 
discriminating insight arises in a general way from verbal- 
communication. This does not put an end to undifferentiated- 
consciousness, which is from time without beginning, because 
there is no immediate experience. But when it is established 
by reasoning and is incessantly practised by a mind-stuff free 
from passion and directed towards the Self, then springing 
from the final perfection of contemplation and containing the 
reflection of the intelligence and consisting of immediate ex- 
perience, it utterly destroys false sensation together with the 
subconscious-impressions. Being now <unwavering> by reason 
of the restriction which follows the higher passionlessness, it 
is [now] the method of release which is nothing but subliminal- 
impressions and which has performed its task, when once its 
end has begun, by virtue of the final cessation; and this is the 
rejection of future pain. 

48 James Haugliton Woods, 

He tells of the greatness due to knowledge in the case of 
one freed while living, whose discriminating discernment is 

27. For him insight advancing in stages to the highest is 

Those are advancing to the highest [that is] are in the final 
(carama) [stage], whose highest, [that is] whose end. is excellent 
as a result. That insight whose stage, [that is] whose state, 
has advanced to the highest is < advancing in stages to the 
highest. > Following after the wise man's steady and unwaver- 
ing discernment of himself, in so far as other presented-ideas 
have disappeared, there are seven kinds, [that is] seven stages, 
that are final. 1. All that is to be known is known. Other 
than this there is nothing to be known. This is one [insight]. 
Because it destroys all desire to know, Ihis insight has ad- 
vanced to the highest. For this * insight is impossible in one 
who does not known himself, because, as a result of this, al- 
though the insight, which terminates in the primary-cause, is 
established by the concentration which is based upon this, yet 
in so far as the desire to know the self persists (sattvena) the 
insight of this [persisting desire] is not final. Thus the last 
states are to be regarded as advancing in stages to the highest. 
2. All the causes of bondage which were to be rejected have 
been rejected, there is nothing to be rejected by me. This is 
the second [insight]. 3. By the attainment of Isolation all that 
was to be attained has been attained; other than this there is 
nothing to be attained by me. This is the third [insight]. 
4. By the accomplishment of discriminative discernment all 
that was to be done has been done; there is nothing to be 
done. This is the fourth [insight]. These four are the so- 
called final releases of action. The so-called final releases of 
the mind-stuff are three. That is to say, 5. the sattva of my 
thinking-substance has performed its task. This is one [in- 
sight]. 6. The aspects (guna) also, in the form of the thinking- 
substance and the rest, like rocks fallen from the top of the 
mountain peak, without support, of their own accord, incline 
towards dissolution in their fall and come to final rest; lack- 
ing a motive they do not spring up again. This is the second 

Reading iyam anatmajnasya. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 49 

[insight of the released mind-stuff]. 7. Similarly one who has 
passed beyond the aspects (guna) and who remains in himself 

and nothing more and whose sole essence is intelligence this 

would be the third state of insight of the released mind-stuff. 
In other words the seven stages of insight advancing to the 
highest should be regarded as having as their results 1. the 
desire to know 2. the desire to reject 3. the desire to attain 
4. the desire to act 5. the end of grief 6. the end of fear 7. the 
end of predicate-relations. 

Now he tells of the means of attaining insight. 

28. After the dwindling of impurity as a result of following up 
the aids to yoga, there is an illumination of thinking, up to the 

discriminative discernment. 

, As a result of following up the aids to yoga and also yoga 
[itself], when there is a dwindling of impurity consisting in the 
karma from hindrances, there is an illumination [that is] a 
purification of thinking, up to the unpredicated discriminative 
discernment. The point is that the means of attaining in- 
sight is by the purity due to following up of yoga together 
with its aids. 

How many are the aids to yoga? In reply he says. 

29. The eight aids are abstentions and observances and postures 
and regulations of breath and withdrawal of the senses and 

fixed-attention and contemplation and concentration. 

Abstentions are mentioned first because they have results 
in connection with the others. Afterwards in respect of the 
abstentions come the observances. As being concerned with 
the purity which depends upon both these two kinds, the 
postures and the others, each the cause of the next, are after- 
words mentioned. 

He describes in particular these [aids] which are to be ac- 
cepted by yogins. 

30. Abstentions are abstinence from injury, from falsehood, 
from theft, from incontinence, and from acceptance of gifts. 

Of these, 1. abstinence from injury is of course abstinence 
from oppression by mind or voice or body of any creature at 

4 JAOS 34. 

50 James Haughton Woods, 

any time. This right-living is of the best white [karma]. The 
rest beginning with the observances are for the purpose of 
purifying this. And in this sense it has been said 'Surely this 
same brahmin in proportion as he desires to take upon him- 
self many courses of action, in this proportion refraining from 
heedlessly giving injuries, fulfills [the abstention] of abstinence 
from injury in the full character of its spotlessness.' 2. Truth 
is the telling of the facts as they are, for the good of others. 
3. Theft is taking the possessions of others by force or by 
stealth; when there is none of this, there is abstinence from 
theft, the absence of desire for the wealth of another. 4. Ab- 
stinence from incontinence is the constraint of the organ of 
generation. The renunciation of gazing at women and of 
talking with them or of touching them or of listening to them 
or of meditating upon them is an aid to this. 5. Abstinence 
from property is the non-acceptance of the means of enjoyment 
over and above the nourishment of the body. These five ab- 
stentions have a share in aiding, in so far as they reject in- 
jury and lying and stealing and contact with women and 
property which are foes to yoga. 

31. The Great Course of conduct is [abstinence from injury] 
unqualified by species or place or time or exigency and [covering] 

all [these] classes. 

A < species > such as the class of cows or of brahmins. 
A <place> such as some sacred-spot. A <time> such as the 
fourteenth day which has been determined upon. An<exigency> 
would be, for instance, some such time as a br&hmanic eating 
which has not been settled. In these cases the resolution never 
to kill a cow or a brahmin would be abstinence from injury 
as limited by species. The resolution not to kill any one at 
a sacred place or on the fourteenth day would be [abstinence 
from injury] limited by place and by time. The resolution not 
to kill excepting, at the unfixed-time (samaya) of eating, for 
the sake of gods and brahmins would be [abstinence from in- 
jury] limited by an unfixed-time. The resolution to kill no 
animal whatsoever at any time for any body's sake would be 
abstinence from killing undetermined by all four, species and 
the rest. Abstinence from injury has many varieties. In the 
same way one should consider truth and the rest as being 

Yoya-sutras with Maniprabha. 51 

He describes the observances. 

32. The observances are cleanlines and contentment and self- 

castigation and study and devotion to the Igvara. 
< Cleanliness > accomplished by earth or water or the like 
and by sacrifical food purified by cow's urine or fire or some- 
thing of the kind is outer. Inner cleanliness is the absence 
in the mind-stuff of taints such as jealousy because of the 
cultivation of friendliness and the rest [i. 33]. < Contentment> 
is happness caused by nothing more than the sustenance of 
the present life. <Self-castigation> is the bearing of extremes 
according to circumstances and mortifications and the like. 
<Study> is practice of the Mystic Syllable and of similar 
[exercises]. ""Whatever I do, whether auspicious or inauspici- 
ous, whether consciously or unconsciously, all is committed to 
Thee. Moved by Thee I do [it all]. Whatever my movement 
be at any time in act or mind or speech let it be as an ad- 
oration of Kegava and also in birth after birth yet to come." 
Thus devotion to the Igvara is the offerring up of all actions 
to the Supreme Teacher. 

33. If there be inhibition by perverse considerations, there should 

be cultivation of the opposites. 

When it happens that there is inhibition of these absten- 
tions and observances by resolutions to kill [qualified] by per- 
verse considerations such as 'I will kill him who hurts [me]; 
I will also lie; I will take other's property,' a brahmin intent 
upon abstentions and the other [aids] should cultivate [in his 
mind] the opposites. 'Baked upon the pitiless coals of the 
round- of-rebirths I take refuge in the duties of yoga, such as 
the abstentions, by giving protection to every living creature. 
If now, giving up abstinence from injury and the rest, I be- 
take myself to those [abstentions] already given up, then I shall 
[he doing something] like the doings of a dog. For just as a 
dog eats that which is vomited so I shall be taking again that 
which I have given up.' Thus he should cultivate the oppo- 
sites of the perverse considerations. 

At this point describing in sucession in the five words the 
'nature', the 'varieties', the 'causes', the 'different subdivisions', 
and the 'results' of the perverse considerations, he makes clear 
what the cultivation of the opposites is. 

52 James Haughton Woods, 

34. Because perverse considerations, such as injuries, whether 
done or caused to be done or approved, whether ensuing upon 
greed or anger or infatuation, whether mild or moderate or 
vehement, find their unending fruition in pain and in lack of 
thinking, there should ~be a cultivation of their opposites. 

Perverse considerations, such as injuries, are so called be- 
cause they are considered. This describes their nature. Of 
these injuries there are three kinds 1. done voluntarily 2. caused 
to be done, because some one has said 'do it' and 3. approved, 
as when one says 'good, good'. Of these [three], each one is 
again three-fold, due to difference of cause 1. by greed, as for 
meat or for a skin 2. by anger, as when one thinks he is hurt 
by a man 3. by infatuation, as when one thinks 'I shall be 
doing a meritorious act.' Thus there are nine kinds of injuries. 
Once more greed and anger and infatuation are each of three 
kinds; and injury and the rest, as being caused by these, in 
so far as they are mild or moderate or vehement, are also mild 
or moderate or vehement and likewise are done or caused to 
be done or approved. Thus since each of the injuries and the 
rest are nine-fold, there are twenty-seven varieties. And, as 
being mild or moderate or vehement, each one [of there] is 
three-fold: mildly mild, moderately mild, keenly mild, mildly 
moderate, moderately moderate, keenly moderate, mildly keen, 
moderately keen, keenly keen. In this way greed is of nine 
kinds. Likewise anger and infatuation. Caused by these 
[nine kinds], injuries when done are of twenty-seven varieties. 
Similary when caused to be done or approved; thus there are 
eighty-one varieties of injuries. In the same way, this is applic- 
able to lying and to the rest. Perverse considerations are of 
such a nature. Pain, for example, that of hell, and lack of 
thinking, for example, the state of motionless things and the 
state consisting of error and doubt, give endless results. Ac- 
cordingly it is clear that there must be cultivation of the 
opposites without any perverse considerations. What is poin- 
ted out is this: Perverse considerations are to be rejected as 
being this calculation of hatred. When they are rejected, the 
ten abstentions and observances are perfected without obstruc- 
tion. When these are [in turn] perfected, there is Isolation by 
virtue of the mind-stuffs purity. The upshot of it all is that 
after this yoga is perfected. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 53 

Now he shows in order the subordinate results of the ten 
[abstentions and observances] which are the indications of their 

35. As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from injury, his 

presence begets a suspension of enmity. 

When abstinence from injury is perfected, even the snake 
and mongoose, enemies by nature, suspend their enmity in 
the presence of the best of silent sages who abstains from 

36. As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from falsehood, 

actions and results depend upon him. 

<As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from falsehood, > 
actions both of right-living and wrong-living and the results 
of these, for example, heaven, both abide [in him]. He is one 
who gives them merely by uttering a word. This is his state 
or condition. Just as a man becomes right-living in response 
to this saying 'Be thou right-living,' [and just as a man attains 
heaven] merely because he says 'Attain thou heaven,' so also 
he becomes wrong-living. 

37. As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from theft, all lands 

of jewels approach him. 

When he is established in abstinence from stealing, he ob- 
tains possession by a mere wish of all kinds of supernormal 

58. As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from incontinence 
he acquires vigor. 

For abstinence from incontinence is a restriction of vigor; 
when this is perfected his power becomes unsurpassed. As a 
result of which, atomization and the other [powers] present 
themselves. His teaching bears fruit in his pupils instantly. 1 

39. As soon as he is grounded in abstinence from property, 
illumination upon the conditions of birth. 

When one who is disposed to abstain from property, is 
steady in this [abstinence], he has a thorough illumination, 

1 Reading gisyesupadeQah. 

54 James Haughton Woods, 

caused by his desire to know, of the conditions [that is] the 
different kinds of past, present, and future births. In what does 
this consist? In the desire to know the body which is opposed 
to property, in that one asks what its modes are, what its 
causes are, what its results are, what its end is. Then [there 
is illumination as to] the connection of effect and cause, the 
birth of the Self who is [really] unborn; the different kinds of 
men and gods and animals, that there are caused by karma 
from hindrances, that they have pain only as their fruit; that 
the end is the illumination as to the real nature of the Self. 
Thus having come to this conclusion from the verbal-com- 
munication of the master, he is freed from the body and ex- 
periences the highest degree of abstinence from property. 

The perfections of the abstentions have been described ; the 
perfections of the observances are now described. 

40. As a result of cleanliness there is a disgust at one's own 

body and absence of intercourse with others. 

One who is perfected in outer cleanliness does not see [any] 
purity in his own body and is disgusted at it. This body is 
essentially impure ; no pride should be taken in it. One who 
sees its defects so that he thinks 'I who am intent on purity 
have a body that does not become pure, how much more the 
body of another intoxicated [by the round of rebirths]' has 
no intercourse with others' bodies. 

Thus having described the perfection of outer cleanliness, 
the tells of the perfection of inner cleanliness. 

41. Purity of sattva, gentleness, singleness-of -intent, subjuga- 
tion of tlie senses, and predisposition for the seeing of the Self. 

The words [ii. 40] <as a result of cleanliness> are to be 
continued. And the words 'there is' are to be supplied. Pur- 
ity of the sattva of the thinking- sub stance is the fading out 
of such taints as jealousy, the taints of rajas and tamas. 
After this there is an effulgence of the sattva. Consequently 
there is steadiness. And. from this conies subjugation of the 
outer senses. As a result of this, there follows fitness for the 
discernment of the Self. 

Yoga-sutras with Manipralhd. 55 

42. As a result of contentment there is the acquisition of super- 

lative pleasure. 

When there is perfection 1 in the dwindling away of desire, 
he who has ridden himself of appetite necessarily gains an 
experience of an incomparable pleasure due to the effulgence 
of his purified sattva. And in this sense in the Song of 
Yayati in the 2 Mahabharata "The pleasures of appetite in 
ordinary life and the supreme supernormal pleasure are both 
not to be compared with a sixteenth part of the pleasure of 
dwindled desire." 

43. From self-castigation, as a result of the dwindling of im- 
purity, there arises perfection in the organs of the body. 

After the evil from hindrances has dwindled by reason of 
one's own right-living or of mortifications and lunar fasts or 
something of the kind, there arises a perfection of the body, 
& perfection of the organs in grasping objects that are distant 
or subtile. 

44. As a result of study there is communion with the chosen 


As a result of repetition of the chosen incantation or of 
something of the kind, conversation and the like are perfected 
with one's own chosen divinity. 

45. As a result of devotion to the Igvara arises the perfection 

of concentration. 

Only by devotion of all one's inner being is there perfection 
of yoga. And one should not say that if this is so, the seven 
aids which begin with the abstentions are useless. Because 
it is conceded that there is a choice whether there be a per- 
fection of yoga by the aids or by the devotion. This was said 
[i. 23] "Or by devotion to the I^vara." Nor [should one say] 
that the aids are fruitless as regards devotion. Because it is 
possible that the abstentions and the rest would aid the devo- 
tion also. There is nothing contradictory in saying that these 
[aids] are useful in both ways, both for devotion and for yoga, 

1 Reading siddhdn. 

2 In the Patanjala-Rahasyam this passage is attributed to the Vishnu 

56 James HaugJiton Woods, 

just as curds are an aid in both ways, both [to invigorate] the 
organs [of man] and also for sacrifice. And you should also 
not say 'What is the use of devotion, if eight aids are neces- 
sary, for they themselves would give the perfection. 3 Perfec- 
tion of yoga is remote, if your means-of- approach lack faith; 
perfection of yoga is very near, if [your means-of-approach] 
shower down the nectar of devotion. Thus the choice [between 
devotion and the eight aids] can be properly explained because 
they are both methods-of-attaining the results, which are yoga 
at a distant time and yoga directly (acira). This devotion to 
the Ic.vara, moreover, has a different object from the yoga of 
the inner self. So it is proper to speak of it as an external 
aid. Thus there is no flaw [in the argument]. 

Having thus discussed abstentions and observances together 
with the perfections, he tells what the nature of posture is. 

46. Posture should be steady and easy. 

The meaning is that the posture which is motionless and 
which confers case is an aid to yoga. A posture in the sense 
that one is posed. It is two-fold, external and bodily. Of 
these two, that is external such as is covered by a slab or a 
black antelope skin or by sacrificial grass; that is bodily such 
as the lotus or the mystic diagram. This is the distinction. 
Of these the lotus-posture is familiar enough. One should 
put the left foot contracted between the left shin and thigh 
and the right between the left shin and thigh; this would be 
the mystic diagram. Having made a hollow of the two soles 
of his feet near the scrotum, one should place the hollow of 
his hands above the hollow [of the soles of his feet]. This 
would he regarded as the decent-posture. 

He tells of the method of steadying the postures. 

47. By relaxation of effort or by a balanced-state with regard 

to Ananta. 

Instinctive effort, because it moves, destroys the posture. 
By the cessation of it the posture is perfected; so that there 
is no shaking of the limbs. By a balanced-state of the mind- 
stuff <with regard to Ananta> [that is] upon the Chief of 
Serpents, who holds the globe of the world upon his thous- 

Yoga-sutras ivith Maniprdbha. 57 

and very steadfast hoods, there is no throbbing of pain in the 
posture in so far as there is no consciousness of the body. 

He tells of a characteristic of perfection in this [posture]. 

48. Thereafter he is unassailed by extremes. 

After the subjugation of the postures one is not beaten by 
cold or heat or by other [extremes]. 

He now tells of the restraint of breath to be effected by 
the postures. 

49. This done, restraint of the breath, the cutting off of the 

flow of inspiration and expiration [follows]. 

When there is steadiness of posture, restraint of the breath 
is the inner and outer cutting off of the flow of the external 
and the abdominal winds. 

Having described the general characteristic [of restraint of 
breath] he analyzes restraint of breath as the thing to be 

50. External, internal, or suppressed in fluctuation; appearing 

in place, time, and number; spun-out and subtile. 

Restraint of the breath is of four kinds, external in fluctua- 
tion, internal in fluctuation, suppressed in fluctuation, and the 
fourth. Of these, the retention, outside only, of the abdominal 
wind which has gone out by reason of an emission, is < ex- 
ternal in fluctuation and it is an emission (recaka). By a 
filling in of outer wind, the holding within of [the air] which 
has gone within is < internal > in fluctuation and it is an in- 
halation (piiraka). The cutting off of the flow by an effort 
which is nothing other than a retention of the breath without 
an effort of emission or of inhalation is < suppressed > in fluctua- 
tion and it is suspension (kumbhdka). This is not an emission 
because it remains within. Nor is it an inhalation because it 
is subtile in that it contracts the breath in the body like a 
drop of water put on the surface of a boiling-hot stone. For 
an inhalation is [a breathing], that in coarse and restricted 
within, which fills the body, Therefore without any practice 
in emission or inhalation, by a single effort and no more, the 

58 James Hauyhton Woods, 

subtile breath called suspension, in so far as it is motionless 
like water in a jar, because it remains in the body is proven 
to be a suspension, a third [restraint of breath]. This muta- 
tion is three-fold, appearing as spun- out and subtile in place, 
time, and number. With regard to these, the < place > [that 
is] the object of the emission is measured by a span, a vitasti 
[from extended thumb to tip of little finger], or a hand or 
something similar; and is inferred, from the motion in a 
windless place of a blade of grass or of cotton, as being ex- 
ternal. The place of inhalation, however, is internal and is 
inferred by means of touch, which resembles the touch of ants 
[moving on the body]; it extend from the sole of the foot to 
the head. <Time> is to be known by counting moments. 
< Number > is to be known by counting matrd. A matrd is 
that time which is distinguished by a snap of the fingers after 
having touched thrice with one's hand one's own knee. 1 This 
[matrd] occupies the same time as the inspiration and expira.- 
tion of a man in ordinary health. In this case it is evident that 
[the restraint] is spun-out by a series of practices of twenty-six 
mdtrds [in length]. The restriction of breath is < spun- out > 
when a large amount of place or time is covered. Just as a 
clever man sees it is spun-out, so because the breath is evidently 
subtile the spun-out [restraint] itself appears to be subtile. 

He shows what the fourth restraint of breath is. 

51. The fourth [restraint oj breath] transcends the external and 
internal objects. 

The outer place [that is] object has been described. And 
the inner object is, for instance, the heart or the navel. The 
transcending of these two is the complete apprehension of 
these with the subtile sight. The first stage of this < fourth, > 
is the [restraint] suppressed in fluctuation. And one should 
not question whether this might be included under suspension 
(kumbhaka). Because of [this] difference in quality: that the 
suspension is only when there is no ascertainment of outer 
and inner objets which have been subjugated by the practice 
of emission and of inhalation and it [the suspension] is sup- 
pressed in fluctuation by a single effort only; [whereas] the 

1 Or it may be that one should touch each knee and snap one's 

Toga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 59 

fourth is to be obtained after a deal of effort, and it is the 
suspended fluctuation that has as its antecedent the ascertain- 
ment of those [outer and inner objects]. 

Now he tells of the result which is the cause of its being 
regarded an aid to yoga. 

52. As a result of this the obscuration of light dwindles away. 

As a result of practice in restiaint of breath the covering, 
which consists in evil from hindrances, of the sattva, whose 
disposition is light, belonging to the thinking - substance, 
<dwindles away. > This is said by the omniscient Manu [vi. 72] 
"One should burn up defects by restraint of breath." 

53. The central-organ becomes fit for fixed-attentions also. 

Furthermore as a result of restraint of breath, when the 
obscuration dwindles away, the central-organ becomes fit for 
fixed-attentions upon subtile points. 

The mind-stuff which is purified with the abstentions and 
the rest which have been described withdraws its senses. After 
assuming this he gives the characteristic-mark of this [with- 

54. The withdrawal of the senses is as it were the imitation of 

the mind-stuff itself on the part of the organs, ~by disjoining 

themselves from their objects. 

When the pure mind-stuff is disjoined from its own objects, 
the sounds and other [perceptible] things, when, in other words, 
it is close to reality by having not joined itself to objects 
as a result of passionlessness, the organs, the eye and the 
others, imitate the nature of the mind-stuff [that is] they get 
close to reality by disjoining themselves from their objects. 
This is withdrawal of the organs. According to the deriva- 
tion of the word [the withdrawal of the organs] is that in 
which the organs are withdrawn (cihriyante) from the objects 
which are obstructive (prdtilomyena}. The words <as it were> 
are used to denote (dyotana] those organs whose power extends 
(Qura) to objects are not close to reality, as is the mind-stuff. 
Just as when the king-bee mounts up the bees mount up after 
him and when he stands still they stand still after him, so the 

60 James Haughton Woods, 

organs in conformity with the mind-stuff are restricted merely 
by the restriction of the mind-stuff and not by any effort other 
than that. This is the import [of the sutra]. 

He tells of the result of the withdrawal of the senses which 
is the cause of yoga. 

55. As a result of this [withdrawal] there is complete mastery 

of the senses. 

[A man has] enjoyment at his will of objects which are 
not forbidden, without being dependent on them. Mastery of 
the senses is that knowledge of sounds and other [perceptible] 
things, in the absence of passion and aversion, which does not 
produce pleasure and pain. This [mastery] is not the highest 
because it is connected with the snake's poison (visa) of ob- 
jects (visaya). But the opinion of Jaigisavya is this: That 
mastery which is the absolute refusal (apratipatti) , on the 
part of the women, who are the organs to deal with objects, 
that is to say, the objects of sense, although [these latter] are 
being carried near to themselves [the objects] by the objects 
[a refusal] because they are true to their husbands, who are 
the realities, just as the Lady Sita did not accept Ravana 
the basest of demons, although brought near to him this is 
the higher mastery of the senses, the result of the withdrawal 
of the senses. 

Book third: Supernormal Powers. 

Having thus in the Second Book discussed the yoga of 
action as a means of attaining yoga by attenuation of the 
hindrances, and having told of the fruitions of the karma from 
the hindrances in detail, and having shown that pain is the 
reason for rejecting them, and having made that-which-is-to- 
be-r ejected and its reasons harmonious with release and its 
reasons, he discussed the five outer aids of yoga, beginning 
with the abstentions, together with their subordinate results. 
Now while speaking of the three inner aids beginning with 
fixed-attention, [which together form] the so-called constraint, 
he will describe the supernormal powers to be attained 
by constraint as being causes, by means of belief, of 
putting; that yoga into action which results in Isolation. So 

Toga-Sutras with Maniprabhd. 61 

beginning the book which comes next he characterizes fixed- 

1. Fixed-attention (dhdrand) is the binding of the mind-stuff 

to a place. 

That binding [that is] steadying of the mind-stuff to a place, 
such as the navel or the heart or the tip of the nose, is fixed- 
attention. This is said in the Vishnu Purana [vi. 7, 45] "Having 
subdued his breath by restraint of breath and his organs by 
withdrawal of the senses he should make a localization of the 
mind-stuff upon some auspicious support. The form of the 
Exalted is incarnate and leaves one without desire of any 
[other] support. That should be understood to be fixed-atten- 
tion when the mind is fixed upon this form. That incarnate 
form of Hari on which one should ponder let that be heard 
by you, Ruler of Men. A fixed-attention without location 1 
is impossible. His face is calm; his eye like the lovely lotus 
petal; his check is beautiful; the expanse of his broad forehead 
is resplendent [with the light of thought]; his pleasing orna- 
ment of ear-rings is placed even with the lobes of his ear; 
his neck is [marked with lines] like a shell of the sea; his 
great, broad chest is marked with the Qrivatsa; his belly has 
a deep navel and broken folds; he has eight long arms or [as 
Vishnu] four arms; his thighs and legs are well-formed; his 
excellent lotus-feet are evenly placed. Upon him who has 
become Brahma with stainless yellow garment let [the yogin] 

He characterizes contemplation which is to be attained by 
fixed- attention. 

2. Contemplation (dhyana) is intentness upon the presented- 
idea within that [place]. 

While the fixed-attention requires an effort to avoid dis- 
similar fluctuations, which is the intentness upon the presented- 
ideas [that is] the fluctuations in the same [space], con- 
templation without requiring an effort has a single object. 
On this same point this was said by Kegidhvaja to Khandi- 
kajanaka [Vishnu Purana vi. 7. 89] "A continuous series 

1 Reading anddhard. 

62 James Haughton Woods, 

of focussed states upon the idea of his form regardless of 
anything else, that, King, is contemplation. It is brought 
to pass by the six first aids." 

He characterizes concentration. 

3. Concentration is the same [concentration] appearing as the 

object only, and, as it were, emptied of itself. 

Concentration is a contemplation which consists in a flow 
of extremely clear fluctuations of mind -stuff, and which 
appears to be the object only. He speaks of an object [to 
which the rule of Panini iv. 1. 15 applies which states that 
compounds ending] in mdtra [take i after the suffix]. < Seem- 
ing to be emptied of itself. > The word < seeming > denotes the 
existence of the contemplation. Just as a gem of pure crystal 
appears as a flower only, not in its own form, so [this con- 
templation] is like that. Fixed-attention is interrupted by dis- 
similar fluctuations; contemplation is not interrupted; from 
among the throbbings forth of object and act and agent of 
contemplation, concentration trobs forth as the object and 
nothing more. This same inasmuch as it spans a long 
time is the so-called conscious yoga. Yoga not conscious 
[of an object] has no throbbing in the object to be con- 

He states that the technical term, constraint, makes an easy 
term when used for fixed-attention and contemplation and con- 
centration, three at once. 

4. Constraint (samyama) is the three, [previous aids] in one. 

The three having one object receive the technical name of 

He tells what is the result of constraint. 

5. As a result of mastering this [constraint] there follows the 

shining forth of insight. 

As a result of mastering [that is] as a result of steadiness, 
a shining forth [that is] a spotlessness of the insight which has 
mastered the concentration arises. It has emptied itself of 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 63 

error and doubt and it throbs forth with the reality of the 
object to be contemplated. 

He gives the answer to the question 'But where is the result 
of the constraint which has been commanded?' 

6. Its application in by stages. 

The stages have been described as coarse or fine or the 
others, the deliberative and superdeliberative, the reflective 
and superreflective and so on. Constraint has its application 
to these. After mastering by constraint the previous stage, 
[the yogin] should desire to master the next stage to that. For 
unless the coarse have been directly experienced, the subtile 
cannot he directly experienced. This is the point. 

The objector asks 'In the First Book five aids from among 
all [the aids] to yoga were discussed; here three are discussed; 
what is the reason for this?' In reply to this he says 

7. The three are direct aids in comparison with the previous 


The five [aids] beginning with abstentions are indirect (bahir) 
aids to conscious concentration, because they remove (nivrtti- 
dvdrsC) the taints, of mind-stuff and body and breathing and 
organs, which are obstacles [to yoga]. But the three [aids] 
beginning with fixed-attention, are called < direct aids> in so 
far as they have the same object as the principal end (angin), 
because they are immediately useful [to that principal end]. 
Hence these [three] are direct aids in comparison with <the 
previous > five. And with this in mind (iti krtva) he has 
defined them here in order to speak of [their] application to 
each stage in order. 

8. Even these [three] are indirect aids to the seedless [con- 


Even the three [aids] beginning with fixed-attention are 
<indirect aids> to [concentration] not conscious [of an object]. 
Because, inasmuch as the principal end is without an object 
[and] inasmuch as the three have an object, they have not the 
same object. Accordingly, when there is a restriction of the 
three, which are emergent, by the higher passionlessness, which 

64 James Haughton Woods, 

is the undisturbed - calm of insight, which [in turn] is the 
complete fruition of conscious concentration, because even the 
conscious concentration is restricted, [the concentration] be- 
comes seedless. Because it gives its aid through a succession 
of efforts it is an indirect aid. 

Desirous now of describing the supernormal powers which 
result from constraint, he points out that mutations are the 
things aimed at by constraint. 

9. When there is a disappearence of the subliminal-impression 
of emergence and an appearance of the subliminal-impression of 
restriction, the mutation of restriction is inseparably connected 

with mind-stuff in its period of restriction. 

Emergence is conscious [concentration]. Restriction is the 
higher passionlessness by which this [conscious concentration] 
is restricted. This being so, when there is a disappearance of 
an emergent subliminal -impression and an appearance of a 
restricted impression, then the mind-stuff passes into the period 
[that is] the time of the unconscious [concentration], which has 
restricted subliminal-impressions. That inseparable connection 
of the disappearing and the appearing subliminal-impressions 
with the substance (dharmitvena) on the part of this mind- 
stuff, in its restricted period, because it is ever unstable by 
reason of the three aspects of the substance, and because it 
is thus disposed to mutation this is the so-called restricted 
mutation. "When the fluctuation of conscious concentration 
and its subliminal-impression have disappeared because of the 
fluctuation which consists in the higher passionlessness, be- 
cause only the subliminal-impression of the higher passionless- 
ness is clearly manifested, there [arises] the seedless < mutation 
of restriction^ 

He tells of the steadiness of restriction when once the 
emergent subliminal-impressions have disappeared entirely. 

10. There is a peaceful flowing [of mind-stuff] by reason of 


The mind-stuff which has cast off all the stain of emergent 
subliminal-impressions, because of the accumulation of restricted 
subliminal-impressions, comes to have a peaceful flowing of a 

Yoga-sutras with Manipralha. 65 

succession of restricted subliminal-impressions and of nothing 
more. The objector says 'Then at that time also [the mind- 
stuff] is unstable.' True. Still such a series of mutations is 
called steady [by us]. This is the point. 

Having thus described the seedless state he tells of the 
mutation of conscious [concentration]. 

11. The mutation of concentration is the dwindling of dis- 
persiveness and the uftrisal of Jocussedness of mind-stuff. 
The mind-stuffs < dispersiveness > [that is] its having the 
form of many objects is a quality which consists in its dis- 
traction. <Focussedness> is a quality which is to be described. 
Their dwindling and uprisal [is a] disappearance and appearance, 
but not an annihilation of something that exists and the creation 
of something non-existent. These two are the mutation of con- 
centration. The point is that the singleness of intent [that is] 
the steadiness that there is, when distraction has passed away 
by reason of practice this is concentration. 

12. The mind-stuff's focussed mutation occurs ivhen the quiescent 
and the uprisen [states] are similar ideas [in respect of one 


Quiescent is past; uprisen is present these two are similar 
ideas in respect of one subject. When the mind-stuff has two 
fluctuations both of which have a single object, there is the 
so-called focussed mutation. This focussedness when multiplied 
by twelve becomes fixed-attention; fixed-attention multiplied 
by twelve [becomes] contemplation; contemplation multiplied 
by twelve [becomes] concentration; concentration multiplied by 
twelve [becomes] the so-called conscious yoga. Such is the 

He extends by analogy the argument with regard to the 
focussed states of the restricted concentration, which are 
mutations of the central-organ, to other topics also. 

13. Thus have been explained mutations of external-aspect, of 
time-variation, and of intensity with respect to elements and to 


With regard to elements, such as earth, which are sub- 
stances, and with regard to organs, such as the eye. Mutations 

-5 JAOS 34. 

66 James EaugMon Woods, 

are of three kinds, the mutation of external-aspect, the mutation 
of time-variation, and the mutation of intensity. <Have been 
explained > <thus> [that is] by the explanation of the mutation 
of the central-organ. To explain: Just as when a piece of 
clay has one external-aspect which is a [wet] ball and this 
disappears and another of its external-aspects which is a water- 
jar appears, so in the case of mind-stuff, when its emergent 
state passes away and its restricted state grows intense, this 
is itself a mutation of external-aspect. The time-variation 
(laksana) is so-called because it demarks (Laksayati) [that is] 
separates itself from the external-aspect which consists of an 
effect. [The time-variation] is the three times, the future time- 
form, the present time -form, and the past time -form. Thus 
the three times are called three time-forms. In the case of 
these [three], the water-jar, which has these as its states 
(dharma), would have a future- state, its first time-form, a 
present-state, its second time-form, and a past-state, its third 
time-form. This is itself the mutation of time-variation. For 
the state which is future separates itself from the present and 
past states. The present and the other time -variations are 
also to be regarded in this same way. Similarly the mutation 
of intensity must be regarded as belonging to the mutation 
of time-variation or to the external-aspect which is delimited 
by this [time-variation]. This mutation of intensity is as 
follows: That which will exist in a mundane-cycle yet-to-come 
is the most distant of those yet-to-come; that which will come 
into existence [at some future time] in this mundane-cycle is 
the more distant of those yet-to-come; that which will be to- 
morrow is yet-to-come; that which has occurred just now is 
the most present. So mutatis mutandis you must speak [in 
the other cases]. Likewise newness and oldness and so on 
are mutations of intensity. So the formula would be that all 
beings are incessantly in mutation except the power of in- 
telligence (citi$akti). 

He points out what the substance is to which this three-fold 
mutation belongs. 

14. A substance has in succession quiescent, uprisen, and 

indeterminable external-aspects. 

Quiescent are past which have performed their functional- 
activity; uprisen are present which have entered upon their 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 67 

functional-activity, for instance, fetching water; indeterminable 
are yet-to-come continuing in potential form, in substances, 
pieces of clay or what not. For these because of their sub- 
tilty cannot be attributed by an attribution which would dis- 
tinguish them either from the substance or from other external- 
aspects. Consequently every effect, in so far as it is potential, 
is indeterminable and is to be counted as possible merely 
because of the existence of the cause. Thus every cause is 
essentially every effect. Because evidently plaintain sprouts 
spring up from seeds of cane that has been burned by the 
forest-fire. For it is impossible in this case that something 
non-existent should spring up, since everything springs up 
somewhere because of a multiplicity of factors which manifest 
it, such as place and time and predisposition. Such is the 
arrangement of cause and effect in the world. For those who 
are perfected in yoga, because place and so on is no obstacle, 
everything springs up from everything. A substance which is 
in succession, [that is] which follows after these same quiescent 
and uprisen and indeterminable [mutations] ceaselessly rolling 
on like a water-wheel, <has> them <in successions Just as 
a substance is a whole-in-connection-with-its parts, for instance, 
a piece of clay with dust and [wet] ball and water-jar, or 
gold with neck-ornaments or something of the kind. 

The objector asks 'What reason is there for a single sub- 
stance, if there are many mutations?' In reply he says 

15. The order of the sequence is the reason for the order of 

the mutations. 

In the case of clay a change in the order, which consists 
in an earlier and a later, of dust and round lump, of round 
lump and water-jar, of water-jar and pot-sherds is evidently a 
reason [that is] a means of making known a change, in the 
order of the mutations of one and the same clay, [that is] in 
the external-aspects [namely] the dust and the rest. Similarly 
it must be understood that the order of the time-forms yet- 
to-come, present, and past is the cause of the change of the 
mutation of the time-variation of the external-aspects. Like- 
wise we may know of change in mutations of intensities, of 
newness or of oldness, by means of the sequence of impercep- 
tible subtile mutations in the serial order of moments in a 

68 James Haughton Woods, 

water-jar or a grain of rice or of anything else. For one can 
see that grains of rice kept in a store-house, after a lapse of 
time, reach the intensity of dust merely by a touch of the 
hand. Because this intensity is not reached unless there be 
either a sequence of momentary mutations or unless there be 
fresh [grains]. Nor does it happen for no reason at all. Con- 
sequently a substance which is permanently in mutation has 
external-aspects which are different [from it]; the external- 
aspects have time-variations; these have intensities. This is 
established. Because the substance does not change, the theory 
of momentariness does not hold. So [our contention is] flaw- 
less. This being so, some mutations of the mind-stuff are 
perceptions, love and pleasure and what not. Others are 
accessible by verbal-communication or by inference, seven of 
them. This is said in the Comment Restriction, right-living, 
subliminal-impressions, mutation, vitality, movement, and power 
are properties of mind-stuff excluded from sight. In other 
words they are mediate experiences. Karma is preceded by 
merit and demerit. Because the mind-stuff has the three aspects 
(guna), its incessant mutation may be inferred. Vitality is 
the sustenance of breath and so on and is accessible [to our 
knowledge] by such indications as inspiration. Movement 
is an activity resident in the mind-stuff accessible [to our 
knowledge by inferences] from the movements of limbs. Power 
is the subtile form of effects [in the mind]. 

Thus external-aspects and the rest have been discussed as 
being objects of one who has excellence in constraint. From 
now up to the end of the book supernormal-powers are described 
in order that one may know the sense of mastery in respect 
of constraint upon this or that object. 

16. As a result of constraint upon the three mutations [there 

follows] tlie thinking of the past and of the future. 
For the sattva of the thinking-substance of itself by its own 
nature enlightens everything. When by constraint the obstacle 
from the taints of rajas and of tamas has ceased, without any 
source-of-valid-ideas it knows all. This is the settled rule. 
In this same substance there are certain external-aspects, 
certain time-forms, the future for instance, and certain in- 
tensities. < As a result of constraint upon the three mutations > 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 69 

which consist of external-aspects and time-variations and in- 
tensities the yogin gains an immediate-experience of past and 
future things. 

17. Word and tiling and idea are confused because they are 
erroneously identified with each other. By constraint upon the 
distinctions between them [there arises] the [intuitive] knowledge 

of the cries of all living creatures. 

Over and above the syllable-sounds, but capable of being 
phenomenalized by syllable-sounds, permanent, undivided is 
the word -prototype (sphota). ' It is of two kinds. If we say 
that 'c-o-w' is recognized as one word by the organ of hear- 
ing, we have then the prototype of the word. If we say that 
'Fetch the cow' is recognized as one sentence, we have the 
prototype of the sentence. And there is no mental process 
which perceives unity in the several momentary syllable-sounds. 
To explain: The three syllable-sounds g-au-h are similar to 
the letter <g', the letter 'au', and the letter 'h' which are 
found in the words g-ana, $-au-ra, and paya-h [respectively]; 
these are the manifestors of three word-prototypes which are 
different in kind. [They are similar] because [they are pro- 
duced by] the same place of articulation. This has been said 
[Qiksa, 13] " There are eight places of articulation [of syllable- 
sounds] chest, throat, head, root of the tongue, teeth, nose, 
lips, and palate." Thus for the consonants (spar go) the effort 
of the vocal organs [is said to be] in contact; 1 and for the 
sibilants and h [is said to be] full. In such cases the effort 
is evidently similar. The syllable-sounds 'g' and the others 
are produced by the organ of speech which is active in the 
eight places of articulation, when there is a contact between 
the eight places of articulation and the emitted breath im- 
pelled by a special effort. [These] syllables, in so far as they 
are all sounds, are objects knowable by the perception of the 
organ of hearing; and so they make manifest the word-proto- 
type of the word 'cow' and at the same time they make mani- 
fest some indistinct [impression] which bears resemblances to 
the several word-prototypes of words like gana. And this is 
possible because the several resemblances [for example, the 
word-prototype of gana and other words] which appertain to 

1 Reading sprstah and see Qiksa, 38. 

70 James Haughton Woods, 

any object [for example, g and other syllable-sounds] are com- 
prised within (samdropdt) that one thing [for example, the 
word-prototype of the word 'cow'] which is [primarily] to 
be manifested by that object (that is, g and other syllable- 
sounds) which go to make up the word 'cow'. Again the 
three syllable-sounds beginning with */, uttered in succession, 
being gathered together as flashing in a single mental-process 
(buddhi) which rises in the organ of hearing that is accom- 
panied by subliminal-impressions produced by the experience 
of those letters, manifests the word -prototype of the word 
gauh. [This word-prototype,] is one individualized-form (vydkti), 
apart from any other word-prototype and although without 
parts, [is manifested] as having parts consisting in the similarity 
imposed upon it on account of its being identified with them- 
selves [the syllable-sounds beginning with g]. [This word- 
prototype is manifested] as having an order and as being 
impermanent, although it is permanent and has no order. Just 
as a mirror that is soiled and irregular manifests a face that 
is unsoiled and regular as soiled and irregular, because simi- 
larity to the mirror is superimposed upon the face. Similarly 
the word-prototype when individualized by syllable-sounds con- 
veys a meaning. Nor can an objector say, 'Let us suppose 
that syllable-sounds are indistinctly manifested, and let us 
suppose that they are distinctly manifested when brought to- 
gether. What need is there for a word-prototype (sphota)?' 
The reply is this. Because distinctness and indistinctness, 
which are one phase (dharma) of perceptive knowledge, do 
not apply to the category (sthatva) of mediately perceived 
objects. If we say 'one word' or 'one sentence' we have 
knowledge of the word-prototype, with a perception given by 
the ear. Thus distinctness or indistinctness belongs to this 
[word-prototype] and to nothing else. Why say more? We 
have already proved that people understand conventional-usage 
as regards this word [the sphota] with reference to an intended- 
object which is mixed as being in a predicate-relation (vikal- 
pita) which does not distinguish [the object] from words and 
ideas. Accordingly the word 'cow' and the thing 'cow' and 
the idea 'cow', word and thing and idea, are erroneously 
identified with each other as being not different. So there is 
confusion well-known [to every one] from boys up to pandits. 
The distinction between these [word and thing and idea] is 

Toga-sutras iviih Alaniprabhci. 71 

well-known from authoritative books and from reasoning. The 
word may be manifested by syllable-sounds; the sentence may 
be manifested by words; and it conveys-sense (bodhaka) by 
the force (vrtti) of its expressive-power (Qaldi) and of its other 
forces [laksana and vyanjana]. Such is the entity of words. 
A thing is that which is expressed by a word as being a sub- 
stance, a quality, an activity, a common characteristic, or the 
like and it may also be indirectly devoted. Such is the en- 
tity of a thing. A presented-idea, resident in the thinking- 
substance, producable by a word, having a thing as its object 
such is the entity of an idea. So we are to understand that 
there is a distinction in all cases, as in the case of the word 
'cow.' When there is constraint upon this distinction, there 
arises an [intuitive] knowledge of the cries of all creatures, 
of beasts and birds and so forth. In other words, he who 
exercises constraint knows that these [birds, for instance] 
utter this meaning. 

18. As the result of direct-experience of subliminal-impressions 

tliere is the [intuitive] knoivledge of previous births. 
Arising from hindrances in experience and causing hin- 
drances of memory; arising from karma and causing pleasure 
.and pain such are these subliminal-impressions, states of the 
mind-stuff, accumulated in successive previous births. By con- 
straint upon these, both as known by verbal-communication 
and as inferred [but now] immediately-experienced, the yogin 
gains an immediate-experience of the succession of previous 
births of himself and of others in so far as they are causes 
of this. With regard to this there is a story of the Exalted 
Jaigisavya. As a result, you know, of the immediate-experience 
of subliminal-impressions by this most excellent of yogins, who 
had mastered his primary-substance and who immediately ex- 
periences his successive births in ten great mundane-cycles, in 
the bodies of gods and animals men and so on, a supernormal 
discriminative discernment appeared. Him the Exalted Avatya 
asked 'Exalted One! in ten great mundane-cycles hast thou 
experienced more of pleasure or of pain?' Jaigisavya said 
'Whatever has been experienced by me as I came into life 
over and over again, whether among gods or men, all of it 
was pain.' Avatya said 'Was even the mastery over the 
primary-substance by which supernormal enjoyments without 

72 James Haughton Woods. 

dwindling by a mere wish fell to your share was this pain?' 
He spake 'It is true. As compared with the pleasure of the 
world, mastery of the primary-cause is incomparable; as com- 
pared with Isolation, it is the highest pain, in that the thread 
of longing, the maker of all pain, is not cut off. As a result 
of cutting this away there is the pleasure of Isolation undis- 
turbedly-calm and incomparable.' Such is the little tale found 
in the Comment. The objector asks 'Since it is necessarily 
true that he in whom there is constraint has immediate-ex- 
perience, how is it that there is knowledge of previous births 
resulting from subliminal-impressions?' The reply is, True. 
As a result of constraint upon subliminal-impressions, together 
with their connections, it is consistent to have knowledge of 
a previous birth as being a connection. This is to be sup- 

He tells of another perfection. 

19. [As a result of constraint] upon a presented-idea there 
arises [intuitive] knowledge of the mind-stuff of another. 

By constraint upon the mind-stuff of another [the yogin] has 
immediate-experience of that [mind-stuff]. 

20. But [the intuitive knowledge of the presented-idea of another] 
does not have that [idea] together with that upon which it depends 
[as its object], because that [on which it depends] is not in the 

field [of consciousness]. 

Just as there is a knowledge of connections as a result of 
immediate-experience of sublimal-impressions, is there a know- 
ledge of that on which [another's knowledge] depends as a 
result of immediate-experience of another's mind-stuff? He 
says, No. The mind-stuff of another and nothing more is im- 
mediately-experienced. The word ca has the sense of 'but/ 
< Together with that upon which it depends > [that is] together 
with its object; it is not however immediately-experienced. 
Because it is not known together with that upon which it 
depends. For constraint can be active only as regards that 
which is known by means of syllogistic marks and the like, 
and not with reference to that which is unknown. And so, 
just as it is possible to know the connection of subliminal- 
impressions with a previous life on account of the very fact 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 73 

(lingena) of there being a subliminal-impression and because 
of the Sacred Word "That which has been practised in a 
previous birth, whether ferocious or not ferocious, whether 
cruel or mild, that is consistent even to-day. Therefore that 
is pleasing to him," so it is not possible to know what an- 
other's mind-stuff is thinking of. [Why?] Because there is 
nothing to indicate it. But the mind-stuff itself of another 
man is easily known by such indications as joy or what not. 
If after having [intuitively] known another's mind and after 
having immediately-perceived it by constraint he devotes his 
own mind-stuff to finding out what it is upon which that man's 
[mind-stuff] now depends, then he can know that upon which 
[the mind-stuff of the other depends] with reference to that 
time [now past]. But such fluctuations as passion are im- 
mediately-perceived because the mind-stuffs are the same. 
Such is the distinction [between the emotions and objects]. 

He tells of another perfection. 

21. As a result of constraint upon the external form of the 
body, when its power to be known is stopped, then as a con- 
sequence of the disjunction of light and of the eye there follows 

indiscernibility [of the yogin's body]. 

As a result of constraint practised upon the form of the 
body that form which is the cause of knowledge by the eye 
when the power which is favorable to knowing that form on 
the part of another's eye is stopped [that is] opposed, then 
when the form passes beyond the province of the knowledge 
obtained by the eye of another man, there follows the indis- 
cernibility of the body of the yogin. [that is to say,] he is not 
the object of [the other's] eye, whenever he wills. In this way, 
by constraint upon his own sound or touch or taste or smell, 
perfection in not being known by the organ-of-hearing or of 
the other [organs] follows. 

He tells of another supernormal power. 

22. Karma is advancing and un advancing; as a result of con- 
straint upon this [two-Jold karma] or upon the signs of death 

there arises an [intuitive] knowledge of the final end. 
Karma done in previous births which exists now is of two 
kinds, advancing and unadvancing. That which is functionally 

74 James Haughton Woods, 

engaged in giving results and which is having rapid fruition 
is advancing. It is like a wet piece of cloth which dries 
quickly when spread out in a heated place. That which gives 
forth its results at a later time and is now without functional 
activity and has a long fruition is un advancing. It is like a 
wet piece of cloth rolled up into a ball in an unheated place. 
When there is constraint upon this, as a result of his im- 
mediate-experience, the termination [that is] the so-called 
<final end> of his term-of-life, which is the fruition of this 
[karma], is known. The final end in the case of Prajapati is 
the Great Dissolution; in the case of men death is the final 
end. This immediate-experience is such as this 'In that place 
and at that time my separation from the body will take place.' 
When there is immediate-experience of this, the yogin, for the 
sake of experiencing the fruition of it, instantly assumes many 
bodies and dies when he wills. In case he is experiencing it 
in this [life] there is a delay of death [for a period] of one 
[body]. Incidentally he says <or upon the signs of death. > 
Of these [three], the signs of death pertaining to one's self 
[would occur when, for instance, a man] who has stopped the 
openings of his ears with his hands does not hear the sound 
of the vital-spirits [in his own body]. [The signs-of-death] 
pertaining to other creatures [would occur] when one sees the 
hirelings of Yama or something of the kind. Those pertain- 
ing to the gods [would occur] when one sees heaven unex- 
pectedly or whatever else. These three kinds of indications of 
dying are called signs-of-death (arista} because they terrify 
like an enemy (an). <0r> by these the yogin also has a 
knowledge of death. 

23. By constraint upon friendliness and other [sentiments] there 
arise potvers of friendship. 

Previously [i. 33] constraint upon friendliness and compassion 
and joy has been prescribed. By this the powers [that is] 
energies of these arise. By these [powers] the yogin becomes 
the benefactor and friend of any kind of living being and the 
deliverer from pain and is not a partisan. Indifference, how- 
ever, which is nothing but a state of impartiality is not any 
power of his because constraint is [upon the other three]. 

Toga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 75 

24. [As a result of constraint] upon powers there arises power 

like that of an elephant. 

If there be cultivation of powers such as those of the ele- 
phant or of Hanuman or of Garuda, as a result of constraint 
these powers appear in the yogin. The mind-stuff of itself has 
capacity and so on for everything. 

26. As a result of casting the light of a process [of the central- 
organ] there arises the [intuitive] knowledge of the subtile, the 

concealed, and the obscure. 

The luminous process has been previously [i. 36] described. 
That light of the process which consists in an immediate- 
experience of illumination is a spot which is diffused forth 
everywhere, the untainted sattva of the thinking-substance. 
As a result of casting [that is] of throwing forth this [light] 
upon the subtile, such as an atom; or upon what might be 
concealed by something in a treasury, for example; or upon 
something obscure such as an elixir lying within [Mount] Meru, 
[intuitive] knowledge [that is] immediate experience arises. 
Just as one has knowledge of water-jars and such things by 
contact with the light of the sun. 

Thus having described the [intuitive] knowledge by means 
of the light of the thinking-substance immediately-experienced 
by constraint, he tells of this [knowledge] by means of this 
[light] with regard to created things. 

26. As a result of constraint upon the sun there arises the 

[intuitive] knowledge of the cosmic spaces. 
As a result of constraint upon the disc of the sun shining 
brilliantly in the sky and wreathed with a thousand rays, the 
gate to which is through the Susumna, the mind-stuff, not 
separate from the object- for-sight, immediately experiences the 
fourteen cosmic spaces. 

27. [As a result of constraint] upon the moon there arises [ih- 

tuitive] knowledge of the arrangement of the stores. 
As a result of constraint upon the moon he immediately 
experiences the particular order of the asterisms. Because 
the sun does not cause the asterisms to appear, no knowledge 
of them arises from constraint upon it. This is the point. 

76 James Haugliton Woods, 

28. [As a result of constraint] upon tlw Zenith (dhruva) 
there arises [intuitive] knoivledge of their movements. 

As a result of constraint upon the Zenith he knows the 
movements of these stars so that he may say 'That star goes 
with that planet by that path for so much time.' 

Having thus described outer perfections he tells of per- 
fections pertaining to one's self. 

29. [As a result of constraint] upon the cakra of the navel 
there arises [intuitive] "knowledge of the arrangement of the 


As a result of constraint upon that cakra of the navel, 
which is in the midmost part of the body and has ten petals 
and lies above the ddhdra and the lingo, cakra, which have 
forty petals, he knows the constitution of the body. The dis- 
orders are three, wind, bile, and phlegm. The secretions are 
seven, skin, blood, flesh, sinew, bone, marrow, and semen. The 
arrangement of the body is such that the external in each 
case precedes. 

30. [As a result of constraint] upon the hollow of the throat 

there follows cessation of hunger and thirst. 
Below the thread of the tongue there is a region of the 
throat in the form of a hollow. By the collision of the breath 
and so on with this, hunger and thirst arise. As a result of 
constraint upon this, these two cease. 

31. [As a result of constraint] upon the tortoise-tube there 
follows motionlessness [of the mind-stuff]. 

Below the hollow there is, within the chest, a tube, in shape 
a tortoise. As a result of constraint upon this the mind-stuff 
enters into it and gains motionlessness. 

32. [As a result of constraint] upon the radiance in the head 

[there follows] the sight of the Siddhas. 

As a result of constraint upon that aperture which is in 

the skull, the so-called opening of Brahma, and which after 

there is a conjunction [of this light] with the Susumna and 

after there is a conjunction with the jewel's lustre of the 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 77 

mind-stuff resident in the heart becomes resplendent as the 
radiance in the head, [as a result of this] he beholds the 
Siddhas, although they are invisible. 

33. Or as a result of Vividness (prdtibha) the [yogin dis- 

cerns] all. 

For if constraint be made for the sake of the discriminative 
discernment, the Elevation (prasamWiyana), the deliverer from 
the round -of -rebirths, there follows Vividness, an intuitive 
[knowledge] indicating the approach of the Elevation and 
arising from Vivid-light, which is reflective thinking and nothing 
more. <0r> by this the yogin knows <all.> Just as people 
see by the ray of dawn which indicates the rising of the sun. 
But in the Rajavartika the Vivid-light is an [intuitive] know- 
ledge arising instantly in accordance with the object produced 
by nothing but the central-organ without regard to any causes. 
As a result of constraint upon this, the Vividness, the deliverer, 
a prior state of discriminative discernment, dawns [in the mind- 
stuff]. By this the yogin knows all. So it is explained. 

34. [As a result of constraint] upon the heart there arises a 

consciousness of the mind-stuff. 

By constraint upon a station of the mind-stuff, the lotus of 
the heart with its face downwards, there is a consciousness 
of the mind-stuff together with its subconscious-impressions. 

55. Experience is a presented-idea which is undistinguished on 
the part of the sattva and of the Self, each absolutely un- 
commingled [in the presented-idea]. Since the sattva exists as 
object for another, the [intuitive] knowledge of the Self arises 

as the result of constraint upon itself as object. 
<That presented-idea which is un distinguished > on the part 
of the thinking-substance and the self, which are absolutely 
different in so far as they are object-of-experience and ex- 
periencer, is a mutation of the thinking-substance, a presented- 
idea of pleasure and of pain and of infatuation, undistinguished 
by the knowers of the reflection of the Self, [that is,] alike 
in quality to them, and attributive of pleasure and so on [to 
the Self] by means of the reflection this is experience, resident 
in the thinking-substance because it is an object-for-sight. It 
exists for the sake of another, [that is,] it becomes subordinate 

78 James Haughton Woods. 

to the Self, the experiencer. The experience is for the sake 
of another; it consists in a presented-idea which is dependent 
upon the reflection of intelligence. Other than this is the 
essence of intelligence, which is the reflection; it exists for its 
own sake and is not subordinate to another. By constraint 
upon this the Self has an immediate-experience of the Self. 
And this object-for-sight resident in the thinking-substance is 
not able by the Self, who is self-lightening, to make the Self 
into an object. On the contrary, the knowledge of the Self 
is said to be empty of the forms of the not-self, because it 
knows the reflection of itself and nothing more. And in this 
sense there is the Sacred Word [Brhad Ar. Up. iv. 5. 15] 
u By whom, pray, should one discern the Discerner?" 

Now when this constraint has immediately-experienced the 
Self he points out what are the previously existing perfections. 

36. As a result of this, vivid organs of hearing and of touch 

and of sight and of taste and of smell are generated. 
As a result of this constraint upon that which exists for 
its own sake, (the Vividness previously described,) the [intuitive] 
knowledge which is occupied with itself is generated by the 
central-organ and no other, aided by the Bright karma which 
arises from yoga. The organs for knowing supernormal sounds 
and touches and colors and tastes and smells, the organ of 
hearing and the skin and the eye and the tongue and the nose 
are generated in order, with the technical names of the organ 
of hearing and the organ of touch and the organ of sight 
and the organ of taste and the organ of smell. When the 
organ of hearing, which is the organ for knowing supernormal 
sounds, comes to the yogin, then the technical term < organ 
of hearing > is given to his organ of hearing (grotra). Similarly 
the < organ of smell > is the technical name for his nose. And 
so in this way the ellipsis must be supplied. 

The objector asks 'Has then this yogin accomplished his 
task?' In reply to this he says 

37. To concentration these [supernormal sensations] are obstacles; 

to emergence they are perfections (siddhi). 
<These> [that is] Vividness and the like in the case of one 
devoted <to concentration^ the fruit of which is final bliss, 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha, 79 

are obstacles, [that is,] impediments. Accordingly he who 
desires liberation overlooks them. For his task is not accom- 
plished, even if he have ten thousand perfections, unless he 
have a complete enlightenment of self. This has been said 
by Qri Krishna, the Supreme Teacher, [Bhag. Grita xv. 20] 
"Having understood this he would be wise and would have 
accomplished his task, Bharata." But in the case of one 
devoted to emergence these [supernormal sensations] are per- 

Having thus described the supernormal-powers of constraint 
as consisting in knowledge culminating in the vision of the 
self, he tells of them as consisting in action. 

38. As a result of slackening the causes of bondage and as a 
result of the knowledge of the process, the mind-stuff penetrates 

into the body of another. 

The mind-stuff which is disposed to pervade in all directions 
is fixed, [that is,] bound to its own body and to nothing else 
by contraction. The cause of this is right and wrong doing. 
By constraint upon these two a slackening arises. A process, 
[that is,] a collection of tubes (nadi) is that by means of which 
the mind-stuff proceeds. By constraint upon that also there 
is the knowledge so that one thinks 'By that tube [the mind- 
stuff] passes through.' Likewise there is a knowledge of the 
tubes which are the paths for the breaths and the organs. 
And so when the rope of bondage is destroyed, the mind-stuff 
which knows the path gains entrance to the body of another, 
whether it be dead or alive, just as one enters into one's own 
clothing or another's. The organs enter after the mind-stuff 
just as bees [enter after] the king-bee. 

39. As a result of the subdual of the Uddna there is no adhesion 
to water, mud, thorns, or similar objects and [at death] there is 

the upward flight. 

As every one knows there are two modes of action of the 
organs. One consists in the perception of external things and 
the like; the other is internal and consists of efforts [to pre- 
serve] the source of life and is common to all action. The 
effects of this [two-fold] mode of action are the five breaths 
(prdna). Of these [five] 1. Prdna extends from the tip of the 

80 James Haughton Woods, 

nose to the heart. 2. Samdna extends from the heart to the 
navel and [the derivation is] in the sense that it leads (nayati) 
the food equally [over the body]. 3. Apdna extends from the 
navel to the sole of the foot and [the derivation is] in the 
sense that it removes (apanayati) filth. 4. Uddna is a fluc- 
tuation from the tip of the nose to the head and is the cause 
of the upward flight. 5. Vydna pervades all the body. Of 
these Prdna is the chief. As a result of the subdual of the 
Uddna, from among these, by constraint the yogin because of 
his lightness passes over ocean, mud, thorns, and other things 
without adhering to them. And at will he gains death. 

40. As a result of the subdual of the Samdna there arises a 


As a result of mastery of the Samdna which pervades the 
fire resident near the navel a radiance of flame arises, by 
which he appears radiant. Similarly by subduing the Prdna 
and the rest, it must be understood, that perfection in what 
can be done by this [fire is done] as [the yogin] wills. 

41. As a result of constraint upon the relation between the 
or gan-of -hearing and the air there arises the supernormal organ- 


Although the organ-of-hearing is of the personality-substance, 
the relation between it and the air is that of container and 
contained. This is a partial statement [which applies to the 
other organs]. By constraint upon the relations between the 
eye and light, water and taste, nose and earth, supernormal 
organs with the technical names of the organ of hearing and 
the organ of touch and the organ of sight and the organ of 
taste and the organ of smell [iii. 36] arise, by which he in- 
stantly knows supernormal sounds and so forth. 

42. Either as the result of constraint upon the relation between 
the body and the ether or as the result [of the balanced-state of 
lightness as of a cotton fibre there follows the passing through 


Having subdued the connection between these two, he be- 
comes light in body by concentration upon the common 
characteristic of what is light or of what is cotton-fibre and 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbhd. 81 

the like, first of all he walks upon water, then he walks upon 
spiders' threads, next upon sunbeams, thereafter he courses 
through air at will. 

43. The fluctuation outwardly unadjusted is the Great Dis- 
carnate; as a result of this the dwindling of the obscuration of 
light. As a result of constraint upon the coarse (sthula), tJie 
attribute (svarupa), the inherence (anvaya), and the pur- 
posiveness (arthavattva) there is a subdual of the elements. 
When the sense of being "I" is in the body, by resolving 
'my central-organ shall be outside/ the central-organ gains a 
fluctuation outside the body. This is the adjusted fixed- 
attention that is called discarnate. When as a result of this 
there is a renunciation of the sense of being "I" in the body, 
the external fluctuation is gained by this very fact. This same 
is the unadjusted fixed-attention called Great Discarnate. <As 
a result of this> the mind-stuff which is essentially light has 
its obscuration due to karma resulting from hindrances and 
so forth dwindled away. As a result of this it gains the state 
of being the knower of all. 1. The coarse visible form of the 
five elements, an orderly arrangement of parts, containing the 
common characteristics of earthiness and so on, joined with 
sounds and the other [perceptible] things, with the five quali- 
ties successively reduced by one. Such is the first form. 
2. Next would be the second form, the essential attribute 
Laving successively the characteristic-mark of hardness, liqui- 
dity, heat, impulsiveness, all-pervasiveness. Impulsiveness is, 
for instance, the wind's power of carrying [blades of] grass 
and the like. 3. Then the third form, the subtile cause of 
these, the atoms; of these the subtile causes are the five fine 
substances. 4. Next the fourth form of these, the three 
aspects. For these are common [to all] and are the < in- 
herence > in the sense that they inhere in the causes of them- 
selves (sva). 5. Then the fifth form of these elements is the 
purposiveness, the capacity for experience and liberation, which 
is based in the aspects, as it comes to them (svesu) Jfrom the 
inherence of the aspects. Thus by constraint upon the five 
kinds of causes of the effects of the elements in succession 
beginning with the coarse, the elements conform to the wish 
of the yogin, just as cows follow after their calves. 

JAOS 34. 

82 James Haughton Woods, 

44 [45]*. As a result of this, atomization and the other per- 
fections appear; there is perfection of body; and its external- 
aspects are unobstructed. 

As the result of this subdual of the elements, atomization 
and the rest of the eight perfections appear in the yogin. 
1. Atomization is the similarity to an atom. 2. Magnification 
is pervasiveness. 3. Levitation is lightness like that of a ball 
of cotton. 4. Ponderation is heaviness like that of Meru. 

5. Extension is the touching of the moon with a finger. 

6. Efficacy is the obtaining of desire. 7. Mastery is the power 
to compel elements. 8. Sovereignty is the power to create 
elements. Such are the eight sovereign powers. Of these, 
those ending with Extension are perfected by constraint upon 
the coarse; Efficacy by constraint upon the essential-attribute; 
the remainder by constraint upon the cause. Such is the 
analysis. < Perfection of body> is to be described. And by 
constraint upon the elements there is no obstruction to this 
body by qualities of the elements such as hardness. So that 
he penetrates within the rock; cold and heat and so on do 
not impede [him]. 

46 [46]. Perfection of body is beauty, grace, power, and the 

hardness of the thunder -bolt. 

Beauty is what is pleasant to the eye; grace is charm of all 
the body; power is energy; hardness of the thunder-bolt is 
the condition of him in the structure of whose limbs there is 
hardness as of the thunder-bolt, familiar enough in the case 
of Hanuman. 

He tells of another subdual of the elements which is a 
means of subduing organs. 

46 [47]. As a result of constraint upon the process-of -perception, 
the essential-attribute, the feeling-of -personality, the inherence, 

and the purposiveness there follows subdual of the organs. 

Sound, for instance the fourth note; touch, for instance cold; 
color, for instance yellow; taste, for instance sweet; smell, for 
instance perfume. The five fluctuations, which are effects, the 

i Qri Ramananda Yati has chosen to combine sutras 43 and 44 into 
one. Consequently the numbering of the sutras is changed by one from 
iii; 44 to the end of Book Third. 

Yoga-sutras with Manipralha. 83 

processes-of-perception belonging to the organs, from the organ 
of hearing onwards, have the sounds and the rest, which are in 
essence a general and a particular, as their field of operation. 
This is the first form, Illuminativeness is an essential-attribute, 
the second form. Personality-substance made of sattva and 
having the feeling-of-personality as its characteristic mark is 
the third cause of these [organs]. Inherence and purposiveness 
the fourth and fifth form have been explained [iii. 43]. By 
constraint upon these five kinds of organs he gains the sub- 
dual of the organs. 

What is the result of this? In reply he says 

47 [48]. As a result of this [there ensues on the part of the 
body] speed as great as that of the central-organ, action of in- 
struments of perception disjunct [from the body], and the sub- 
dual of the primary-cause. 

< Speed as great as that of the central-organ > is the attain- 
ment of unsurpassed motion on the part of the body like that 
of the mind. < Action of instruments of perception disjunct 
[from the body]> is the modifiability * of organs which are 
quite distinct from the discarnate as regards knowledge of 
distant and external objects. The subdual of the primary- 
cause, [that is,] the inherence, the fourth kind [of element or 
organ] is the mastery of the whole world. Such are the per- 
fections which arise as a result of the subdual of the organs. 
Those perfections beginning with atomization and ending with 
the subdual of the primary -cause are called in this book 
Honey-faced, because they taste like bits of honey. In other 
words they are Honey-faced because they are like honey. Or 
else, the Honey-faced are those the cause of which, [that is,] 
that towards which something goes, is immediately-experienced 
by means of the subdual of the elements and organs. This 
is the honey, that norm-bearing insight produced by yoga, 
which has as its object the things extending from the coarse 
to the primary-cause. 

Thus perfection of knowledge and of action which result 
from constraint, which are the objects aimed at extending 

1 Or one might translate 'disjunct action.' 

84 James Haughton Woods, 

to discriminative discernment as leading directly to belief, 
have been set in order. He now tells of the perfections sub- 
ordinate to discriminative discernment. 

48 [49]. He who has nothing more than the discernment into 
the 'difference between the sattva and the Self is the commander 

of all forms of being and the perceiver of the whole. 

"When there is a subdual of the inner organ from which 
the stains of rajas and of tamas have been washed away by 
constraint upon that which is an end to itself as previously 
[iii. 35] described, there arises a discernment of the distinction 
between the sattva of the thinking-substance and the self in 
the case of the yogin who is established in the lower dispassion, 
called the consciousness of mastery, and who has nothing but 
this [discernment], and who is devoted to the repetition of 
that | discernment]. He becomes perfected in being commander, 
[that is,] regulator of all forms of being, and in being the 
knower of all things past and present and future. This is the 
so-called [i. 36] "grief less" perfection. 

He now tells of the most important perfection, that of the 
discriminative discernment. 

49 [50]. As a result of passionless ness even ivith regard to 
these [perfections] there follows, after the dwindling of the seeds 

of the defects, Isolation. 

When this griefless state is perfected as a result of passion- 
lessness, the higher passionlessness arises even with regard to 
the discriminative discernment, which is the cause of this 
[griefless perfection]. Then when there is a dwindling, [that 
is,] a total disappearance of the seed, [that is,] the subliminal- 
impression of error due to the defects, [that is,] the hindrances, 
now that the mind-stuff has nothing but subliminal-impressions 
of the higher passionlessness, the Self is perfected in being 
grounded in himself, [that is,] in <Isolation.> This is the 
perfection < consisting of subliminal-impressions only> as it is 
called [i. 18]. 

When obstacles to this arise, he tells what are the means 
of removing them. 

Yoga-sutras ivith Maniprabha. 85 

60 [51]. In case of solicitations from those in high places, these 
should arouse no attachment or pride, for undesirable 

consequences recur. 

Now there are four kinds of yogins 1. Prathamakalpikas, 
2. Madlmbhwnikas, 3. Prajnajyotis and 4. Atikrdntabhdvamyas. 
Of these [four], 1. the first has merely begun in constraint 
and knows nothing of such things as the mind-stuff of another. 
2. The second after gaining by conscious yoga the Honeyed 
stage of mind-stuff, the so-called norm-bearing insight [i. 48], 
desires to conquer the elements and organs which are im- 
mediately-experienced. By means of the subdual of these he 
is desirous of gaining successively the three stages previously 
described as Honey-faced and griefless and consisting of sub- 
liminal-impressions only. 3. But the third [yogin], unshakable 
by Mahendra and the other gods, because he has subdued 
elements and organs, after gaining two stages, inasmuch as he 
has the desire to perfect the two stages which begin with the 
griefless [stage], strives for the constraint upon that which is 
an end to itself. 4. The fourth, however, a high-souled exalted 
being, dispassionate towards the three stages ending with dis- 
cernment which he has gained, fearless of obstacles, released 
while yet living, abides in the fourth stage. Of him the in- 
sight in seven stages advancing to the highest has been ex- 
plained. Of these four in the case of the first yogin there is 
not fitness for solicitation by the gods. So, by elimination, 
it is the second yogin, the Madhubhumika who is solicited, 
[that is,] invited by < those in high places, > [that is,] those 
who are masters of this or that high place, for instance, 
Mahendra. "Sir! will you sit here? Will you rest in this 
heavenly high place? This maiden might prove attractive. 
This enjoyment is supernormal. This elixir wards off age and 
death. This chariot goes as you will." When he is thus in- 
vited, an attachment, [that is,] a lust arises in him so that he 
feels with pride. 'How great is the power of this yoga of 
mine!' This should not be done. Rather let him reflect upon 
the defects in it thus 'Baked on the pitiless coals of the round- 
of-rebirths and mounted 1 upon the wheel of successive births 
and deaths, I have hardly found the lamp of yoga which 
dispels the darkness of the hindrances. And of this [lamp] 

1 Compare Mudraraksasa v. 5; vii. 12. 

86 James Haugldon Woods, 

the lust-born gusts of sensual things are enemies. How could 
it be that I who have seen its light could be led astray by 
sensual things, a mere mirage, and throw myself as fuel into 
that same blaze of the round-of-rebirths as it flares up again? 
Fare ye well! Sensual things [deceitful] as dreams and to be 
craved by wile folk.' His purpose thus determined let him 
cultivate concentration. If attached, he falls from his position. 
Thinking of himself in pride as having done all, he is not 
perfected in yoga. Accordingly because one whose yoga is 
broken is involved again in the round-of-rebirths, which is not 
desired, not being attached and not being proud are the means 
of throwing off the obstacles to Isolation. 

The [intuitive] knowledge of discrimination, the deliverer, 
which results when the Self has been mirrored in the thinking- 
substance has been previously described. He tells of another 
method for this. 

51 [52]. As a result of constraint upon moments and their 
sequence [there arises the intuitive] knowledge proceeding from 


An indivisible fragment of time is the true moment. Other 
[divisions] such as hours and so on are fragments of time, 
consisting of collections of moments, are not true [moments]. 
For a collection of moments has no existence in reality. By 
constraint upon the moments, expressed thus 'Of these, this 
moment comes before that; this comes after that 7 and upon 
their sequence, [that is,] upon an antecedent and a consequent, 
he gains an immediate-experience, a discrimination, of extremely 
subtile things. And from that an [intuitive] knowledge, which 
is in essence an immediate-knowledge of things, beginning with 
the sky and ending with man, in one instant arises. 

This [intuitive] knowledge arising from constraint upon 
moments and having everything for its object he will describe 
later. Now he tells of the particular object, a subtile thing, 
of this [constraint]. 

52 [53]. As a result of this there arises the deeper knowledge 
of two equivalent things which cannot be distinguished in species, 

in characteristic-mark, or in place. 

A distinction is a determination. For in ordinary life there 
are three means of determining the differences between objects. 

Yoga-satras with Maniprabhd. 87 

Of these, the idea of the difference between the cow and the 
gayal, which are similar as regards place and characteristic- 
mark, is [the difference] by species. The idea of the difference 
between two cows which are similar as regards place and 
species, is [the difference] by characteristic-mark. The deter- 
mination of the difference between two myrobalans, which are 
similar in species and characteristic-mark, is the result of such 
a difference in place as being in front and behind. But when, 
in order to test the [intuitive] knowledge of the yogin, the 
myrobalan lying in the front place is put in the place of the 
myrobalan which was behind, and the myrobalan which was 
behind is removed, while the yogin is intent upon something 
else, then because it is impossible to determine change in 
species and so on in the case of the two myrobalans, which 
are similar in respect of the species of myrobalan and in the 
characteristic-marks such as changes of color and in place, 
<as a result of this> the yogin gains the deeper knowledge 
of the change merely by the [intuitive] knowledge coming 
from constraint upon the moment. During those moments which 
are antecedent to that moment in which the myrobalan which 
was in front was put in the place of the myrobalan which 
was behind a series of previous mutations of being in front 
were produced in the myrobalan in front and not in the myro- 
balan behind. Because that [myrobalan behind] in those 
[earlier] moments was endowed with a series of mutations of 
being behind. And thus the yogin who knows the moments 
and their sequence, in knowing the uninterrupted-succession 
of this moment as compared with the moments of the series 
of the two, of the one in front and the one behind, each with 
its own mutation [in time], determines thus 'This one is now 
in front; previous to this it was behind, not in front.' 

53 [54], 'The [intuitive] knowledge proceeding from discrimi- 
nation is the Deliverer, has all things as its object, has all 
times for its object, in an inclusive whole of time without 

sequence (akrama). 

The knowing of the whole as a result of constraint upon 
this and that has been described. This [knowing of the whole] 
has for its objects merely the different varieties, just as when 
one says 'I had a dinner of all the different condiments pro- 
duced in the kitchen,' the meaning conveyed is that he ate 

88 James Haughton Woods, 

all the varieties of condiments. Similarly again if one says 
4 1 had a dinner of all the food served with all the condiments 
on the dishes/ the meaning conveyed is that he ate the whole 
as such and with its varieties. Likewise this discriminative 
knowledge proceeding from constraint upon the moments has 
all things as such as its object, has all times for its object, 
[that is,] has objects in all different varieties. Because it 
penetrates into the reality of the Self, it rescues from the 
ocean of the round-of-rebirths. In this sense it has the tech- 
nical name of < Deliverers <In an inclusive whole of time> 
[that is] simultaneously it has the whole collection as its basis, 
like a myrobalan on the palm of your hand. 

Thus having cleared up the limits of excellence in discrimi- 
native discernment, the results of supernormal powers in this 
or that, that is, the constraints, he approaches the question 
whether the immediate-experience of the difference between 
the sattva and the Self, in case there be such excellence in 
discriminative discernment or not, is sufficient for release. 

54 [55]. Isolation occurs wlien the purity of the sattva and 

of the Self is equal. 

There is <purity> [that is] absence of all fluctuations, when 
the thinking-substance has cast off all the stains of rajas and 
by virtue of discriminative discernment is nothing but sub- 
liminal-impressions. Then in the case of the Self also, who 
is permanently pure, there is purity, <that is,> absence of 
experience in predicate-relations. So when the purity of these 
two is equal, there is Isolation. But supernormal powers in 
this or that have been discussed for the sake of awakening 
faith. Isolation, however, as a result of nothing but the sub- 
liminal-impressions of the Self uncharacterized by the thinking- 
substance, is perfected, when undifferentiated- consciousness 
(avidya) has ceased, as consisting in the non-awakening of 
future pain. 

Book Fourth: Concentration. 

I bow down to Slta and Rama who have that incomparable 
perfection consisting in Isolation and nothing more which belongs 
to those who are perfected in all the means of attainment, 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbha. 89 

In the First and Second Books yoga and the means of 
attaining it have been set forth. In the Third Book the three 
direct aids technically called constraint, the different mutations 
aimed at by constraint, and the perfections have been described. 
Of these [latter] certain perfections such as those of the past 
or of the future are aids to the yoga of Isolation by means 
of faith; others such as the subdual of the organs are im- 
mediate aids. The perfection in the discriminative knowledge 
called the Deliverer is discussed as a result of yoga. Now 
Isolation itself as being of primary importance is to be set 
forth. For this purpose the mind-stuff that is conducive to 
Isolation, the world beyond, the self over and above momen- 
tary mental-processes, the experiencer of the pleasures and 
so on which are evolved forms of the mind-stuff, and the 
Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things are to be described. And 
incidentally other things are to be described. Thus the Fourth 
Book is begun. In it he wishes to describe that mind-stuff 
which is capable of Isolation from among the mind-stuffs that 
have been first perfected, and he says that there are five 
kinds of perfections previously described, because of the 
different causes. 

2. Perfections proceed Jrom birth or drugs or spells or self- 

castigation or concentration. 

Perfection by birth is such as belongs to yciksas, and is, 
for instance, passing through the air. In [personages] such 
as Kapila, moreover, this is innate. [Perfection] in the use 
of particular drugs is to be found in such as Kapila. In the 
case of certain persons there is perfection in atomization by 
the repetition of spells. Perfection by self- castigation is to 
be found in such as Yishvamitra. These four perfections are 
really produced by yoga practised in former births and mani- 
fested in this birth which serves as efficient cause. Accord- 
ingly, in so far as there is disappointment in the practice of 
yoga, a beginning [should be made] here, even if so perfection 
is not perceived, because of results to come in another birth. 
Perfections proceeding from concentration have been explained 
in the previous book. 

The objector says 'By the might of his self- castigation Nan- 
digvara is reported to have entered by means of the side-long 

90 James Haugliton Woods, 

glance of the husband of the Blessed Grauri into the mutation 
of a divine body. "With regard to this, in the first place this 
human body cannot be the material cause of any divine body. 
Because if this [human body] be regarded as subsisting, it is 
impossible that it should be mutated into another [body]; if 
transitory (nasta), it cannot be the cause of anything. Nor 
can you say that the parts only [of the human body] should 
be the material cause [of the divine body], because it is im- 
possible that a cause which is nothing but a human body 
should produce an effect which is totally different from it.' 
To this objection he replies. 

2. The mutation into another birth is the result of the filling 

in of the evolving-cause. 

The evolving-causes beginning with the primary-cause and 
ending with [the element of] earth are real everywhere, because 
they fill in the parts of human or other bodies; by conforming 
to right-living, as the case may be, as efficient cause, they 
permeate the parts. Because of this it is right to speak of 
<the mutation into another birth. > Just as by the help of 
an evolving-cause a bit of flame pervades a vast area of grass 
and so on in a forest. 

The objector asks 'Does the filling in of the evolving-cause 
require such efficient-causes as right-living or not. If this is 
not the case, then one would have to admit that the filling in 
would be in all [causes]. And you cannot [hold] the first 
[alternative]. Because if something such as right-living were 
to set things in motion, you would then be going against your 
own doctrine which holds that the purpose of the Self sets 
things in motion.' In reply to this he says 

3. The efficient cause gives no impulse to the evolving-causes, 
[but] the mutation follows when the barrier [to the evolving 

cause] is cut, as happens with the peasant 

For in the Samkhya, which does not hold the doctrine of 
the Igvara, only the purpose of the Self, which lies in the 
future, sets the evolving-causes in motion. But we who hold 
the doctrine of the Igvara maintain that the Igvara sets [the 
evolving-causes] in motion in so far as this [purpose of the 
Igvara] gives the thing aimed at. Thus the purpose of the 

Yoga-sutras ivith Maniprdbha. 91 

Self is said to set things in motion in so far as it is the 
thing aimed at. But the efficient cause does not set [the 
evolving-causes] in motion, because it is an effect of them. 
On the contrary, as a result of this efficient cause there is 
resistance to the barrier, [that is,] the obstacle. Because of 
right-living the evolving - causes for the rejection of wrong- 
living quite of themselves set in motion towards a mutation 
into a god, or whatever it may be. When there is an obstacle 
to merit because of the excess of evil [karma], mutation into 
an animal or something else occurs. Just as Nahusa was 
mutated into a snake. The words <as happens with the 
peasant> refer to the peasant, [that is,] the ploughman who 
merely makes a cutting of the barrier to the water on some 
higher level; then the water quite of itself sets in motion into 
another meadow-plot. 

The objector asks 'When the yogin at one time creates 
many bodies for the sake of enjoyment, then why are there 
mind-stuffs for these?' In reply he says. 

4. The created mind-stuffs may result from the sense of per- 

sonality and from this alone. 

The mind-stuffs are created in the sense that they are 
created by the power of yoga. As a result of the filling in 
of evolving-causes which are subject to the yogin's will, just 
as a body is produced, [so mind-stuff] from the personality- 
substance as evolving-cause. 

For because mind-stuffs refer constantly to different things, 
the yogin has not perfection in experience. Therefore he says 

5. When there is a variety of evolving-causes the mind-stuff 

which impels the many is one. 

From among the created mind-stuffs the yogin creates a 
mind-stuff which necessarily acts in the particular way which 
conforms to his own enjoyment; by the power of his yoga this 
mind-stuff becomes the guide of these [others] and in this way 
his enjoyment is arranged as planning for that [enjoyment]. 

Thus reasons have been given for the five kinds of perfected 
mind-stuffs as coming from birth or the other [sources]; from 
among these he selects the mind-stuff which is conducive to 

92 James Haughton Woods, 

6. Of these [.five perfections] that which proceeds from con- 

templation leaves no latent- deposit. 

Of these proceeding from birth and the other [four], that 
proceeding from concentration < leaves no latent- deposit, > 
[that is,] it has no subconscious-impressions from the hindrances 
and is fit for release. 

He says that also the karma of the yogin, like the inind- 
stuff, has differences of quality. 

7. The yogin's karma is neither-white-nor-UacJc ; [the Jtarma] of 

others is of three lands. 

White karma is to be attained by voice and by central- 
organ and its sole result is pleasure ; it is found among those 
who are disposed to study and self-castigation. Black karma 
has its sole result in pain; it is found among the base. White- 
and-black-[karma] has a mixed result in pleasure and in pain 
and it is to be affected by outer means; it is found among 
the devotees of the soma sacrifice. In these [three] cases, 
because it is connected with the crushing of ants and similar 
[creatures] in so far as rice or other grains are destroyed 
and with aid to others, such as the giving of fees, there is 
this karma of three kinds in the case of < others > [that is] 
those who are not yogins. But the karma of yogins [that is] 
of ascetics, because they have cast off the karma which is to 
be effected by outer means, is not white-nor-black. Because 
the hindrances have dwindled it is not black; because the 
result of the right-living is committed to the Igvara without 
desiring any result it is not white karma. Consequently by 
means of the discriminative discernment into the purity of the 
mind- stuff the karma which is neither- white-nor-black has as 
its sole result release. 

He tells incidentally of the manifestation of subconscious- 
impressions of karma. 

8. As a result of this there follows the manifestation of those 
subconscious-impressions only which correspond to the fruition 

of their [karma]. 

As a result of this three-fold karma, just after the time of 
death, when there is a manifestation for giving the fruition 
which consists in birth, length of life, and kind of experience, 

Toga-sutras with Maniprabha. 93 

then there is a manifestation of the subconscious-impressions 
favorable to that [fruition] and not to opposed to it. If the 
mind-stuff reaches divinity there are subconscious-impressions 
of the human kind of enjoyment which become dormant, because 
in case they be manifested it is impossible that there should 
be the supernormal kind of enjoyment. 

The objector asks 'How is it that the subconscious-im- 
pressions, produced from the enjoyment of these things in 
heaven during his birth as a god, become manifest again in 
another birth as a god after thousands of births as men and 
as tigers have intervened? Why is it that just those sub- 
conscious-impressions which belong to the immediately preced- 
ing birth are not manifested, like the subconscious-impressions 
of the previous day?' In reply to this he says 

9. There is uninterrupted -causal -relation [of subconscious-im- 
pressions] although remote in species or point of space or moment 
of time, by reason of the correspondence between memory and 


Although generally, in case of one who rises up after sleep- 
ing, the subconscious-impressions produced by the experience 
of the immediately preceding day are manifested because no- 
thing intervenes, still in this never-beginning round-of-rebirths 
there are the subconscious-impressions, which have been heaped 
up in enjoyments, as a result of whatever karma there be in 
whatever birth. Although ten thousand lives and space and 
hundreds of mundane cycles may have intervened, these [im- 
pressions] maniiested by that very karma or by that birth 
when once a birth of that kind has been attained by a karma 
of the similar kind are said to have an < uninterrupted-causal- 
relation. > In other words they become the cause of a kind 
of enjoyment through memory. The subconscious-impressions 
of the immediately preceding life, which was started by a 
different kind of karma, lie dormant because there is nothing 
that can manifest them. It is proper that [the subconscious- 
impressions], although there be interventions, should be mani- 
fested, because the karma and the birth exist which manifest 
them. Nor should you say 'Let the subconscious-impressions 
of the immediately preceding life be manifested by both [karma 
and birth], because there is nothing that intervenes; for so 

94 James Haugliton Woods, 

there would be memory. Yet [this karma] is quite different 
[from that which precedes it].' The reply is <by reason of the 
correspondence between memory and subliminal impressions. > 
The meaning is this. A subliminal-impression is that which 
remains as a potentiality, whether as act or knowledge or 
otherwise, and which contains passion and the other [qualities]; 
and this [impression] is the cause of memory of action which 
has the same object as itself. 1 A subliminal-impression of 
action comes into mutation as an action; a subliminal-im- 
pression of knowledge as memory; another subliminal-im- 
pression otherwise. In this manner, by reason of the corre- 
spondence between memory and subliminal-impressions, inas- 
much as they are not distinct and have the same object, there 
is said to be a continuity between them, a relation of cause 
and effect, which cannot be between two disparates. For you 
cannot say that the fact that there is intervention can make 
the subliminal-impression produce a dissimilar effect. For if 
this were so, then immediately after the impression produced 
by the experience of a water-jar you could remember even 
that which is not experience. 

To the Charvaka who objects 'These are no subconscious- 
impressions from births gone by' he replies 

10. These [subconscious-impressions], furthermore, have no be- 
ginning [that we can set in time] since desire is eternal. 
The meaning of the word <furthermore> is that these sub- 
conscious-impressions have not only an uninterrupted-causal- 
relation but also no beginning that we can set in time. Why 
is this? Because the craving 'may I always be,' which is the 
fear of death, is permanent, [that is to say,] one does not fail 
to find it in any living creature. The point of this is as 
follows. The fear of death inferred from the trembling, if 
from nothing else, forms the memory of the pain of the hatable 
object, because one never fails to find the two together. This 
[craving] forms the subconscious-impression; and this [im- 
pression forms] the experience of the pain which proceeds from 
death; this [experience] in that it cannot be made possible 
in this birth forms another birth. Thus it is established that 

1 That is to say, its object is not stolen away, as discussed in i. 11. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbhd. 95 

desire has no beginning. The objector asks 'If body is not 
the soul, who then is it that fears birth and death? [It can- 
not be] the soul because it is without beginning or end and 
as such is not 1 susceptible to fear.' "We reply that [the fear 
belongs] to the mind- stuff. It is the attainment (labha) by 
this same mind-stuff, which is entangled 2 in beginningless 
desires, and which is all-pervading in that it is a product of 
the personality-substance, of a fluctuation disposed to ex- 
pansion or contraction according to [the sizes of] the different 
bodies; [this fluctuation] we call birth and the cessation of 
[this] fluctuation we call death. While this is happening there 
is pain. Thus all this round-of-rebirths belongs [to this mind- 

The objector asks 'If the subconscious-impressions are from 
time-without-beginning, how is it that they can be cut off?' 
In reply to this he says 

11. Since [these subconscious-impressions] are associated with 

cause and motive and mental substrate and stimulus, if these 

cease to be, then those [subconscious-impressions] cease to be. 

These are not, like the Self, without a beginning. But are 
effects only 3 in a stream without a beginning. Consequently 
by cutting off their causes, it is possible to cut them off. To 
explain. The never-ending wheel of the round-of-rebirths 
ceaselessly rolls on. Un differentiated -consciousness (avidya] 
characterized by subliminal-impressions of delusion, each one 
succeeding another, is the cause of the feeling-of-personality 
expressed by 'I am.' And this feeling-of-personality is the 
cause of this error 4 I am a man' or 'This dissatisfaction is 
mine.' This error is the cause of passion and hatred. Both 
of these, again, are the causes of right-living and of wrong- 
living by leading a man to punish another or by some such 
act. Both these [kinds of living are causes] of enjoyment. 

1 Reading with the India Office MS. 559 a and the MS. in the Deecan 
College Library (No. 619 of 1887 91) antasyablmyatvad iti. 

2 The a is to be read a according to the two MSS. just cited. This 
adjective gives the motive for the creation. The next one ahamkdrikat- 
vena vibhunas meets the objection that the mind-stuff of an elephant 
must be many times greater in size than that of an ant. 

3 Reading eva. 

96 James Haughton Woode, 

And this [enjoyment is the cause] of subconscious-impressions. 
And these again are the cause of delusion and the rest. In 
this case [then], the karmas from the hindrances are the causes 
of the subconscious-impressions; the body and the term of 
life and the kind of enjoyment are the result; the mind-stuff 
is the mental-substrate; sounds or other [perceptible] things 
are the physical-basis. Since [the impressions] are associated 
with these, if these are cut off by unwavering discriminate 
discernment produced by the yoga which is an aid to the yoga 
of action, then, because the causes have ceased to be, [these 
subconscious impressions] cease to be. 

The objector asks 'If the subliminal-impressions are real, 
how can they cease to be?' In reply he says 

12. Past and future really exist [therefore subliminal-impressions 

do not cease to be]. For the different time-forms belong to the 


There is no creation of what is not existent, nor destruction 
of what is existent. For according to the Word (Bhag, Gita 
ii. 16] of the Supreme I^vara "No being is found which comes 
from what does not exist; no not-being is found which comes 
from what exists." And in accordance with the saying that 
the past and the future, like the present, are knowable by 
perception which says [Bhag. Gita vii. 26] "Know, O Arjuna, 
that I am all past and present and future things," nothing 
which does not exist can be knowable by perception. Therefore 
the totality of past and future external-aspects does exist in 
potential form in the substance. This (yat] yogins immediately 
experience by constraint upon the three mutations. And 
potters, for instance, after sketching in their minds make [the 
water-pot], when there is a substance, a whole-in-relation-to- 
all-its-parts, which is said to be permanent and unitary. The 
objector says 'Then the knowledge of the reality is useless, 
because one is bound by subconscious-impressions and so forth.' 
The reply is, No. For in the present time-form, because the 
future and the other time-forms belong to the external-aspects, 
the mind-stuff, diversified with subconscious-impressions of pain 
and what not and being dominant and disposed to numberless 
mutations, when changed into a state of being that is the 
object of experience, is said to be in bondage. When there 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 97 

is knowledge of reality, the mind-stuff loses its dominance and 
enters into the past time-form, and although existent as primary- 
matter, yet because the purpose of the Self which was to be 
accomplished and this is the seed for its rising again has 
been accomplished, it does not return again. 

It has been said that the past and the future as such do 
exist. If this is so, what are they as such? In reply to this 
he says 

13. These [time-forms] are phenomenalized [individuals] or 
subtile [generic forms] and their essence is the aspects (gun a}. 

The <phenomenalized> belong to the present time-form; the 
<subtile> to the past and future time-forms. These time-forms 
begin with the Great Thinking-substance and end with such 
particularized things as water-jars; their essence is the aspects 
(guna) and they consist of sattva and rajas and tamas. All 
beings in so far as they are parts of the whole which is the 
aspects, whose essence is pleasure and pain and infatuation, 
because they are evolved from these, are as such precisely 
that. Just as water-jars, for example, are parts of the whole 
which is the clay and as such are that, because there is an 
identity in the form of identity in difference. In it the aspects 
(guna) are permanently in mutation. The Self is absolutely 
unchanged; all other beings are in mutation from moment to 
moment, fading out with the moments. This is said in the 
Comment, [by Varsaganya] "Constituents from their utmost 
height come not within the range of sight. But all within 
the range of sight a phantom seems and empty quite." In 
other words, it fades away like a mirage. 

The objector says 'If the three aspects are in mutation, 
then the mutations one by one would have no unity. For it 
is plain that there is no one mutation of clay and of thread 
and of milk.' In reply to this he says 

14. The existence of a thing is due to its singleness of 


Even of many things there is evidently a single mutation. 
For example elephants or horses or the like thrown into a 
brackish place have a salt mutation; wick, oil, and fire have 
a mutation as lamp. Yet such things as clay, because they 

7 JAOS 31. 

98 James Haughton Woods, 

are not in the relation of subordinate to principal, have no 
singleness of mutation. The aspects (guna), however, because 
they have a unity of mutation, in the relation [to them] of 
subordinate to principal, which is a real thing (vastu) whether 
it be the Great [thinking-substance] or some thing else may 
rightly be said to have a reality, which is a unity. Of these 
[aspects], in case the sattva is principal, there is from the 
three aspects a single mutation, the Great [thinking-substance]; 
from this, which is single, when the rajas prevails, there comes 
the personality-substance; [from it], when tamas prevails, the 
five fine substances, one by one, arise as unities. From the 
personality-substance which consists of sattva there come the 
sense-organs; from that which consists of rajas there come 
the organs of action ;> from [the personality-substance] of both 
kinds there comes the central -organ. Thus when the fine 
substance sound is principal, there is the air, a single mutation 
of the five fine substances. Similarly when the fine substances 
touch or color or taste or smell are successively principal, 
wind or fire or water or earth are one by one produced. On 
the other hand, there are many mutations from a single one, 
because of the diversity in the potential forms of the sub- 
conscious-impressions of many mutations. Enough of such 

The objector says 'There is nothing over and above the 
mind-stuff which is in essence momentary mental-processes. 
Whatever is to be validly known, that is not distinct from 
mental-processes; just as a mental -process is [not distinct 
from a mental-process]. These things which are to be validly 
known are water- jars and such things. Hence with reference 
to whom is the discussion of the unity or plurality? For the 
mind-stuff itself is without beginning; when diversified by sub- 
conscious-impressions which are the same as the immediate 
(samanantara) cause it presents itself as substances and quali- 
ties.' To the Buddhist who talks thus he replies 

15. Because while the physical-object is the same there is a 

difference of mind-stuffs, the [two are upon] distinct 

levels of existence. 

Of the two, [that is,] the mind-stuff and the physical-object 
the level is distinct, [that is,] the procedure is different. In 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbhd. 99 

other words there is a difference between the mental-process 
and the physical-object. Why is this? Because while the 
physical-object is the same there is a difference of mind-stuffs. 
That mental-process with regard to the same woman is in the 
case of the husband a mental-process of pleasure; in the rival 
wives, a mental-process of pain; in the case of the lover, if 
he does not get her, infatuation, [that is,] despondency; in the 
case of him who has cast off love, a mental-process of in- 
difference. Because the assertion 'What you have seen, that 
I have seen too' is uncontradicted by any one, one may say 
that there is one physical-object and several mental-processes. 
Thus there is a difference between them. Anything that is 
one is different from something that is many. Just as the 
mental-process blue is different from the mental-processes of 
yellows. And one physical-object is accordingly different from 
the several mental -processes, which have it as their field of 
operation. Nor is it proper to say that the object-of-a-valid- 
idea is identical with the valid-idea. Because if the unity were 
accepted, it would be opposed [to the usual ideas] of objects 
and of one who knows the object. And besides, if no intended- 
object existed, then [the different] mental -processes cannot 
possibly assume the forms of blue and yellow and so on. Nor 
can you say that a subconscious-impression of the nature of 
the object-of- the- valid-idea is the cause of the blueness or 
yellowness. Because that which is no more [a physical-object] 
cannot be the cause [of anything]. Nor can you [Patanjali] 
ask us [the Buddhists] 'How do you explain how there is a 
variety of mind-stuffs from one single intended -object.' For 
an intended-object is constituted of the three aspects (guna)>, 
and the sattva and rajas and tamas pertaining to the intended- 
object come up in spite of pressure (samudrehat) on account 
of right-living or wrong-living or undifferentiated-consciousness 
As a result of this [the sattva and so on] cause pleasure and 
pain and infatuation. And [fourthly] on account of the in- 
difference the intended-object is the cause of the knowledge 
of the reality, because in this case the aspects are in equi- 
librium. Thus all is reasonable. Therefore we say that 
physical-objects do exist over and above mental-processes. 

As regards that which somebody says ' We admit that there 
may be many intended -objects apart from mental -processes. 

100 James Haughton Woods, 

But that [object] being inert is to be known by a mental- 
process [and is therefore] vivid [by intelligence, that is,] it has 
no existence when not known' he should be asked to tell us 
when [the object] is produced. If you [the Buddhist] say it 
is produced from mind-stuff, which is nothing but mental- 
processes, as knower, [two questions are to be asked]. Is the 
physical-object, the water-jar, the effect of the mind-stuff of 
the single Chaitra? Or is it the effect of many mind-stuffs 
belonging to Chaitra and to Maitra and to others? It is not 
the first. Accordingly he says 

16. And a thing is not dependent upon a single mind-stuff: 
[for then] it would be unproved, and then what would it be? 

If the water-jar, which is a physical-object, were to be the 
effect of a single mind-stuff, then while that mind-stuff is ab- 
sorbed in such things as cloth, would it be < unproved, > [that 
is,] would it be destroyed? [We say it would be destroyed.] 
Nor could you say that you accept this exclusion (istdpattih). 
Because when that very same water-jar is seen again, there 
is a recognition that it is the same which is not falsified by 
anything; and because even when one mind-stuff is absorbed 
by one thing, then [this jar] is seen by another mind-stuff. 
Accordingly a thing is not dependent on one mind-stuff. Nor 
yet is it dependent on several mind-stuffs. Because 1. that 
which is presented-for-a-moment-without-substance (prdtibhasiJca) 
is invariably (niyamat) dependent on one mind-stuff, like a 
dream; and because 2. the unacceptable conclusion would follow 
that new and different water-jars would be produced when a 
jar which was being seen by one is afterwards seen in relation 
to several minds. [He gives the reason for this.] Because 
there is a difference in the totality of causes [in the two cases]. 
Furthermore at the time when the belly is seen the back does 
not exist. Thus it would follow that even the belly would not 
exist. Therefore the thing is not presented -for- a- moment- 
without-substance, but is over and above the mind-stuff and 
independent of it. This is established. 

The objector says 'According to the system the supernormal- 
powers of the mind-stuff would know everything at all times, 
because it is in relation to everything.' In reply to this he 


Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 101 

17. A thing is perceived or not perceived by virtue of its 
affecting [or not affecting] the mind-stuff. 

Although the organs and the mind-stuff, because they are 
products of the personality-substance, are all-pervading, still 
their relation when asleep in the personality-substance is not 
a cause of making objects flash [on the mind]. But [they are the 
cause of making objects flash] when they are phenomenalized 
by karma and when they have a body underlying them. And 
thus led by the organs the mind-stuff is affected by that object 
with regard to which the mind-stuff receives the flashing [on 
itself] which consists in the reflection of intelligence (cit) lying 
upon [the mind-stuff] itself. The Self lights up (cetayati) this 
object by means of the fluctuation which has the same form 
as that [object], by means of a reflection of the Self in the 
thinking-substance; and not any other [object]. Thus a thing 
is perceived or not perceived. Consequently the mind-stuff, 
in accordance as it is affected by this object [or not], some- 
times perceives it and sometimes not. Thus the point is that 
it is in mutation because the object is [now] perceived and 
now [not] perceived. 

'If so, the self would be in mutation.' In reply to this he 

18. Unintermittently the Master of that [mind-stuff] perceives 
the fluctuations of mind-stuff and thus the Self undergoes no 


Now the Self has the mind-stuff with all its fluctuations, 
distracted and infatuated and what not, as its object. If this 
[object, the mind-stuff,] were not to be known by the Self at 
the time when [the mind-stuff] itself exists (like the sounds 
and other [perceptible] things) which are objects of mind-stuff 
and [perceived] by the mind- stuff, then the Self would be in 
mutation like the mind-stuff. [Why so?] Because it would 
follow that this [Self] would be the perceiver only with reference 
to the mutations of the fluctuations when having this or that 
form. What then is the use of the two kinds of things in 
mutation? For the Self would not be other than the mind- 
stuff. But the mind-stuff's fluctuations, perceived at their own 
time of existence, as objects for experience, and as having the 
form of sounds and other [perceptible] things, make known the 

102 James Haughton Woods, 

the immutability of the master, [that is,] the experiencer of 
that object-for- experience. For only because the witness 
undergoes no mutation are they by that very fact uninter- 
mittently perceived and not otherwise. 

The objector says 'Suppose that the mind-stuff is momentary 
and has rumination in itself and lightens itself and its own 
object. What is the use of the witness?' In reply to this 
he says 

19. It does not have light in itself since it is an object-for- sight. 
If one says 'I am happy; I am angry; my mind is at peace' 

just as one says 'The water-jar is beautiful,' one cannot say 
that the mind-stuff has light in itself, [that is,] has lumination 
in itself; because it is an object-for-sight. The point is this. 
What is this having lumination in itself? Surely not having 
the object and the act of lumination undistinguished from each 
other. Because it is impossible that there should be unity of 
an act and of the object of an act. For the going is not 
gone to, but a village. Nor 'can you say that the mind-stuff 
is not the object of the lumination which is different from 
itself, as the Self is. Because if I say 'My mind is angry/ 
the mind-stuff is an object of experience. Hence because it 
is an object-for-sight it must have a Seer over and above it- 
self. And the mind-stuff cannot be momentary because there 
is the recognition that 'I am the same.' 


20. And there cannot lie a cognition of both [thinking-substance 

and thing] at the same time. 

The momentary theory maintains that in the same moment 
a cognition of both kinds, of the mind-stuff and of the in- 
telligence (caitanya), is impossible. To explain. When I say 
'I saw the banyan tree,' there is a remembering of the mind- 
stuff and of the intended-object producible from the experience 
of these two. In this moment of the mind-stuff how is there 
an experience of these two? Nor may you say that the mind- 
stuff is itself the experience of both the kinds. 1. If the ob- 
ject were produced by the mind-stuff; then at the moment 
when the object [is produced and dies] the mind-stuff does 
not exist 2. And if it were not produced by this [mind-stuff], 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 103 

it would be impossible that the intended-object should be per- 
ceived by this [mind-stuff], because there would be no pro- 
duction of it or of the identity of [object and mind-stuff], 
although the object might exist at the same time with it. 
3. If you were to say that mind- stuff can be known out of 
relations, then you would have to admit that mind-stuff knows 
everything. For this is said by the Buddhists " The production 
of that which does not [correspond to] it and the identity of 
[object and mind-stuff] which does not hold is not known by 
this mind-stuff," It has been declared that the mind-stuff has 
neither an experience of itself, since it is an object- for-sight; 
nor has it the two kinds of experiences belonging to itself 
and to its object, since what is quite momentary has no 
functional-activity over and above that of production. For it 
has been said "Whatever is the being of a thing that is itself 
the action and the means-related-to-action." And there is no 
reason in saying that there is a distinction in effect resulting 
from a single thing when there is no distinction in- functional- 
activity. Nor yet is it possible in sleep to make simultaneously 
the perception and the object to be perceived. Consequently 
in the witness alone there is the experience of the mind-stuff 
and of the intelligence. Thus the point is settled. 

The objector says 'Granted that the mind-stuff is not an 
object-for-sight to itself; let it be seen by another mind-stuff. 
What use is there of a witness?' In reply to this he says 

21. If [one mind-stuff] were the object-of -sight for another, there 
would ~be an infinite regress from one thinking-substance to an- 
other thinking -substance as well as confusion of memory. 

If a mind-stuff formed blue were the object-of-sight for an- 
other mind-stuff, then that mind-stuff formed as thinking-sub- 
stance [would be the object] for another thinking-substance, 
and that too for another. Because an infinite regress would 
be formed. Nor could you say that objects -of -knowledge 
might consist of two or three, three or four, or five or six 
mind-stuffs and so be a complex of states. 1. Because if you 
are not sure that there is a mind-stuff which knows, you can- 
not be sure there is a mind-stuff which is the object known. 
2. Because if there is doubt whether one sees the water-jar 
in the house or not; and if you are negatively sure that one 

104 James Haugliton Woods, 

does not see it, then it follows that, in so far as you are not 
sure of seeing the object, the failure of the mind-stuff as per- 
ception is not the reason why you are not sure of the 
object. If there is an experience by numberless mind-stuffs 
one after another there would be also confusion of memory 
of the numberless mind-stuffs. Because as the result of this 
numberlessness of memories it would be impossible to know 
anything, and because there is no one to know, the distinction 
'This is the memory of the blue' and 'This is the memory of 
the yellow' would not exist. So it is established that mind- 
stuffs are upon an equality and so it is not possible that one 
should be knower [and also known], like lamps [which cannot 
be both perceivers and perceived]. Consequently the mind- 
stuff must be cognized by the witness. 

The objector asks 'Because the witness who is absolutely 
unchanged has no relation with the mind-stuff which would be 
consequent upon an action, how can the mind-stuff be conscious 
as this or as that?' In reply to this he says 

22. The intelligence (citi), which unites not with objects is 

conscious of its own thinking-substance when [the mind-stuff] 

takes the form of that [thinking-substance] [by reflecting it]. 

There is an interconnection, [that is,] a union with the water- 
jars and other objects by the action of the thinking-substance, 
because it is in mutation. But the union of the intelligence 
(citi) with the thinking- substance is not so, because it is not 
in mutation. On the other hand, when the intelligence is 
reflected in the thinking-substance, just as the sun is reflected 
in water, and when the thinking-substance is changed into the 
form of the intelligence, [the intelligence] is conscious of the 
thinking-substance, in so far as it is its object-of-experience. 
As being in the relation of object-for-knowledge, by contain- 
ing the image of the intelligence, the mind-stuff is affected by 
the intelligence and is cognized by the intelligence. As a 
result of the nearness of the intelligence which unites not with 
objects, this intelligence has a form, [that is,] an image. "When 
there is a change into the nature of this [image of the in- 
telligence], then [the intelligence] has a consciousness of the 
thinking-substance which is to be experienced by itself. Such 
is the connection [of the intelligence with the mind- stuff]. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprdbha. 105 

The objector raises the question 'If the self is something 
over and above the mind-stuff, how then is it that some per- 
sons make the mistake of thinking that the mind-stuff is the 
self?' In reply he says that the source of these persons' 
mistake is the mind-stuff's capacity to know all objects. 

23. Mind-stuff affected by the Seer and by the object -for -sight 

[leads to the perception] of all objects. 

The Seer, [that is,] the Self is intelligent; the object-for- 
sight, [that is,] the sounds and other [perceptible] things, is 
unintelligent. That which [leads to the perception] of all ob- 
jects is that of which the intended-object, [that is,] the province, 
is all objects, both the intelligent and the unintelligent. By 
the nearness of the one to the other [all this] is changed over, 
as it were, into the form of the intelligence and becomes 
affected by the Seer, [that is,] by the intelligence and the 
province of the Seer; [and] by means of the organs and so 
forth [all this] becomes affected by the object-for-sight and 
takes its form. And thus, although the mind-stuff is the ob- 
ject-for-sight and has the form of the sounds and [other] per- 
ceptible things which are to be experienced and is in essence 
a kind of experience characterized by mutations of pleasure 
and pain and so on, yet the mistake of the Buddhists, who 
think that [the mind-stuff] is not different from the reflection 
of the intelligence is reasonable. Because the mind-stuff, 
which in reality is almost like a crystal gem, that is pure and 
that has the tendency to assume the forms of such objects as 
the hibiscus flower, assumes the form of the object-for-sight, 
there is no object over and above mind-stuff. Such is the 
mistake of the Idealist theory. The distinction in this case 
is of this kind. Because the mind-stuff is the object-of-ex- 
perience, it must be admitted that it is other than the ex- 
periencer; he is declared to be the permanently aroused power 
of intelligence (cit-Qakti). Two-fold is the power of intelligence, 
the permanently aroused and the manifestable. Of these two, 
the permanently aroused and absolutely unchanged power of 
intelligence has the power of intelligence as experience, as it 
is itself, manifestable by the mind-stuff's sattva and as being 
the reflection of intelligence after having become changed into 
likeness with pleasures and so on. And this experience is 
two-fold. The one, as ending in intelligence, [that is, leading 

106 James Haughton Woods 

to release]; and the other, characterized as mutation. Of these 
two, the first is the manifestable power of intelligence, the 
second is the experience of the Self, the mutation into pleasure 
or something when the thinking- substance has acquired in- 
telligence. Thus having discriminated between the thinking- 
substance and the Self, he is sure that the mind-stuff, which 
has dispelled the whole net of taints, and is concentrated like 
the flame of a motionless lamp, and is undisturbedly-calm in 
its flow, is the reality of the Self. This is the import [of the 
whole thing]. 

And as a result of this the enjoyer is other than the mind- 
stuff. Accordingly he says 

24. This mind-stuff [although] diversified 1 ~by countless sub- 
conscious-impressions, exists for the sake of another, since, its 
nature is to produce things hy combining causes. 

Although, in so far as its substance is in pleasure and the 
like, [the mind-stuff] is like the experiencer and diversified by 
numberless subconscious -impressions by the fruition of the 
karma from the hindrances, still in the sense that it perfects 
the two purposes, experience and release, for another, [that is,] 
for one whose real nature is being intelligence to which nothing 
is ascribed, it is said to exist for the sake of another. In 
other words, it is only an object -of -experience, not an ex- 
periencer. Why is this? Because it causes such effects as 
experience, by bringing together, [that is,] assembling such a 
combination as the body and the organs. That is for the 
sake of another which has its effect caused by assembling [its 
parts], a water-jar for instance. For a house, by combining 
parts and what not, does not make a dwelling for itself, but 
for the sake of another, Vishvamitra. Similarly it is reason- 
able to say that the aspects (guna) also make the thinking- 
substance and the rest for the sake of another. Consequently 
because they are subordinate to the Self they are called 
aspects. And so if we may say that the sattva and the others 
are for the sake of another, since they act by combining causes, 
as in the case of a house, then because this middle-term (hetu) 
becomes an attribute of the major-term it is proved that there 

1 The reading is evidently citram. 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. 107 

is one who is not combined from the aspects, who is undefiled 
[by aspects], who is motionless, who has his purpose in him- 
self, and aims at intelligence and nothing else. Whoever is 
the experiencer of anything is not combined from that thing, 
for instance the master of the house. As a result of this 
concomitance, if the experiencer of the aspects were also for 
the sake of another, then because of the infinite regressus, 
there would be nothing higher than the Self in accordance 
with the Sacred Word [Kath. Up. iii. 11]. Therefore it is 
proved that he whose two purposes of experience and of 
liberation are to be accomplished by the thinking-substance 
made of aspects, he who is to be favored by pleasure and 
repelled by pain, is the experiencer. 

By the group of sutras up to this point he has determined 
the perfection of birth and so on, and [determined] the mind- 
stuff which is fit for release from among [all] the mind-stuffs 
And after having first dilated (prapanca) upon karma and sub- 
conscious-impressions, by proving the existence of objects apart 
from mental-processes, he has determined in detail another 
world and the experiencer who is to [go] to the other world. 
Now in order to discuss Isolation he shows who it is that is 
competent for this [Isolation]. 

25. For him who sees the distinction, pondering upon his own 

states-of -being. 

Some excellent (dhaureya) person meditates upon, [that is,] 
has the curiosity to know, the truth as regards the self, on 
the strength of his former good deeds, and asks 'Where am 
I; to whom do I belong; or whence do I come?' The curiosity 
to know the reality on the part of this competent person, 
who is the one who sees the distinction, by means of the dis- 
crimination already referred to, (which would be the thought 
'I am a Self; other than a thinking-substance; intelligence 
and nothing more') ceases. Because a desire is removed 
when the object of desire is obtained. But that heterodox 
person, whose meditation upon the self as being identical with 
the non-self is firm, and who thinks in this manner 'There is 
no experiencer other than the body and the thinking-sub- 
stance, he is not competent. The point is that he who desires 
to know the reality is a competent person. 

108 James Haughton Woods, 

The objector asks 'After there is a seeing of the distinction 
on the part of him who desires to know the reality, of what 
sort is the mind-stuff? 7 

26. Then the mind-stuff is borne down to discrimination, on- 

ward towards Isolation. 

That mind-stuff which formerly at the time of the error of 
the self with regard to the thinking-substance and so on was 
borne down to objects, on towards the round-of-rebirths, is 
now that mind-stuff, belonging to the yogin whose error has 
ceased, which is borne down to discrimination. The dis- 
crimination is the difference between the Seer and the object- 
for-sight. It is borne onward towards, [that is,] it has a spot 
on which it rests; in other words the goal of discrimination. 
Accordingly that which [moves] < onward towards Isolation > 
is that of which the limit towards which [it moves] is Isolation. 
The final result of Isolation is that the mind-stuff becomes 
absorbed in the contemplation called the Rain-Cloud of [know- 
able] Things. 

The objector asks 'In such a mind-stuff whence come the 
emergent presented-ideas such as 'I' or 'mine?' In reply to 
this he says 

27. In the intervals of this mind-stuff there are other presented- 

ideas [coming] from subliminal-impressions. 
In the case of him who is intent upon the Elevation (pra- 
samJchyana), which consists in discriminative discernment, day 
by day other presented-ideas, emergent in form, arise from 
the subliminal-impressions of emergence, which are manifested 
in the intervals of the Elevation. 

The question is raised 'Even if there is Elevation, subliminal- 
impressions of emergence arise for work. What means is there 
for rejecting these?' In reply to this he says 

28. The rejection of these is described as being like the rejection 

of hindrances. 

Undifferentiated-consciousness and passion and the rest of 
the hindrances, attenuated by the yoga of action, spreading 
out by taking opportunity after opportunity, when burned by 
the fire of Elevation (prasamWiyana), do not again generate 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabhd. 109 

a subliminal-impression in the mind-stuff. Thus subliminal- 
impressions of emergence produce other presented-ideas at the 
time when discrimination is not ripe; and when in the state 
of seeds burned by the burning which comes from the ripened 
Elevation they have not the property of generation. Thus it 
is to be understood that the rejection is described as being 
like that of the hindrances. 

Thus having described the restriction of the emergence by 
Elevation, he tells of the means for restricting even the Ele- 
vation, which consists in emergence as compared with seed- 
less yoga. 

29. For one who takes no interest even in respect of Elevation 
there follows in every case, as a result of discriminative dis- 
cernment, the Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things. 

The discernment into the difference between the sattva and 
the Self, which arises in one who beholds the twenty-five en- 
tities,^has as its subordinate results the authority over every- 
thing t [and similar [results]. This is the Elevation (prasam- 
khyana}. <For one who takes no interest even> in this the 
word interest (ku-sidasya), [that is,] passion being used in the 
sense that it sits (sldati) upon objects which are bad (kut- 
sitesu) for one who has none of this, the discriminative dis- 
cernment only which consists of a series becomes, as being 
undivided in itself, the concentration called the Rain-Cloud of 
[knowable] Things. And this is said to be a Rain-Cloud of 
[knowable] Things in the sense that it rains, [that is.] showers 
right-living, that is, of course, neither-white-nor-black, as the 
result of Isolation. When there is the Rain-Cloud of [know- 
able] Things as the result of passionlessness with regard to 
Elevation, the restriction of Elevation comes to pass as the 
result of the rise of the higher passionlessness. 

He makes this order clear 

; --^ *. . 

30. Then follows the cessation of the hindrances and the karmas. 
<Then> [that is,] from the Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things 

there follows the repression of the five hindrances together 
with the subconscious-impressions which have their root in 
these, and also of the karmas. 

110 James Haughton Woods, 

31. Then, because of the endlessness of perception from which 

all obscuring defilements and obscurations have passed away, 

what is yet to be known amounts to little. 

Obscurations are so called because they obscure the mind- 
stuff. Defilements consist of karma from hindrances and are 
made of rajas and tamas. All these, both the obscurations 
and the defilements, [are what he means] by saying <all defile- 
ments and obscurations. > Because of the endlessness of per- 
ception resulting from these, by reason of the contemplation 
[called] Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things, which is the shining 
of pure thinking-substance, the <what is yet to be known, > 
[that is,] everything whether intelligent or unintelligent is very 
little. Just as in autumn when every defilement, whether it 
be cloud or any other thing, has passed away from the sky, 
and when on all sides there is a circle of the light of the 
fierce sun brilliantly shining, then such things as water-jars 
capable of receiving light amount to little. Likewise for the 
ever-undefiled sattva of the thinking-substance what, pray, is 
there that is not its field of operation! This same highest 
limit of the Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things has been made 
known. Hence it is called [knowable] things (dharmah), but 
not according to the etymological sense of those things that 
are supported (dhrlyante). All knowable things it rains, [that 
is,] enlightens. So he calls it a Rain-Cloud of [knowable] 
Things. For this same perfection of the Rain-Cloud of [know- 
able] Things is the undisturbed calm of perception, which makes 
the Self visible as being flawless [as plainly as] a myrobalan 
put on the palm of one's hand, and which casts light as one 
would cast light upon fish in undefiled water, upon the defects 
such as impurity and destruction which are found in objects 
of sight that are evolved-forms of the material and impure 
primary-substance, and which brings about the treasure called 
the seedless yoga for the [poor] ascetic mind -stuff. This is 
called the higher passionlessness. 

The objector says 'This higher passionlessness wearing com- 
pletely the hindrances away may be able to destroy utterly 
the deposits, auspicious or inauspicious, of karma, yet because 
the aspects are of themselves disposed to mutation the sequence 
of mutations, the body, the organs and so on (ddi), with regard 

Yoga-sutras with Maniprabha. Ill 

to such a Self also, might continue to act.' In reply to this 

he says 

32. When as a result of this the aspects (gun a) fulfill their 
purpose, tliey attain to the limit of their sequence of mutations. 

<When as a result of this> [that is,] after the endless know- 
ledge which is in essence the higher passionlessness, [that is] 
the fruit of the Rain-Cloud of [knowable] Things, and before 
the aspects have effected the purposes of the Self which con- 
sist in experience and in discriminative discernment. That 
sequence of mutations, beginning with the Great [thinking- 
substance] and ending with water-jars, by conforming to the 
regular order, is resolved at the time of the dissolution as a 
water-jar into earth, and in the inverse order the earth was 
resolved into water, the water into fire, and so onwards. This 
was the sequence which was completed by the aspects with 
reference to that Self. For because the Self has purposes, 
the purpose of the Self which has a future time-form is an 
impulsion to the aspects. When this [purpose] is fulfilled the 
aspects are not able to remain even for a moment. This is 
the point. 

He tells the meaning of the word sequence. 

33. A sequence is the correlate to a moment and is recognized 

as such at the final limit of the mutation. 

Moments are portions of time (kdla). [Their] sequence is 
knowable by the thinking-substance which is concentrated upon 
them. In these words <a sequence is the correlate to a 
moment > the nature of the < sequence > is pointed out. It is 
said to be the correlate of the moment because two moments 
are indicated as its correlates. Thus the sequence of mutations 
from moment to moment is to be considered. He tells what 
the proof of this is. <And is recognized as such at the final 
limit of the mutation. > Thus in the case of clay the perceived 
mutations, round-lump, water-jar, potsherds, dust, have a prior 
limit, and a final limit. In this manner by mentioning the 
prior and the final termination the sequence is determined 
and becomes an object of knowledge. "When we recognize 
that the water-jar comes after the round lump the sequence is 

112 James Haughton Woods, 

perceived there. By seeing the oldness in a well-kept garment, 
for instance, one perceives, moment by moment, beginning with 
the mutation of newness as the previous limit, the difference 
in the oldness [by the successive stages] of most subtile, rather 
subtile, subtile, rather coarse, and most coarse as they come 
to pass; and the sequence may be inferred as [soon as one 
sees] that the most subtile oldness comes after the newness 
and that the rather subtile oldness comes after that. The 
objector asks 'Is this sequence in impermanent things only, 
or is it also in permanent things also?' If this question is 
asked, we say that it is in permanent things also. There are 
two kinds of permanents. The Selves are absolutely unchanged 
permanents; the aspects are permanents in mutation. The 
substance in which the essential-attribute (svarupa) is not lost 
while in mutation as external-aspect and as time-characteristic 
and as intensity is a permanent in mutation. With regard 
to these, in case of impermanent substances such as thinking- 
substances, although there is a previous limit of the sequence 
of such a mutation as passion, yet there is a final limit, the 
immediate experience of the Self. Thus in these the sequence 
has a termination. In the case of the aspects, which are 
permanent in mutation, the sequence of the mutation has no 
termination. Because although it ceases in respect of released 
Selves, it is not cut off in respect of bound Selves. The ob- 
jector asks whether all Selves are released or not? If the 
first [alternative be true], the mutation in the primary-cause 
has a termination; if the second [alternative be true], there 
is no belief in your knowledge of the reality. On this point 
the Master of the Samkhya says [Bhasya on iv. 33] that there 
is a three-fold question 1. capable of an absolute answer, 
2. capable of a partial answer, 2. incapable of answer. 1. Of 
these [three] the first is as follows. The question is 'Will this 
whole species die?' This may be answered absolutely, It will 
die. 2. But how do you answer the second question? This 
is capable of a partial answer. He who has discernment of 
the reality is released, and no other. And thus because living 
beings are endless and because it is revealed in the Puranas 
and elsewhere that creations and dissolutions are endless, .there 
is no release for all. 3. But the third question is whether 
the sequence of mutations of the primary cause is completed 
or not. This question is incapable of answer, because it is 

Yog a- sutras with Maniprabhd. 113 

impossible to make a definite assertion. Or else this question 
is explainable by saying that the sequence of the round of 
rebirths has an end for fortunate beings, but not for the un- 

Accordingly there is always a sequence, the aspects which 
are permanent and in mutation, because there is a difference 
in the mutation which occurs in sequence. In the Selves 
which are absolutely unchanged the sequence is not physically- 
real, but is predicated by attributing [to the Selves] the 
difference of mutation found in the thinking-substance and the 
rest. Thus all is cleared up. 

He now shows what Isolation is, the result of the yoga 
which was to be taught by the authoritative book. 

34. Isolation is the return of the aspects (guna), no longer 
provided uith a purpose ~by the Self, to their original condition; 
or it is the Energy of Intellect (citi-gakti) grounded in itself. 

Now that the aspects of the thinking-substance and of the 
rest of the [entities] have accomplished experience and liberation 
[for the Self], which was the task which they had to accom- 
plish, they are generated inversely in the contrary direction 
and are resolved in the central-organ as subliminal-impressions 
of the higher passionlessness of the emergent concentration. 
And the central-organ is resolved into the feeling-of-personality; 
and this into the Great [thinking-substance]; and the Great 
Entity into the aspects. Such is a mundane dissolution. This 
Isolation of the primary-cause is transferred to a particular 
Self. Or else, the Energy of Intellect, which is the very In- 
tellect itself, [that is,] an individual Self, abides in itself and 
in nothing else in a preeminent degree. So it is <grounded> 
in itself. That is, it is again out of relation finally with the 
purposelessness of the thinking-substance and the rest [of the 
entities]. This same is the Isolation of the light of the per- 
manent Self permanently purified in its union with itself. Thus 
[all] is satisfactory. The word iti in the sutra is intended to 
show the completion of the book. 

8 JAOS 3-t. 

114 J. H. Woods, Toga-sutras with Maniprdbha. 

1. Ceaselessly I bow to Raghava, who is the source of all 
perfections, who is the Lord, who gives Isolation. All actions 
if dedicated to Him (yatra) produce yoga without [need of 
the] aids to yoga. His (yad) speech which is a fire for the 
performance of the Mystic Syllable, 1 after having burned at 
once the forest of hindrances, produced the unflickering lamp 
of knowledge which cleanses the darkness. 

2. The Great Lord, the husband of Uma, whose dwelling 
is in KagI, the slightest favor from whom produces all kinds of 
prosperity, such as release, I worship. 

3. May my speech be a garland of pearls, placed forever 
at the feet of Rama, and woven around the thread (sutra) of 
the Lord of Serpents [Patanjali], and adorned by the [costly] 
jewel (mayii) [in the middle of the string] which is the speech 
of Vyasa. 

4. What a difference (Jcva . . . kva) between me given to mis- 
takes and the master's affection [for me]! The mind of the 
great is indeed naturally full of compassion for the helpless. 

* This Word pranava might refer to the Veda or even to something 

The Expression of Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in He- 
brew. By FBANK R. BLAKE, Ph. D., Johns Hopkins 


Between the territory occupied by the demonstratives and 
that filled by the numerals lies a group of ideas that are 
usually classed together under the head of indefinite pronouns. 
For example in English, 'same' and 'many 7 are both classed 
as indefinites, tho 'same' is practically a demonstrative, and 
'many' is closely related to the cardinal numerals. 

The study of this linguistic territory is attended with con- 
siderable difficulty in most languages, since many ideas are 
expressed, not by any special word, but by a circumlocution 
or by some type of construction. This territory, therefore, can 
not well be studied on the basis of special words and forms, 
but must be approached from the point of view of the ideas 

Indefinite pronominal ideas may be divided into three main 
classes, viz.: 

1) indefinite demonstratives, 

2) indefinite cardinal numerals, 

3) indefinite ordinals. 

The chief indefinite demonstrative ideas are the follow- 
ing, viz.: 

a) the identifying, 'this equal to that', e. g., Eng. 'same', 

b) the emphasizing, 'this indeed', e. g., Eng. 'self, 

c) the comparing, 'like this', e. g., Eng. 'such', 

d)| ['this not that', e. g., Eng. 'other', 

e) 'this and that', e. g., Eng. 'both', 
/ }the combining^ Al . U \ -^ > 

f ) [ j 'this or that , e. g., Eng. 'either', 

g) j [ 'neither this nor that', e. g., Eng. 'neither', 

f 'these separately', e. g., Eng. 'each', 
h) the distributive ian of t J se sep 4 ate) e . g . ? Eug . 4evei y. 

116 Frank. R. Blake, 

The indefinite cardinal numerals may be divided into three 
sub-classes, according to what they refer to, viz.: 

1) indefinite individualizing pronouns, 

2) indefinite quantitative pronouns, 

3) indefinite numerals referring to more than one. 

The chief indefinite cardinal numeral ideas are the follow- 
ing, viz.: 

A. Five classes that refer to individuals, quantities and 

numbers; the indefinite numerals proper: 

a) 'an individual, part or number, known but not men- 
tioned', e. g v Eng. 'so and so, such and such 7 . 

b) 'an individual, part, or number unknown, but specially 
singled out', e. g., Eng. 'a certain one, a certain, 

c) 'an individual, part, or number unknown', e. g., Eng. 
'someone, some'. 

d) 'an individual, part, or number that may be desired 
or chosen', e. g., Eng. 'anyone, any'. 

e) 'the negation of one, quantity, number', e. g., Eng. 
'no one, nothing, none, no'. 

B. Ten classes that refer only to quantities and numbers. 

These classes may be grouped in three divisions, viz.: 

1) the comparative indefinites, 

a) 'a large quantity or number', e. g., Eng. 'much, 

b) 'a larger quantity or number', e. g., Eng. 'more'. 

c) 'the largest quantity or number', e. g., Eng. 'most, 
the most'. 

d) 'a small quantity or number', e. g., Eng. 'a little, 

e) 'a smaller quantity or number', e. g., Eng. 'less, 
fewer 7 . 

f) 'the smallest quantity or number 7 , e. g., Eng. 'the 
least, fewest 7 . 

2) the sufficive indefinites, 

a) ; a sufficient quantity or number', e. g., Eng, 

b) 'a quantity or number smaller than sufficient 7 , Eng. 
'too little, too few'. 

c) 'a quantity or number larger than sufficient', Eng. 
'too much, too many'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 117 

3) the comprehensive indefinite, 

'the quantity or number complete', e. g., Eng. 'every- 
thing, all'. 
The chief indefinite ordinals are, viz.: 

a) 'the next, following', 

b) 'the middle', 

c) 'the last', 

d) 'the next to last, last but one'. 

These ideas have usually three uses. They may be employed 
absolutely to refer to a noun, like the indefinite pronouns in 
English, e. g., 'each did as he was told'; 'many are called, but 
few chosen'; &c.: they may be employed partitively, denoting 
a part of some definite whole, e. g., 'some of the men', 'many 
of them', &c.: or they may be used attributively to limit or 
define the meaning of a noun, like the English indefinite pro- 
nominal adjectives, e. g., 'each man', 'many houses', &c. 

All of these ideas may be employed in all three ways except 
the simple indefinite demonstratives 'same', 'self, 'such', which 
lack the partitive use. The partitive and attributive uses some- 
times fall together, e. g., with Hebrew hi 'all'; sometimes the 
absolute and partitive constructions are the same, e. g., with 
the Hebrew combining indefinite demonstratives 'both', 'either', 
'neither'. These may be said to be used attributively when they 
modify a single noun; when they stand in apposition to a plural 
pronoun, or a combination of two nouns, tho this is really an 
absolute construction, they have practically a partitive use. 

In my article on the Comparative Syntax of the combina- 
tions formed by the Noun and its Modifiers in Semitic *, I stated 
that "the material for the discussion of these important modify- 
ing ideas (the indefinite pronominal ideas used attributively) 
is exceedingly meager: in no Semitic grammar are they fully 
and satisfactorily treated". The same thing is true with regard 
to the other uses of these ideas, and the present article is an 
attempt to supply this lack as far as Hebrew is concerned. 

The article is entirely descriptive, no attempt being made 
to institute extended comparisons with the sister Semitic idioms 
or with other tongues. Comparative material will be found 

i Published in JAOS 32, parts 2 and 3, pp. 135267; cited in the fol- 
lowing pages as Comp. Syn. Noun and Mod. For some addenda and 
corrigenda to this article cf. p. 227, n. 1. 

118 Frank R. Blake, 

.in Brockelmann's Comparative Syntax 1 , and also, for the at- 
tributive use of these ideas, in the article of mine just refer- 
red to. 

The article is based primarily on the study of the Hebrew 
text, but Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebraische Grammatik 28 , Leipzig, 
3909; and Gesenius-Buhl, Handworterb. uber d. Alte Testament 15 , 
Leipzig, 1910; have been used as standard works of reference 2 . 

In the present article the expression of the indefinite pro- 
nominal ideas in Hebrew is discussed according to the classi- 
fication just outlined, and in all three uses absolute, attributive, 
and partitive. Numerous examples are given under every 
heading, in many instances all or practically all of the cases 
of occurrence are cited. The signs " in Hebrew and ... in 
English indicate an abbreviated word or passage. A long 
vowel due to pause is marked with Silluq, viz. . 

Indefinite Demonstratives. 


The idea of 'same' employed absolutely in the sense of 'the 
one already referred to' is expressed by the simple demonstra- 
tives or by the pronouns of the third person, e. g., 

11*r_ nt ^K W : EK It^ ty^n nan 'here is the man of 
whom I spoke to thee; this [same] shall rule my people' 
(I Sam. 9, 17; cf. Gen. 5, 29). 

nan "JUT T| DID rs 'for there is a cup in the hand of 
JHVH . . . and he pours out of this [same]' (Ps. 75, 9). 

irrrpp Kin "in*? t^K Tiy 'there is yet one man ... the 
same is Micaiah son of Imla' (II Ch. 18, 7; cf. Esth. 9, 1; 
Ezr. 10, 23; tffl Gen. 10, 12; 14, 8; 23, 2; 48, 7; Jos. 15, 8; 
II Sam. 5, 7: nn Gen. 6, 4). 

!?- Kin ijn ^ nt *p|?K i-"i^ n;rn 'and the one of 
whom I shall say he shall go with thee, the same shall go 
with thee' (Jud. 7, 4Us) 3 . 

1 C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semi- 
tischen Sprachen, Bd. II, Berlin, 1913 especially pp. 8187: cited as 
Comp. Syn. 

2 These are cited as Gesenius-Kautzsch and Gesenius-Buhl: E. Konig, 
Historisch- Comparative Syntax der Hebrdischen Sprache, Leipzig, 1897 
(cited as Konig, Syntax) was also employed. 

a This use of the personal pronoun of the third person is similar 
to its use in the sense of 'self, cf. p. 127, and also to its use as copula. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 119 

,T na&p "njgi HDV rnii^n nB^n ntfgtp 'of beaten-work the 

candlestick shall be made, its shaft and its branches 
shall be of the same' (Ex. 25, 31; 37, 17; cf. 25, 36; 37, 22: 
Ex. 27, 2; 37, 25; 38, 2; 28, 8; 39, 5). 
"1jm.| B^J^ *"P! 'remember his covenant for ever . . 
and he has confirmed the same . . . ' (I Ch. 16, 15 17; cf. 
Ps. 105,8-11; Job 4, 8). 

D1 1 "I&JJ ntSft^Bte "Bhh *l|#JJ D^Bte 'in the twelfth month . . . 
on the thirteenth day of the same' (Esth. 9, 1; cf. 17; 
18; 21). 

"JJH t5W'~rnj&p 'from the rising of the sun to the going 
down of the same' (Mai. 1, 11). 

'this shall not be the same' (Ezk. 21, 31[?]). 
The pronoun of the third person has apparently also devel- 
oped the meaning of 'same' as predicate to more than one 
thing or to several states or times of one thing, e. g., 
KttT nnl 'but thou art the same 7 (Ps. 102, 28; cf. Is. 41, 4; 

43/10; 13; 46, 4; 48, 12; Jer. 5, 12 [?]). 
fcttn D$ ^nai ]bg 'small and great are the same there' (Job 

3, 19). T 

In its attributive use this idea is not clearly distinguished 
from the demonstratives, being often indicated by the demon- 
strative pronouns, e. g., 

nb^zi 'in that same night' (Gen. 26, 24). 
D1 9 3 'on that same day' (Gen. 15, 18). 
'in that same year' (Jer. 28, 17). 

'these same words' (Gen. 44, 6). 
H ]3DBn Bhsn 'that same poor man' (Ecc. 9, 15). 
yb u^prn uej; mrp ^p?. "i# Kinn men rrm 'and it shall come 
to pass that the same goodness which JHVH does to us, 
we will do to you' (Num. 10, 32). 

Sometimes the pronoun of the third person (== remoter de- 
monstrative) is placed without article after the noun in the 
sense of 'same', just as it is in the constructions of ; self 
(cf. p. 127), e. g., 

MH rft^a )^ IJTrSKViK Jpj^rn 'and they made their father drink 
wine that' same' night' (Gen. 19, 33; cf. 30, 16; 32,23: 
I Sam. 19, 10) l . 

Iu I Ch. 1, 27; Prov. 28, 24 N1H may be regarded either as 'same' or as 

i Of course it is possible to regard Kin nWa &c. as Ninn ^3, or as 

120 Frank R. Blake, 

The personal pronoun of the third person seems to be 
placed before noun -f demonstrative in the Aramaic fashion 1 , 
the whole having the sense of 'same' in 
mrrt njn n^rrwn 'this same night is JHVH's' (Ex. 12, 42). 

Attributive 'same' in the sense of 'that already referred to' 
may be expressed by placing before the modified noun a pro- 
noun of the third person agreeing with the noun in gender 
and number. The noun may be either common or proper; 
'same' + proper noun is regularly expressed in this way. The 
independent form of the pronoun is used when the noun is nom- 
inative, the suffix when it is in any other case (ace. or after 
preposition). When the suffix stands after a case-determinative 
(JIN or preposition), this determinative may be repeated 2 , e. g., 
riMD; 13^3 yah Kin 'that same wicked man shall die in his 
iniquity' (Ezk. 3, 18). 

m Tjten in mnra bwnb *)DW -6 isn nj&i 'and in the time of 

his oppression, this same king Ahaz trespassed yet more 
against JHVH' (II Ch. 28, 22). 

)5 "D^VD ^in DJTDa tiyg?! 'and these same magicians also did 
...'thus' '(Ex. 7, 11). 

IN infcnrn 'and she saw that same boy' (Ex. 2, 6; cf. 35, 5; 
Lev. 13, 57; Jer. 9, 14; Ezk. 3, 21). 

15 'when this same man came . . . ' (Ezk. 10, 3; cf. 
42, 14; Ezr. 3, 12). 

K 'woe to this same one . . . ' (Ecc. 4, 10). 

corrupted by haplograpby from Ninn ."6^2, but it is not necessary. Gen. 
38, 21 sr^rrfr? D?i*W Kin ntshj?n rw* 'where is the harlot that was openly 
by the road', does not belong here, the Kin being rather relative than 
attributive in character. 

1 Cf. Noldeke, Syr. Gramm.* Leipzig, 1898, p. 172, 227. 

2 These cases are ranged by Gesenius-Kautzsch ( 131 k ri) under the 
so-called Permutative, a kind of appositive, but the emphatic meaning 
is not referred to. In all the examples here given the noun which is 
emphasized occurs before in the context immediately preceding. The 
emphatic character of this construction was ^noted in my Comp. Syn. 
Noun and Mod. (p. 147) but the exact character of the emphasis I did 
not recognize at the time. 

"While still emphatic, the examples in which an element in some ob- 
lique case is resumed after an interval by a following suffix are of a 
different character, cf. Gen. 2, 17; 3, 3; I Sam. 9, 20; II Sam. 6, 23: Gen. 
13, 15; 21, 13; 47, 21; I Sam. 25, 29; II Ki. 9, 27; Is. 51, 22; (cf. p. 122, n): 
tnfc infc I Sam. 9, 13. Here the first element is in the nature of an ab- 
solute case, the sense being 'as regards '. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 1-21 

ST\b jni OiK ItfK nS'T^S <to tne land that I give 
to these same Israelites' (Jos. 1, 2; cf. Num. 32, 33; Jud. 
21, 7; II Oh. 26, 14; rrty Jer. 51, 56; DHD I Ch. 4, 42; 1BJJ 
Dan. 11, 11). 

Tprj ffijptrp. K*rr*6n 'did not this same Hezekiah 
remove his high-places . . . ' (II Ch. 32, 12; cf. 33, 23). 

b T^ri 'when I went to make this same Israel rest' 
(Jer. 31, 2). 

b$T\ *#}* ^H 1 !! 'and the worthless fellows gave 
evidence against this same Naboth' (I Ki. 21, 13; cf. II Ki. 
16, 15 Kt.). 

^ infc n;$; fc6 1#$ 'who will not serve this same 
Nebuchadnezzar' (Jer. 27, 8). 

'^I Qri^mb bypQ n;n & 'the brass of all these 
same vessels was not weighed' (Jer. 52, 20 [contrast II Ki. 
25, 16]; cf. Ezr. 2, 62. Neh. 7, 64; I Ch. 7, 9; 25, I). 1 
'Same' when it means 'one and the same' is expressed both 
absolutely and attributively by the numeral "iriK 'one' without 
article, e. g., 

"1JVJ nn fcn.j5Tfc6 *\tf$ "U; "itfK "tf'fcrta 'any man . . . who 
comes . . . without being called, the law for him is the 
same . . . ' (Esth. 4, 11; cf. Job 23, 13; Gen. 41, 25). 
teb "in^ nij?0 'all have the same fate' (Ecc. 9, 3; cf. 2; 2, 14; 
3, 19; 20; 6, 6; Gen. 40, 5; 41, 26; Ex. 12, 49; 26, 2; 36, 9; 
15; Lev. 7, 7; 24, 22; Num. 15, 16; 29; I Sam. 6, 4; I Ki. 
6, 25; Ezk. 45, 11; Mai. 2, 106w; Prov.-l, 14; Job 31, 15). 
In one passage the plural of the numeral 'one' is employed 
attributively in this sense, viz., 

nnn^ D^.r?! nni* nD^ HW^? ^ll 'and the whole earth was 
of the same [one] speech and of the same words' (Gen. 
11, I). 2 

For the definite article used in a sense somewhat similar 
to this "in^ cf. under 'some' p. 165. 

Occasionally the word DSy 'bone, essence' is employed in the 
construct before the modified noun in connection with a de- 
monstrative modifying the noun to indicate this idea, e. g., 

* For other less certain cases of this genitive construction cf. Konig, 
Syn., 284 a. The following noun may also stand after h (or in late 
Hebrew >>#); the construction does not seem to be emphatic: cf. for 
^ Ezr. 9, l; T for bv Cant. 3/7: also Konig, Syn., 284 c e. 

2 Somewhat similar is the use of absolute DHPIN Ezk. 37, 17. 

122 Frank R. Blake, 

'njn D1 S H DSJ 'on the same day' (Gen. 7, 13; 17,23; 26; cf. 

Ezk. 24/2 T ). 

The particle fit* is occasionally employed before a noun in 
the nominative case in an emphatic sense that is at times 
equivalent to attributive 'same'. Sometimes it occurs together 
with a demonstrative, 1 e. g., 

"ID'S 1 ? \yyr} -rtfcjrn^ 'that [same] pillar of cloud did not 
depart from' them' (Xeh. 9, 19; cf. Ezk. 35, 10; 43, 7). 

fifcfrn njnrr^VilS 'all this same evil came upon us' 
(Dan 9, 13; ef. Jttd. 20, 44; 46). 

The opposite of 'same' viz., 'different' is expressed by the 
participle nj# of the verb njttf 'change, become different', e. g., 
'and the vessels were all different' (Esth. 1, 7). 
JJTni 'and their law is different from [that ofj all 
other people' (Esth. 3, 8). 

The idea 'different among selves, various* applied to one 

noun is expressed by the noun repeated with connective 1, e. g., 

naiajpl r6na J51 $ *jpp5 ^ njriy^ 'don't have in your purse 

various [different kinds of] weights, a large one and a 

small one' (Dt. 25, 13; cf. 14; Prov. 20, 10; 23). 

"I'll "H JYDt^ W& 'consider the years of different generations' 

' (Dt. 32,' 7). 

FIST. 2*2} ^?? 'with various hearts [double heart] they speak' 
' (Ps. 12, 3; cf. I Ch. 12, 33). 

It is expressed by the simple plural of the word }\ 'kind, 
sort', in 

'trnj5lp D^p DNBtWl fc&o Itfg 'which they filled with perfumes 
and various sorts [of spices] prepared as salves . . . ' (II Ch. 
16, 14). 
For the repeated plural in this sense cf. p. 153, n. 1. 

1 This r\N, however, is usually simply a strong demonstrative; so in 
Num. 5,10; Ezk. 20, 16; Neh. 9, 34: WN r\ occurs as nominative in Jer. 
27, 8; 38, 16 Kt.\ Zech. 12, 10; Ecc. 4, 3: (cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 117m). 
Cases which are intermediate between this use of DN and its ordinary 
use are, n)in ^ nh nri nista ynn-^3-n ^ 'for all the land that thou 
seest, I give' it' to' thee' (Gen. 13/15; of. 21, 13; 47,21; I Sam. 25, 29; 
II Ki. 9, 27; Is. 51, 22) where the fact that the preceding object after DK 
is resumed by a suffix makes the object very much like a nominative 
absolute. In Mishnic Hebrew JIN -f- suffix is used in the sense of 'that' ? 
; same' (cf. my article Comp. Syn. Noun and Mod., p. 148). This is a 
combination of this use of DK with nominative, with constructions for 
'same' like m^-QrnK v\ (Jer. 27, 8), cf. p. 120 f. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. \-2-\ 


This idea may modify either a personal pronoun or a noun. 
In connection with the oblique cases of pronouns it constitutes 
the so-called reflexive pronouns. In the first case it may be 
represented simply by the unemphatic pronoun (pronoun implied 
by verbal form, single pronoun in non-verbal sentence, or 
simple suffix), e. g., 

iTVJJK 'I myself will awake early' (Ps. 57, 9; 108, 2). 1 
nr\ 'thou thyself art the man' (II Sam. 12, 7; cf. I Sam. 
24, 18). 

"Hn 1*7 fcyjn 'and Ehud made himself a sword' (Jud. 3, 16; 
cf. Num. 8, 17; Eu. 4, 6). 

vnjtt M^'flfc? nj?*l 'and he took his two young men with 
him '[self]' (Gen. 22, 3). 

3 *[yrb I?? 'and love thy neighbor as thyself (Lev. 19, 18; 34). 
^fc|nn < ] 'and he will show me himself and his habita- 
ion (II Sam. 15, 25; cf. Ex. 5, 19; Jer. 7, 19; Ezk. 34, 2; 
8; 10). 2 

The emphasis may be indicated by repetition of the pronoun : 
when the pronoun is subject, by pronoun + verbal form in verbal 
sentence, 3 by repeated pronoun in non-verbal sentence. Some- 
times the independent pronoun is used twice even in a verbal 
sentence, e. g., 

nan nrqrDn# nifcq^ 'and that they might see for them- 
selves, that they themselves were beasts' (Ecc. 3, 18). 

""00?^ "WJ "pilj 'I myself put my maid-servant in your 
arms' (Gen. 16, 5; cf. ^K II Sam. 18, 2; Jer. 21, 5). 
rpprr 'slay me thyself (I Sam. 20, 8). 
tib] U&y Kin 'he hath made us and not we ourselves' 
(Ps. 100, 3). 

rrwrn Q^ 1^r nl ? n ^-l ' anc ^ ne ^ e ^ n ^ s servant there, 
and he himself went into the desert' (I Ki. 19, 34; cf. 
Is. 38, 15; Prov. 11, 25; 21, 13; II Ch. 26, 20). 

1 The emphasis here may be due to the cohortative ending n . 

2 The accusative of the reflexive pronoun is more commonly expressed 
by the reflexive forms of the verb, cf. p. 126. 

3 Not infrequently a pronoun subject before a verb, while still some- 
what emphatic, has not the meaning of 'self, cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 
135& (at end). In late passages, particularly in Ecclesiastes, the pro- 
noun subject is used after the verb without special emphasis, cf. op. cit. 
1355. Cf. unemphatic tsffia, p. 126, n. 

124 Frank R. Blake, 

nn ^3 'for they themselves alone shall be saved 7 
(Ezk. 14, 18; cf. 16). 
"nj5i IIT ttrON ^ 'for we ourselves together will build' (Ezr. 

"4, 3; cf. Num. 32, 17). 

"flip!* 'JK \1K 'I myself will tear . . . ' (Hos. 5, 14; cf. Jud. 5, 3; 
Is. 48', 15). 

rrn 'and she herself said . . . ' (Gen. 20. 5). 
\lfc* **$ '3 HflJ? *fcn s 'see now that I myself am he' (Dt. 32, 39). 
"OiK 'rpilj 'I indeed, I myself, am JHYH' (Is. 43, 11; 
26;' 51, 12)! 

niJ HPIK 'thou thyself art terrible' (Ps. 76, 7). 
DH DH 'they indeed are thy lot' (Is. 57, 6). 
One, usually the first, of the two pronouns may be a suffix 
after Pijjn or an infinitive; when the predicate is a finite verb 
it may stand with 1 after the repeated pronoun, e. g., 

rS\ ^fep^n 'behold I myself will search out my 
sheep' (Ezk. 34* 11; cf. 20). 

*?l ^ ^fcn.3 NT.! 'and when I myself, Daniel, saw 
the vision' (Dan. 8, 15). 

\iN-D2l TJ^JJ ^in 'behold I myself am against thee' (Ezk. 5, 8). 
?fi ^^ ^H 'behold I myself will bring upon you 
a sword' (Ezk. 6, 3). 

pjnp ''iin ^^J 'and behold 1 myself will harden 
Egypt's heart"' (Ex. 14^1 7; cf. Is. 52, 6). 
When the pronoun is in any oblique case the emphasis may 
be represented by the emphatic suffixes, i. e., suffix in connec- 
tion with independent pronoun 1 ; the independent pronoun 
may precede or follow the suffix; it is often accompanied by 
D3, *)g 'also', e. g, 

riDIJ 'bless me also' (Gen. 27, 34; cf. Zech. 7, 5). 

D1 s n ^pfljnin 'I have made you, even you, know to day 7 
(Prob. 22, 19). 
"rn,T 'Om ^rj.2 ^ ' JHVH led me, even me, in the way . . . ' 

(Gen. 24,' 27). 
^Ijpl "i-Da 'even me myself it will befall' (Ecc. 2, 15). 

i According to Gesenius-Kautzsch 135 f, the emphatic suffix occa- 
sionally loses its emphasis, e. g., I Sam. 20, 42; Ps. 38, 11. In the first 
of these cases the independent pronoun is the logical antecedent of 
'both', cf. p. 146; in the second DH is equivalent to 'self, emphasizing 
not the suffix but the noun, cf. p. 127. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 125 

nriK ,Tnrr : 'Judah, thee indeed shall thy brethren 
praise' (Gen. 49, 8). 

TUB )Pr ^ 'would that I myself might die instead 
of you' (II Sam. 19, 1: cf. with Di Prov. 23, 15: with indep. 
pron. before suffix Gen. 40, 16 with *)K; Is. 45, 12; Job 21, 4 
; Lam. 1, 16; I Ch. 28,2). 

"n D-Q^n 1j?V 'the dogs shall lap thy own blood' 
(I Ki. 21, 19; cf. Zech. 9, 11 n before with W). 
KirrDa VB$-n ngJ?^ 'and let us hear what is in his mouth 
[what] he has to say' (II Sam. 17, 5; cf. Jer. 27, 7 with DJ). 
njn lan&a 1^". DPI D^B* 'and your own bodies shall fall in 
this wilderness' (Num. 14, 32; cf. Neh. 5, 2 WISH; Ps. 9, 7 
nn: wita prow, before Jos. 23, 9 DHK; Ezk. 33, 17 nan). 

I'lJJO ^8 ^8 ^ '* et ^ e f ault be u P on me > mv l r( l' (I Sam. 

"25,24; cf. I Ki. 1, 26; nn II Ch. 35, 21; Kin D^ I Sam. 

19, 23; UniK Dt. 5, 3; DHK Hag. 1, 4; nan DJ Jer. 25, 14: 

with pron. before I Sam. 12, 23 "OiK; I Ki. 1, 20 and Mi. 

5, 1 nn; II Ch. 28, 10 DHK). 

In poetry the pronoun emphasizing the suffix of a noun may 
be implied by a verbal form which, tho it does not agree with 
the noun, is its logical predicate (contrast Gesenius-Kautzsch 
144?): the noun + suffix may either precede or follow the 
verb, e. g., 

K ^1p 'my own voice will call upon JHVH' (Ps. 
3,5; cf. 27, 7; 142, 2: ^ 66, 17: ^Bi, Tin Is. 26, 9; W 

Ex. 6, 3). 

n:?n I^S 'their own mouth speaks proudly' (Ps. 17, 10). 
HS 'let thine own voice cry' (Is. 10, 30; cf. ^in Ps. 
17, 13: ^ 17, 14: -]W 60, 7; 108, 7). 
WD D s l W5^ 'thine own horses walked thru the sea' (Hab. 
'" 3, 15). ' 

^-^K n^tfr|J HT^K 'my own glory will sing and give praise' 
(Ps. 108,' 2), 

DMH 5JT nnK 'thine own hand did drive out the nations' 
(Ps. 44, 3)." 

A similar construction in a non-verbal sentence where the 
predicate agrees with the pronoun is - 
[J5^ mrp ?jj?^ nn \3 'for thy own name JHVH stands alone' 

(Ps. 83, 19). 

The emphasis may also be expressed in any case by tfBJ 
'soul, life' + suffix, simple or with emphatic independent pro- 

i M, AW// /-' ///"/.<. 

,i fy) in wihi-i tlM rrh ..#<* *r 

fa |, l.uf M. .- N ,,' I, I.!,- 

nil, .,. .,,.!.;. 1.0 H.' 

flbty l|( ' "" " h ! -h'' I'hjimtiiwtf 

ttfa otf^Ji *Uioy ! '" ".i.o :..), i 

^ *i (P.M 

*h<i who KU rkdon i lorti --i in/., -ir 

| I', ,; ,| ( I, /I ',. .'I 111! An. .' I I 

i , l< i- i ; ^,0; ,lob3,^ I - ' 

^J!rt> !4*K- no! v.'M.i.. ; 

81V 3^ '<" I"-"' kaOWl ]l DWB iHii^ruW H 
i i 10 
tun 1^5 nw 19^1 tojm f md ih grtat a& upeak* hi own 

| I: , 

Wh I).- i i -! it.- pronoui] > " B , tbt 

, mjilin . in . IM |,.. ' ! I, l.lm M ll- , , ,,1, , ion 

. ,!.:.! I.,.,,, . . I,.- II-, II.. Wipbil 01 lliHip;.'-!, . , f 

H^H] :>',.! I WMtt ill.:. M! I.M(l|iU I Wfti 

i .,i ,,! i i,,. i on ',n (flw : LO -i n,., i ' 6 ;-nnn; 

II :,,, .'j ( 4 lont^H, .I..I, .',< pi;, 

i *h. ,.:.. ..i. ii. -M from in,,,' (Gh o i ; '> -I B 
y S3I3; Nun, K i j -i-int^n, LIKI - n yni). 

nin^a i^ pjorn > '-' ! " 1 i -i i" n.-n,. ,,.,i i,,,,, .. n ,., .111 \ n 

I,, ..... I / I ! Ian '.'. - . I I- ' ., I 1 ,) SOi: .Inh liV, I" 

itml I" hull I- -,, IH , -It MI.O!|M-I' (I Ki II - 

.11.' 11,9 'M3J, 

*M.U(l w*' -I' ! ""' OW 'I' 1 '- l-o II"'"' (l :: -"" 
' i - M. Mi pIBJin; i" ", 5 HI 1 ?)), 

noiji wjj^oi ' ..... i " ' foui - 1 ...... ta "" h ' <( "" 

i i n I f)DMi; ..... si, M ^n.v in i i. i 

lw, 5a, a isa), 

'DJf ^!|JW *3 M|J "'' ' "' " "'' ii"'"'i IwlH'ul 

Di "i (I Oh i 1 '. - .1 i L9, n tyipnn; ivy, si 

'""' ......... Ufti k tbU HI u ..... i'i-,"i f| " ...... ' 

(to i * 1 1), w> 4* luffl 

i| "-" 1 I- -i <|.i ........ n i ...... ill I- 

i ..... I II IN I' 10.1 

'! I'. I <//,, r -,, I' II I I,, |, l l 

itc Pronominal Itlea^ in H* 

*DaYid asked for himself from me' (I Sam. 20, 6; 
cf. 28; Neh. 13, 6), 

1 -and Jonathan took off from himself 
his mantel* (I Sam. 18, 4; cf. Gen. 3, 8 ^tann; I 
; Jos. 9, 12 TOSH). 

4 and he prostrated himself on the ground" (Gen. 
18, a> 

The expression 'by self is rendered by ^ 4 in separation* 
or by *|tt <in bod/ + suffix, e. g n 

'and if I have eaten my morsel by myself (Job 
31,17; cf. Is. 44, 84; 49, 21). 

4 why dost thon sdt by thyself (Kx. Itx 14). 
a>^l *and they put on [food] for him by 
umself, and lor them by themselves' (On. 43, 32). 
IQ! ^? *fa; te*? Q^ 4 if he came by himself, he shall g 
himself (Ex. 81, 3). 

The expression *to self *secretly' after a verb of sa 
or thinking is expressed by ^ OJ? or ^ (*>) + ^ <heav 
interior* + suitix. o. ^.. 

"^ 'and ho >aul to himsolf (Gen. 17. 17; ,>uPs,4>5; 
10, 6). 

*and Sarah laughed to hei^elf (Gen. la 12; 
of, 19). 

^ >OT^1 *I said to myself (Ecc, 1, 16). 
mT T^ *and JHVH said to himself (Gen. a 21; of. 
H 45; I Sam. 87, 1; fy I Sam. 1, 13). 1 
\\ hen the idea of ->olt" moaitios a noun, it - q v>sed b\ 
the pronoun of the third person in apposition \vith the noun; 
the usual position of the appositive seems to be after the 
noun, tho ii may also precede, 1 \Vhen the noun is governed 
by a preposition the emphatic pronoun may stand in the ab- 
>olute form or as suffix after the preposition repeated, e, g., 
KVi >J^ JR p^ therefore my Lcard himself \viQ gw 
t;cf.Le\\17,ll;^'um. K< .22,23). 

\a^h ^ *so that the Jews thernsehes 
tl^eir enemies 9 (Kstlu 9, 1; of. Ps. 38, 11 

* In these exawple* the idea of *witltm\ ^secretly* i^ giriw^ way 
tat groii \vay h> the ^implo reflexive idea 'self, i. e v 3^ ha* 
M ihe equivalent of fc^ ef. ^v 12?>f also 

-.ue\ p. 

128 Frank R. Slake, 

'and the Highest himself will establish her' 

(Ps. 87, 5). 

^ ^D Kin te3 f*\$ fnJJIl 'and the profit of the earth 
is for all, the king himself is served by the field' (Ecc. 5, 8). 
f$ DJTDa ""yg TIKI 'and the light of my eyes themselves 
also is gone from me [not with me]' (Ps. 38, 12; cf. Num. 

tn nifeQV mrp-n$ 'JHYH of Hosts, himself ye shall 
sanctify' (Is. 8, 13). 
)3"*i^ fcNJTDa r\$p 'and to Seth himself also a son was born' 

(Gen. 4, 26; cf. 10, 21; Ex. 35, 34). 
HYP b jrteV "n^O 11JJ 'the skin of the offering, shall be for 

'the priest himself (Lev. 7, 8; cf. Ezk. 10, 13). 
)TJt^ t nJJ5"1U n?.iT. ^p "ifeto 5 ! 'and any flesh in whose own skin is 

"a swelling 7 (Lev. 13, 18). 
'"PIJT^I mm] rn Wft] 'and they shall dwell in Judah itself 

and all its cities' (Jer. 31, 24). 

In a few cases when the noun is dependent on a preposi- 
tion, 'self is expressed by the noun D2JJJ, D1J 'bone' in the 
construct before the noun, e. g., 

n D^? 'like the heaven itself in clearness' (Ex. 
24, 10). 

^JJ^l 'in his strength itself, the very fulness of his strength' 
(Job'21, 23). 

l'^ 'on the stairs themselves' (II Ki. 9, 13). 


In rare cases this idea is left to be understood from the 
context, e. g., 

KISIPI D:D Vbj; mj n^ "ta^g-^O 'any of all food . . . upon 
which [such] water gets, is unclean' (Lev. 11, 34 cf. DVSia 
v. 32). 

"^?2l HJ-l^l 1^ ng^"^D1 'and every draught that is 
drunk in every [such] vessel, is unclean' (ibid. cf. v. 32). 
This idea is sometimes simply expressed by the pronoun of 
the third person or by the demonstrative, e. g., 
13VI bfltflj Kttt-jrj 'lo, such is the joy of his way' (Job 8, 19). 
13 yafl 1^ tr'Si 'anyone, who touches such a thing' (Lev. 22, 6; 
cf. 7, 18; 1 27, 9). 

1 Cf. ap 'something', 'anything' p. 175. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. ]-.) 

nt 'such is the generation of those that seek him' 
(Ps. 24, 6; cf. 48, 15; 49, 14; Job 18, 21). 
niI3#& n|*nj8 'but such are the dwellings of the wicked' 
(Job 18, 21). 

mi nayiJVj nfit?$n 'that this [such an] abominable thing 
was done among you' (Dt. 13, 15; Jud. 19, 24; cf. II Sam. 
13, 12; 19, 37). 

r^p T08 ni,T n^m rp 'for an abomination to JHVH 
thy God is everyone that does these [such] things' (Dt. 
25, 16; cf. Ezk. 17, 15). 
r nt D;^> n;m Jjgpp 'would that they had such a heart' 

(Dt. 5, 26). 

Ordinarily, however, 'such', used both absolutely and attri- 
butively, is expressed by D + suffix of third person or demon- 
strative. The meaning is often more strongly demonstrative 
than simple 'such', viz., 'such as he, like him', 'such as this, 
like this', &c. When this combination stands absolutely as 
subject, the verb agrees with the pronoun after 3; n^&O is 
treated as feminine plural. 1 Examples of its absolute use 
are, e. g., 

inb3 y^n IK 'or was such a thing heard?' (Dt. 4, 32). 
D^ Dn? ttnrtftj 'and such were not seen before' (II Ch. 

9, 11). 

irnnriK DIS H;;T npn 'is such the fast that I have chosen' 
(Is. 58, 5). 

nKIJ *6 'such a thing was not seen' (Jud. 19, 30; cf. 
I Sam. 4, 7; Jer. 2, 10; II Ch. 30, 26). 

rfttf DJT^ riK'T? nri^n ns^ 'and why hast thou thought 
such a thing against God's people' (II Sam. 14, 13; cf. Jud. 
13, 23; 15, 7; Is. 66, 8; Ezr. 7, 27). 

"TIN nj*O|?rn 'and such things have happened to me' 
(Lev. 10, 19; cf. Job 12, 3 n^HM). 

]H3 nfc^ &] 'and he will not do such things' (Ezk. 18, 14). 
n^S3 nn ^ 'who has seen such things' (Is. 66, 8; cf. Jer. 

18, 13). 

When used attributively this combination usually stands 
after its noun, either immediately or with the relative Itj/'N 
interposed; it may however precede its noun; the pronoun 
after D agrees with the. modified noun, e. g., 

1 The simple demonstrative r6*t is also sometimes treated as feminine, 
e. g., Ex.21, 11; Is. 49, 15: here, however, with feminine antecedent. 

9 JAOS 34. 

130 Frank JR. Slake, 

'such locusts' (Ex. 10, 14; cf. Neh. 13, 26; II Ch. 

35, 18). 

DK 'whether for such a time' (Esth. 4, 14; cf. Ezr. 
9, 13). 

rn.10 ^HIDD *to 'who is such a teacher as he' (Job 36, 22). 
12 DYftg nn Itfg t^K HO ?p:rr 'can we find such a man as 

this in whom is the divine spirit' (Gen. 41, 38). 1 
HJ3 I^K M35 'on such a nation' (Jer. 5, 9; 29; 9, 8). 2 

Attributive 'such' may also be expressed by placing D before 
a noun modified by a demonstrative, e. g., 

D,:rt>K ir^> 'to speak such things to them' (Jer. 
38, 4;cf. I Sam. 2, 23; Dan. 10, 15; Neh. 6, 8). 

njn np^S nfcgj fc6 'S 'for such a passover was not held 
from the 'days . . . ' (II Ki. 23, 22; cf. 7, 19). 
The combination of 'such' with a descriptive adjective and 
modified noun 3 may be formed in several ways. The con- 
struction may be noun -f adjective + 'such', D + noun + ad- 
jective + demonstrative, or 3 + noun + demonstrative + h + 
abstract denoting the quality expressed by the adjective, e. g., 
n^g *)D1i Tl^l 'and there were added to them 
besides many things such as those' (Jer. 36, 32). 
jnn Wis rofc^V ^pr ^ 'and they shall do no more such 
an evil thing' (Dt. 13, 12; 19, 20). 

^1135 "1515 njijin 'whether there has been such a great 
thing' (Dt. 4, 32). ' 

!inn n^aD a S 1 ? 'there had never come such 
an abundance of spices as . . . ' (I Ki. 10, 10). 
When the noun is not expressed 'such' may be placed be- 
fore the adjective; or, in the construction with h + abstract, 
it may replace noun + demonstrative, e. g., 

a have heard many such things' (Job 16, 2). 
roi 'and many such things are with him' (Job 
23, 14). 

yfb D^P n"^?? n ?fl? ^^"3 ^ '! nad not seen sucn nl ~ 

favored (heifers) in all the land of Egypt' (Gren. 41, 19). 

1 Here W*R may be also regarded as in apposition to ntD, viz., 'such a 
one as this, a man in whom . . . ' 

2 Such constructions as this belong grammatically under 'such' modified 
by a relative, cf. p. 131. 

1 In most of the examples that occur the adjective is m 'many' (cf. 
p. 187 ft.), but other adjectives would doubtless be treated in the same way. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 131 

Simple 'such' may have the additional idea of 'some', 'any': 
'no such' is expressed by 'such' in connection with a negative ; 
cf. in examples given above beginning on p. 129, II Ch 9, 11; 
Jud. 19, 30; Ezk. 18, 14; II Ki. 23, 22; Dt. 13, 12; I Ki. 
10, 10. 

When the idea of 'such 7 is modified by a following relative 
clause, several constructions are employed. 'Such' may not bo 
expressed at all; it may be expressed as in a simple sentence 
(cf. above) with the relative clause added; it may be expressed 
by 3 + suffix or by adverb in the dependent clause; 3 may 
be placed before the relative "iBto, e. g., 
plrr^35 ^.33 & "1#N flfc^?4 'wonders such as have not been 

' 'done' in all the earth' (Ex. 34, 10; cf. II Ki. 21, 12; I Ch. 

29, 25). 

"pp nrpm tib "l$K rns riSJ 'such a time of trouble as never was 
since . . . ' (Dan. 12, 1). 

nbV 'tfitib N5#"n3^ mm i^ Kinn 0^33 rrn tib\ 'and there 

were no such spices as the Queen of Sheba gave to king 
Solomon' (II Ch. 9, 9; cf. I Ki. 10, 10). 
Dn?a5 =inb3 rrn *6 n^ *TKp IIS "TO 'such very heavy hail as 

never was in Egypt' (Ex. 9, 18; 24). 

nn^i sb ^nb3 *IB^^ l<1 ^? '^E^? 'such a great cry ... as never 
was' (Ex. 11, 6bis). 

P 'such a man as I' (Gen. 44, 15). 
i^ nn n^sn' 1 ?^ 'to such a dead dog as I am' (II Sam. 

'will such a man as I flee' (Neh. 6, 11). 

b p n;n ^^ n^ ^"W? "^1 ' and I wiU g ive tnee 

such riches ... as none of the kings that . . . ' (II Ch. 
1, 12). 

3 D^KPO 'savory things such as I love' (Gen. 
27, 4) " 

The idea of 'such' modified by a clause of result is found 
Vb -n^JD ^>ta-J3 sini 'and he is (such) a worthless fellow 

that you cannot speak to him' (I Sam. 25, 17). 
Sometimes the idea of 'such' is expressed by the adverbs |3, 
rft, TD3 'so, thus', which modify the verb or the non-verbal 
predicate, e. g., 

njn D1 8 n Tj; "D^D^ ^ p n ^ 'there came no such almug 
trees ... up to this day' (I Ki. 10. 12). 

132 Frank R. Blake, 

n^n p ^ 'for such mantels did the prin- 
cesses . . . wear' (II Sam. 13, 18). 

n 'behold such is our expectation' (Is. 20, 6). 
^ "1^ tr? 1 ?^ 15 nj? N >J ? "^N "~$y\ 'and such riches ... as 
'no kings before you had' (II Ch. 1, 12; II Sam. 13, 12). 

*$h rD3 mrr n&JJ n-^g 'wherefore has JHVH done 
such 'things to this land' (Dt. 29, 23; cf. Jer. 22, 8; Ps. 
144, 15). 

Such an adverb is employed pleonastically with the regular 
expression for 'such' in 

p rPH ift VJD^ 'there were never such locusts be- 
fore' (Ex! 1C,' 14). 

The idea of 'other' is often left without definite expression 
in connection with a noun or pronoun that taken literally in- 
cludes a preceding element with which it is contrasted, but is 
understood not to do so, e. g., 
liters (IT) rQtf-nani 'and behold his hand had become like 

' liis [otherf flesh' '(Ex. 4, 7). 
D^VjTp DDfl$ 'rA^n 1#K "miV ^ 'I am JHVH who have 

separated you from the [other] peoples' (Lev. 20, 24; cf. 

26; Ezk. 16, 34; Hos. 3, 3; 9, 1; Ps. 73, 5). 
(1HK) tf I". T^rrto \JDbl 'and before all [other] herbs the flag 

withers*' (Job's, 12; cf. Gen. 43, 34; Lev. 7, 24; Dt. 7, 7; 

Jud. 16, 17). 

terrn r ^nn ^n^s "TJ> nn^n-^ 'there was no city 

except (that of) the Hivites, all [the others] they took in 
war' (Jos. 11, 19; cf. Job 24, 24; II Ch. 32, 22[?]). 

wri] ; and I shall be like any [other] man' (Jud. 
16, 7; cf. Num. 36, 3). 

! 'TPm 'and I shall be like all [other] men' (Jud. 
16, 17). 

Ib^rfl 'both in Israel and among [other] men' (Jer. 
32, 20).' 

The ordinary way of expressing the idea is by means of 
"TIN used as pronoun or adjective; when only two are in 
question *Wf 'second' is usually employed instead of in (tho 
not necessarily; cf. II Ch. 3, 11; 12; I Ki. 3, 22 below). With- 
out article these words mean 'another, other', with article 'the 
other, the others', e. g., 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 133 

1H Hgl trnj?9 'let another take his office' (Ps. 109, 8; cf. Job 
8, 19^). 

"ins "J1D1 'and do not disclose a secret to another' (Prov. 
25, 9). 

g^ H133^ 'and my glory I will not give to another' 
(Is. 42, 8; 48, 11; cf. Job 31, 10). 

nj3 Pir6tt rnn J s ^ ng 'take it, for there is no other besides 
it here' (I Sam. 21, 10; cf. II Sam. 13, 16). 

n 'and he set others in their stead' (Job 34, 24; 
cf. Job 31, 10; Ps. 49, 11; Neh. 5, 5). 
*)?3 'other money' (Gen. 43, 22; cf. Lev. 14, 42). 
jnj 'another offspring' (Gen. 4, 25; cf. 30, 24; Ex. 34, 14; 
Jud'. 2, 10; I Sam. 10, 6; 9; Is. 65, 15). 
nn 'another spirit' (Num. 14, 24). 

DH55 'other clothes' (Lev. 6, 4; cf. Ex. 23, 13; Dt. 7, 4). 
nnn D^K 'other stones' (Lev. 14, 42). 

'e other cherub [of two]' (II Ch. 3, 11; 12). 
N$ 'the other woman [of two]' (I Ki. 3, 22). 

Vs^ inn 1^l 'woe to this same 2 one when 
he falls, and there is no other to raise him up' (Ecc. 
4, 10). 

'0#rrn$1 'and of the other he shall make a burnt 
offering' (Lev. 5, 10). 

'rn ' an d besides, moreover [the other thing]' (II Sam. 
16, 19). 

tan^ nj?n IH| ^"^ 'and another bullock thou shalt take as a 
sin-offering' (Num. 8, 8; cf. II Ki. 9, 19). 

p-mn n^t? n^O 'another stretch repaired M.' (Neh. 
3, 11). 

H ^n 'the other lamb' (Ex. 29, 39; 41; cf. 19; Lev. 8, 22; 
I Ki.' 6, 25; 26; II Ki. 25, 17; Jer. 52, 22; Zech. 11, 14). 

$l 'on the other side' (Ex. 38, 15; cf. 26, 4; 5; 36, 11; 
12; 26 T , 20; 36, 25; Neh. 12, 38). 
'Other' in the sense of 'in addition to' is usually represented 
by the adverb and quasi-verb Tty 'yet' (cf. p. 195), rarely by 
'a second time', e. g., 

n 'have you another brother besides' (Gen. 43, 6). 

^S 8 ! 'and he said, there is yet another man' 
(IKi. 22, 8; cf. 7). 

nn as collective (?) subject of plural verb. 2 Cf. p. 120f. 

134 Frank R. Blake, 

1HK jni 11V 'yet one other plague will I bring 
upon Pharaoh' (Ex. 11, 1). 

^B 11V 111 nj?l 'and David took other con- 
cubines and wives in Jerusalem' (II Sam. 5, 13). 

V$ HV rf?W 'and there were born to David other 
sons and daughters' (ibid.). 
^| 11? r# "^ S 5 ^ "fly "^ n^n 'bring me another vessel; 

and he said there is no other' (II Ki. 4, 6). 
11V ]*$} mrp "OK 'I am JHVH, and there is no other' (Is. 
45, 5; 22). 

irfcn TOprn 'then the priest shall shut him 
up seven days more' (Lev. 13, 5; cf. 33; 54). 
Occasionally iriN and 11V are employed together, e. g., 

llj; bny_ 'and he waited yet seven other days' 
(Gen. 8, 10; cf. 12)." 
nnn &M yitf HV 1y Ibg^ 'and he served with him yet 

seven other years' (Gen. 29, 30; cf. 27). 

The ideas 'some', 'any', 'no', 'much', 'many', 'little', 'few' (cf. 
below pp. 165ff., 187ff., 198 ff.) may be combined with 'other, 
more, else' expressed by this *Jiy, e. g., 

DHp 5 ! 'and thou shalt take some more of them' (Ezk. 
5, 4). 

n 'have you anything else' (Am. 6, 10). 
nn 11^ ^5 n;n tfb] 'there was no more spirit in her' (I Ki. 

10, 5; cf. Ex. 36/6; Is. 23, 10; Zech. 14, 11). 
11V ^W jnjl & 'no more of thy name shall be sown' (Nah. 

1, 14). 

11V P81 "HW ^ 'I am JHVH, and there is no one else' (Jo. 

2, 27). _ 

11V D^J ty^'^V ^^3 'for he will not put anything more on 

any one' (Job 34, 23). 
D'OtSte nDl 11V BK 'if there are many more [still many] among 

the years [before Jubilee]' (Lev. 25, 51). 
"O^pl tSVP 11V 'a little more and they would have stoned me' 

(Ex. 17, 4; cf. Jer. 51, 33; Hos. 1, 4; Ps. 37, 10). 
'Other' in connection with numerals is expressed by 1PIK, 
11V, n^, e. g., 

D"i^ naril 'and behold two others stood up' (Dan. 

HUB V5^ 'seven other heifers' (Gen. 41, 3; cf. II Ch. 
30, 23). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. !:;." 

'and thou shalt add for thyself three 
other cities' (Dt 19, 9; cf. Jon. 3, 4). 

n 'TOpni 'then the priest shall shut him up 
seven days more 7 (Lev. 13, 5; cf. 33; 54). 
'Another man' and 'another woman' may be expressed by 
jn, ru$n 'neighbor, friend', HK 'brother', + suffix. Most com- 
monly the noun is singular, and the suffix of the second person 
singular, but other suffixes occur, and JTI is found at least 
once in the plural, e. g., 

'thou shalt not bear false witness against 
thy neighbor [= another man]' (Ex. 20, 16; cf. 17; 22, 25; 
Lev. 19, 13; 16; 18; Dt. 19, 14; 23, 25; 26; 24, 10; I Sam. 
15, 28; II Sam. 12, 11; Prov. 3, 28; 29; 25, 9). 

1 'and if at the door of my neighbor [= an- 
other man] I lie in wait' (Job 31, 9). 

DJT3TI. ^" n ? ^N- <and ^ ave committed adultery with the 
wives of their neighbors [== other men]' (Jer. 29, 23). 

'thou shalt not hate thy brother [= 
another man] in thy heart' (Lev. 19, 17). 

n )PP nrWD^ 'and her royal rank let 
the king give to her neighbor [= another woman] who is 
better than she is' (Esth. 1, 19; cf. for 'another who is 
better' also I Sam. 15, 28). 

'Other' used of persons is also sometimes expressed by It 
'stranger', 1 e. g., 

*pB tib] It ^IV 'let another praise thee and not thy own 
mouth'' (Prov.' 27, 2; cf. 14, 10; Job 19, 27). 

HS "It'T 1 ^ 'there was no other person in the house with 
us . /. ' (I Ki. 3, 18). 

]*$} ^jn^ *f? VTP 'let them be for thyself alone, and 
not for others together with thee' (Prov. 5, 17 ; cf. 10). 

" Q ^ '^ thou hast struck hands with another' 
(Prov. 6, 1). 
*>I ^IJJ" 1 ? 'when a man stands surety for another' (Prov. 

11, T 15; 20, 16; 27, 13). 

The idea of 'other' in a partitive sense is regularly ex- 
pressed by the nouns TJpJ and "ll^ 'rest, remainder' in the 
construct before the modified noun, e. g., 

1 nsi 'stranger' has also occasionally a meaning similar to 'other', tho 
probably the nominal meaning is never entirely lost, e. g., Prov. 27, 2; 
cf. 20, 16; 27, 13. 

136 Frank R. Blake, 

Dn 1$. 'the rest of the spoil' (Num. 31, 32; cf. Lev. 14,17; 
II Sam. 10, 10; I Oh. 19, 11). 
4TJ "XJJ 'the rest of Gilead' (Dt. 3, 13). 
'lfc Ifi; 'the rest of our enemies' (Nek 6, 1; cf. II Ch. 
28, 26). 

. +\y\ -1$; 'the rest of the acts of Jehoshaphat' (II Ch. 
20,'34;' cf. 25, 26; 26, 22). 

ten Hbty iri; 'the rest of those doing the work' (Neli. 

IKt? 'the rest of the city' (I Ch. 11, 8; 16,41; II Ch. 
9, 29; 24, 14; Is. 10, 19; Esth. 9 r 12; Neh. 11, 1). 
The participles "infi, "l^, and inv (once) 'what is left' are 
at times employed in a sense quite similar to definite 'other' 
in its attributive and partitive uses; in the latter use they 
are followed by ]tt or 5> e - g-> 
IK^n njngn 'the remaining [other] company' (Gen. 32, 9 ; cf. 

* 'Ex. 28,' r iO; Lev. 10, 12; II Ki. 7, 13). 
jatftrp 10W 'the rest of the fat' (Lev. 14, 29; cf. 2, 10). 

il'rrnfcJI 'and the rest we have tabooed' (I Sam. 
15, 15). 

n.Kt^rn 'and the rest of you' (Lev. 26, 39). 
10W1 'and the rest of the flesh' (Lev. 8, 32). 
In expressions containing prepositions meaning 'besides, ex- 
cept', the idea of 'other' is in the preposition, and they are 
rendered ordinarily as constructions of 'some', 'any 7 , 'no' (cf. 
p. 183 f.). Occasionally, however, the idea of 'other' is definitely 
expressed before the preposition, e. g., 

HJ5 nrfett JVjriS ^ rs 'for there is no other besides it here' 
(I Sam. 2i, 10). 

nK DVftK ^ n;ijr*& 'thou shalt not have any other 
gods besides me' (Ex. 20, 3; Dt. 5, 7). 

'Diri^ "n^r n^2 Ori ^n^ 'there was no other in 
the house except us two in the house' (I Ki. 3, 18). 1 

76 m^ y$) 'and there is no other god beside me' 
(Is. 45, 21). 

The idea of 'other' as the second member of such correlative 
expressions as 

1 This is probably to be emended 
rP2!ji torriH ^riBJ s nbtt 'except us two, we were in the house'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebron- . 137 

'one another' 

'the one the other' 

'some others' 

'some the others' 

is expressed in several ways. The various pairs of correlatives 
are the following : for the singular 

1) tTK & 



4) vn 


6) in^ in (also /em.) 

7) \i#- -mi* (also Jem.) 

8) ins-im? (also /em.) 

9) nt HJ (also fern.) 
for the plural 

10) nV rfeK 1 

The correlatives may be coordinate, i. e. ? both subjects, ob- 
jects, &c., or the second may be subordinate to the first, e. g., 
'one said to the other', &c. The first five pairs are regularly 
employed only in this latter construction; the remaining five 
pairs may be employed in both. Only Nos. 6, 7, and 8 are 
used attributively. In No. 8 the article may be used with 
both or omitted with both, or omitted with the first only; 
in No. 6 and 7 it is usually employed with both, tho it may 
be omitted with either separately. Usually in those groups 
that take the article, it is used with both or omitted with both, 
or omitted with the first intf 2 ; other constructions are un- 
usual. tJ^K and n$K as first correlative may have the con- 
struction of singular nouns, or they may stand in apposition 
to a plural antecedent (cf. p. 149), e. g., 

tf'K rOV *?} IT b t^N 'SJK 'but let no one strive with or 
reprove another' (Hos. 4, 4; cf. Lev. 20, 10; I Sam. 2, 25; 
I Ki. 20, 39; Is. 3, 5). 
inSH" 1 ^ t^ 1 s l 'and one said to another 7 (Gen. 11, 3; Ex. 

33,' 11; Eu. V 4, 7). 

nyp nnijn. rt&] 'and let one woman (teach) the other lamen- 
tation' (Jer. 9, 19). 

1 For another way of expressing some others cf. Nek. 5, 24, p. 143 

2 Cf. English 'one the other'. 

138 Frank E. Blake, 

and their faces were one towards the other 7 
(Ex. 25, 20; 37, 9). 

t?\S m.S'l 'and they separated one from the other' 
(Gen. 13, 11; cf. with h 26, 31: with J1K Ex. 10, 23; Mi. 7, 2 

jn^ "nj5n *6 nnh -l ?^ n$M 'and one woman in addition to 
another thou shalt not take ... in her life time' (Lev. 
18, 18). 

infcr^ n$ njn; : rrri ni.ani 'and thou shalt couple the 

curtains one to another' (Ex. 26, 6; cf. 3; 5; 17; Ezk. 1, 9; 
23; 3, 13). 

3j?i 'the vultures shall be gathered together 
one with another' (Is. 34, 15; cf. 16). 

lPn Vni tTK pa 'between one man and another' (Ex. 18, 16; 
with VH Dt. 1, 16). 

'between one man and another' (Ezk. 18, 8). 

n^ nn$ TJ?*i rn n"^8 ^^ 'there were two 
men in a certain city, one was rich and the other poor' 
(II Sam. 12, 1). 

inij "njV" 1 ^ *ytf "^ni 'and he shall bring 
. . . two young pigeons, one for a sin-offering, and the other 
for a burnt offering' (Lev. 5, 7; 12, 8; cf. Num. 6, 11; Jud. 
16, 29; Zech. 11, 7; Dan. 12, 5). 

tan inn-n^ n^SJJ 'and make one a sin-offering 
and the other a burnt offering' (Num. 8, 12). 

"Dbh : S nn^n D^ 'the name of one was Gershom 
and the name of the other was Eliezer' (Ex. 18, 3 4). 
n^trn D^ rnj> nnn Dtr 'the name of one was Adah and 
the name of the other was Zillah' (Gen. 4, 19; cf. Ex. 1, 15; 
Ru. 1, 4; masc. Num. 11, 26; II Sam. 4, 2). 

^1 nan nn D# 'the name of one was Hannah 
and the name of the other was Peninnah' (I Sam. 1, 2). 
nnsrn ri^ian nni< njni 'and one shall be a sin offering and 
the other a burnt offering' (Lev. 14, 22). 

in Wl ^n^n-n^ in^in isn 'and one smote the other and 
slew him' (II Sam. 14, 6: cf. wifliout art. Ecc. 7, 27; Ezk. 
33, 30). 

JV3t#rjO nni| rinsni 'and one was higher than the other' 
(Dan. 8, 3). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 139 

ip nni nDNn nbty IT nns^i 'with one of his hands 

he did his work and the other held his spear' (Neh. 4, II: 1 
suffix and inn Ex. 25, 12; 37, 3). 

1il mn^> in^ 'nia 'one lot for JHVH and the 
other lot for AzazeP (Lev. 16,8; cf. I Sam. 14, 40). 

" "ni nn^n sn?n *)3? m $m 'and one wing 
of the cherub was five cubits and the other wing of the 
cherub was five cubits' (I Ki. 6, 24; cf. 26; 34; 7, 15; 16; 
17; 18; Ex. 25, 12; 37,3; 25,32; 37,18; 26,10; 26-27; 

36, 31 32; 29, 40-41; 28, 10; Num. 28, 7-8). 

tfti frnan ni igin rfewn *in* 'one lamb 
shalt thou offer in the morning and the other lamb in the 
evening' (Num. 28, 4; contrast Ex. 29, 40; Num. 28, 78). 

D^KJ-I ins inni "nub n^#ri in$ inn 'one basket had 

good figs . . . and the other basket had bad figs . . . ' (Jer. 
24,2; cf. Ezk. 10, 9). 

njj53 "J "PI " "in^n nip " D^ n^ 5 ?^ 'three bowls in one 
branch . . . and three bowls 011 the other branch' (Ex. 

37, 19). 

"t^i nn^n njga "D^n^ n^ 5 ?^ 'three bowls on one 

branch . . . and three bowls on the other branch' (Ex. 
25, 33; cf. 26, 19; 21; 25; 36, 24; 26). 
]*$} -in #:. 'there is one without any other' (Ecc. 4, 8). 
r6 *N? ]*$} h&Vf "in^n 1^ 'woe to that same one when 
he falls and there is no other to raise him' (Ecc. 4, 10). 

-INiM "in^ *?%k m *1 *Xb$ 'and they came to one 
tent . . . then they came to another tent . . . ' (II Ki. 7, 8). 
^^ !| nj ?? rb*f? D ^^ ' two to one door and two 
wings to the other' (Ezk. 41, 24). 

ntfn "l^K'ni "nnn n^n "l^S'ni 'and one woman said 
. . . and the other woman said ... (I Ki. 3, 17 22; cf. 
II Ch. 3, 11; 12). 

rOfc ntft] '"'^nj ni n't 'one says this is my son ... 
and the other says it is not so . . . ' (I Ki. 3, 23; cf. m<i*>: 
Job 21, 2325; Ps. 75, 8 6bj.). 

nj ^ { ?1 'and one did not approach the other 
the whole' night' '(Ex. 14, 20; cf. Ecc. 6, 5; Is. 6, 3). 

1 Here inx and IT are in apposition, viz., 'one, his hand' cf. in.S 'cer- 
tain' modifying noun -f- suffix, p. 164 f. Cf. my Comp. Syn. Noun and Mod., 
p. 240 end. 

140 Frank E. Blake, 

HT mo ]3 nj mo? 'the death of one is just like that of another' 

(Ecc. 3, 19). 
D'plDl n^K] 3:m r&K 'some (trust) in chariots, and others (= 

some) in horses' (Ps. 20, 8; cf. Dan. 12, 2). 
D^p; rij>3$ rf$X roi n^ torn 'and they encamped the ones 
opposite the others for seven days' (I Ki. 20, 29; I Ch. 
24, 5). 

Sometimes the first of two demonstrative correlatives has a 
strongly demonstrative meaning, e. g., 
82 nj] 1510 nj Tiy 'this one was still speaking when another 

came' (job 1, 16; 17; 18). 

Occasionally the first of one of these pairs of correlatives 
is omitted, the first element consisting simply of a noun, 
definite or indefinite ; a similar construction is : indefinite noun- 
indefinite noun + adj. "iriN, e. g., 

."^ "7fc 'one satyr calls to another' (Is. 34, 14). 
n *)Jr3|VJ "t\r$> B^j? ns ni&JJ tfom 'the hangings of one 
side fifteen cubits, and of the other side . . . ' (Ex. 27, 14 15; 
cf. 38, 1415; I Ki. 6, 27). 

^ n^BO rAry ^^n *6} 'and the inheritance shall not 
pass from one tribe to another tribe' (Num. 36, 9). 
Sometimes two of these correlatives coalesce into an ex- 
pression like English 'one another', German 'einander', which 
is treated as a single pronoun. Such combinations are # S K 
vriK (cf. p. 151) and *in IHSS! 1 where the close connection 
between the two is indicated by the construct form of the 
first member, e. g., 
^frn&l ^5 "rn^ nns^ ItSj^ri DJ-IKI 'and ye shall be gathered to 

one another, oh" children of Israel' (Is. 27, 12; 66, 17 2 ). 
Sometimes the idea of these correlatives used attributively 
is expressed simply by repeating the noun, 3 either with the 
same or with modified adjuncts, e. g., 

1 Cf. Syriac l;u (from + r ) 'one another'. 

2 If we accept the emendation nnx nn for nn nnx (cf. K. Marti, 
Das Such Jesaja, Tubingen, 1900 [=Kurz. Handc. zura AT., 10] p. 411) 
this passage probably belongs here. 

3 This repetition in the sense of one other, which may be called ex- 
tensive repetition, gives rise, as it does in many languages, to many im- 
portant idiomatic expressions, usually of an adverbial character, some- 
times with the meaning of some other indefinite pronoun, e. g., 

D-]K>n n-)0n 'in heaps, by heaps' (Ex. 8, 10; cf. Jo. 4, 14). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 141 

Bl W7 n 2j? <from one end of the earth to the 
other' (Dt. 13, 8; 28, 64; Jer. 25, 33; cf. Jer. 12, 12; Dt- 

4 32). 

D^ttf D'W 'one two, another two [and so on] = two by two, by twos' 

' (Gen, 7, 9; 15; cf.7, 2; 3; I Ch. 26, 17). 

tftth tftf 'one six and the other six, in groups of six' (II Sam. 21, 20). 
122 12 'part for part, the same amount of each' (Ex. 30, 34). 
D^B'^X 0^3 'one face to another face, face to face' (Gen. 32, 31 ; cf. I Ki. 

' 6,' 27; Is. 52,8). 

\*y nnn ]\y 'one eye for another eye, eye for eye' (Ex. 21, 24 25). 
nn^> nn 'one after another, one by one' (Ecc. 7, 27; cf. Is. 27, 12; also 

28, 10; 13). 
"\ytfh "iPBto 'from one gate to another gate, from gate to* gate' (Ex. 

T 32, 27). 

ir^N HP 'from one sort to another, all sorts' (Ps. 144, 13). 
DV^K D1p 'from one day to another, day after day' (Num. 30, 15; cf. 

1 Ch. 9, 25). 

QV2 D1 S 'one day on another day [and so on] = every day' (I Ch. 12, 22 ; 
' cf. Dt. 15, 20), 

nj nan 'on this side and on that, on either side' (II Ki. 2, 8). 
l n3 'this and that way, in every direction' (Ex. 2, 12). 
lS?) n3"!J? 'and up to this and then to this, in the meantime' (I Ki. 
18, 45)." 

njw ma 'on this side and on that, on both sides' (Ex. 26, 13 ; 32, 15). 
130} nstt 'on this side and on that, on both sides' (Ezk. 40, 10; 34; 37; 

41," 15; 26). 

BJ?0 BPtt 'one little and another little, little by little' (Ex. 23, 30; Dt. 7, 22) 
n ^? nJHf 'up and up, ever upwards' (Dt. 28, 43). 

Just as repetition in the sense of 'each, every' (cf. p. 152) is sometimes 
replaced by a plural (cf. p. 154), so likewise the numeral expressions for 
'two by two, by twos', &c., may be represented by the plural of the 
numeral, e. g., 

iKfo^> W2P Dyrrtai 'and all the people went out by hundreds and 
thousands' (II Sain. 18, 4; cf. I Sam. 29, 2). 

The temporal expressions like DVS DT 1 may be preceded by 3 'as', e. g., 
a D1'3 'as on every day, as always, as usual' (I Sam. 18, 10). 

3 'as at every time, as always, as usual' (Num. 24, 1; Jud. 16, 20; 
20, 30; 31; I Sam. 3, 10; 20, 25). 

Of a different character from the above is the repetition that in- 
tensifies the meaning of the simple word (intensive repetition), e. g., 
nnt anj 'pure gold' (II Ki. 25, lobis; cf. Dt. 16, 20; three times Ezk. 21, 32). 
TO5 TO? % tiie road al o n e' (Dt. 2, 27; cf. 16, 20). 
pbX? ptos? 'very deep' (Ecc. 7, 24; cf. I Sam. 2, 3; Prov. 20, 14). 
j3 nj5 Bttij? 'holy, holy, holy' (Is. 6, 3). 
tt "Ifcto 'very much, exceedingly' (Gen. 7, 19; Num. 14. 7; Ezk. 37, 10; 

"B "B3 Ex. 1, 7). 
The repetition of two words in exclamations in Jer. 4. 19; 6, 14; 8, 11; 

142 Frank R. Blake, 

nsj?p 'from one boundary of Egypt to the 
other' (Gen. 47, 21; cf. Neh. 4, 10). 

I"! 5 ! TO pa 1r&n mil 'and leave a space between one 
flock and the other' (Gen. 32, 17). 
$2 THI "^ft "Yft 'one generation goes and another comes' (Ecc. 

' 1, 4). " 

"VI"1J "in J"i13# W3 'consider the years of one generation after 
another' (Dt. 32, 7). 

n'S niin^ ng$*l 'four tables on one side 
and four tables on the other' (Ezk. 40, 41; cf. 39; 10; 12: 
rD Num. 23, 15). 

D"P ^"Hp 1 rfo DV "I11? 'a day's journey on this side and a 
day's journey on that [a day's journey on everyside]' (Num. 
11, 31). 

tsni 335 jiogB ]ia"ii nn; ]io^e 'a golden bell 

and a pomegranate [then] another golden bell and a pome- 
granate [and so on] around the edges of the mantel' (Ex. 
28, 34). 

" "n n^v ty'Dni nnn-^ n$ n^h j^n n^ip t^on 

'and [one set of] five curtains shall be coupled to one 
another and five other curtains to one another' (Ex. 26, 3; 
cf. 25, 33). 

The double correlatives like 'one one, and another another', 
Latin alius allus, are expressed by two pairs of correlatives, 
or by one pair of correlatives combined with the repetition 
just mentioned, a first correlative is sometimes omitted, e. g., 
nn^ 'Wjrrn^ nn^ ^nrrn$ ttJjl 'and give one half to one 
and the other half to the other' (I Ki. 3, 25). 

nj IJJ^ 8 ! 'and one said in one way and an- 
other in another' (I Ki. 22, 20). 

njp Vi;5 Opn -i^ini pq1 'and Aaron and Hur 

Lam. 1, 16; and of three in II Sam. 19, 1; Jer. 7, 4; 22, 29 is also inten- 
sive, tho somewhat different from the above. 

Similar intensive ideas are expressed by the collocation of two or 
three words from the same stem, or with similar meanings, e. g., Is. 
22,5; Ezk. 6, 14; 32,15; 33,28; 35,3; 7; Nah.2,11; Zeph. 1, 15; Job 
30, 3; 38.27 (cf. collocation of masc. and fern, to denote 'every', p. 154). 

Some examples form a sort of transition between extensive repetition 
(one other) and intensive repetition, e. g., 

""?D rftxa JY1NS D^fcn psn and the vale of Siddim was [pits and pits] 
all "full of bitumen' pits' (Gen. 14, 10; cf. II Ki. 3, 16). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 143 

supported his hands, one on one side and one on the 
other' (Ex. 17, 12; cf. Num. 22, 24). 

njp n|l nip n?N ijj^a ^fllrt rc?!l 'and they were in the 
midst of the Israelites, some being on one side and some 
on the other' (Jos. 8, 22). 

1&VJ r\^b nan in^i nfcvj ns^ nan in 'one on one bank of 

the river and the other on the other' (Dan. 12, 5). 
" "3n "N " "Kl nn nn?n h*$ ins JD1 'one wheel beside 
one cherub and another wheel beside another cherub' 
(Ezk. 10, 9). 

'six of their names on one stone and the other six on the 
other stone' (Ex. 28, 10). 

a njn'a ^'n nn?n ^ Tp in^n *\& yarn 'and the 

wing of one touched one wall and the wing of the other 
cherub, the other wall' (I Ki. 6, 27; cf. Ezk. 40, 12; II Ch. 
3, 11; 12). 

Combinations of three identical correlative expressions are 
"m1 "Nbfo Tni*1 D'ytt n^ 1 ?^ ^i nn^ 'one carrying three 
kids and another carrying . . . and another carrying ... * 
(I Sam. 10, 3). 

y. np aj5g; DLy'5 n^. nn ^ mrrh *]vw nj 'one shall say 

I am JHVH's, another shall call on the name of Jacob. 
and another shall write . . . ' (Is. 44, 5). 

D pi$t? nVi D^JI jissp n^K nani wb; pmio n^ nam 'and 

lo some will come from afar, and some from the north 
and the west, and some from the land of Sinim 7 (Is. 
49, 12). 

?51 na^p n^agn ^ nnn nhpai 'and [one] knob under 
two branches of it, and a [second] knob under two other 
branches of it and a [third] knob under two other branches 
of it' (Ex. 25, 35; cf. 37, 21; I Ki. 7, 25). 

lZ? k S tth "DnpK 1Bte ^ "Dnph n^ ^ <there are some 
that say . . . and others that say . . . and others that say 
. . . ' CNeh. 5, 2 4). 1 

Sometimes the correlatives 'one another' are expressed by 
various verbal forms, chiefly Niphal and Hithpael, occasionally 
in connection with some other means of expressing the same 

1 This example seems to indicate that the two correlatives some 
other may be expressed by repetition of ^ + plural participle (cf. p. 165) 
as well as by r6 n^>K (cf. p. 137). 

144 Frank R. Blake, 

idea; the adverbs 'TIT, HD! 'together' often accompany these 
verbs, e. g., 

'against me they speak one to the other' (Ps. 119, 23; 
cf. Ezk. 33, 30; Mai. 3, 13). 

ti^li 'let us take counsel together one with another' (Ps. 
71, 10; cf. 83, 6; Is. 45, 21; im tofltW Is. 43, 26). 
^IH T\fih 'why do you look one upon the other' (Gen. 42, 1). 
frfyxy\ ^JJ "ID! 'against me all my enemies whisper 
together, one with the other' (Ps. 41, 8). 

l pl-f 'righteousness and peace have kissed one an- 
other* (Ps.' 85, 10). 

^n nj^gni 'and the women as they made merry 
answered one another' (I Sam. 18, 7). 

injrr^ &$ nw ^T. n ?*P ^ ' tten tllose tliat revered JHVH 

spoke to one another' (Mai. 3, 16). 


The idea of 'both' in apposition to two nouns or pronouns 
may be expressed simply by joining the two nouns or pro- 
nouns modified by the idea, by } 'and', by ] } 'both and', 
or similar copulative conjunctions, e. g., 
n^ni D1 S 3 hVtf?} 'and to govern [both] the day and the night' 

"(Gen. 1, 18;" cf. Prov. 22, 2; 29, 13). 
1Bfcrn$l VlKTlIrt t^jrsgP jrbjJ 'therefore shall a man leave 

[both] his father and his mother' (Gen. 2, 24). 
WDJ n:ni D'lli 2%; Vft 5j01?50 'at thy rebuke, oh God of 

Jacob, both chariot and .horse are fallen asleep' (Ps. 76, 7). 

D^jmTjo} ro>6fcpn j;ij.m ^\y\ ^a wzi$ 'to bring some of 

the Israelites, both some of royal and some of noble blood' 
(Dan. 1, 3; cf. Dan. 8, 13). 

n{p m^pn ttftr^j; D^ D^i; nin i^g a'w 'and twelve 

lions stood there on the six steps, on both sides [on one 
and on the other]' (II Ch.9, 19; cf. 18; [= I Ki. 10, 19; 20]; 
Ex. 32, 15; Jos. 8, 33; Ezk. 45, 7; 47, 7; 12; 48, 21). 1 

l 1BpD'DS l^ri'D^ 'our asses have both straw and 
fodder' (Jud! 19, 19Ms; cf. Gen. 24, 25). 

f^D nnD^l 'and thou shalt slay both man and woman' 
(I Sam. 15, 3 quater; cf. Ex. 9, 25; Jer. 6, 13; 9, 9). 

For mm mi? cf. p. 140, n. 3. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 145 

Occasionally the dual has the idea of 'both' instead of simply 
'two', 1 e. g., 
"hn% D"J?>n *6$D npj *p &Q SIB better is one handful with 

quiet than both hands full with vexation' (Ecc. 4, 6). 
^pvft D'S? jnrr^JJ 'to be earnest in doing evil with both hands' 

(Mi. 7, 3). 

This idea is regularly expressed by the numeral D^tf 'two'. 
When not used attributively, it is always accompanied by the 
suffixes of the plural, the suffix agreeing in person with the 
nouns or pronoun referred to. When nouns are referred to, 
both numeral and suffix are masculine a) when both the nouns 
denote male persons; &) when they denote things, even when 
feminine ; c) when one of the nouns is a male person : when the 
two nouns are female persons either both numeral and suffix, 
or the numeral only may be feminine. D^ + suffix may be 
employed absolutely, or it may stand in apposition to the nouns 
or pronoun referred to, which latter often follow D^, e. g., 
two males 

im;?!3 'and the two of them (they both) made a 

treaty [Abraham and Abimelech]' (Gen. 21, 27; cf. I Sam. 

23, 18; IKi. 5, 26). 

ot? Dlbq l^rn 'and they both dreamed a dream' (Gen. 40, 5; 

cf. Gen. 2lj 31 ; Lev. 20, 13; Jud. 19, 8; I Sam. 2, 34; 14, 11; 

20, 11; II Sam. 14, 6; 17, 18; I Ki. 11, 29; II Ki. 2, 6; 7; 8; 

Esth. 2, 23). 

to; D76NrHj; 'let the cause of both come before 

God' '(Ex/22, 8;"cf. Gen. 9, 23; Prov. 24, 22; 29, 13). 

*)DV HI?*! 'and Joseph took both of them* (Gen. 48, 13; 

cf. Ex. 22, 10; II Ki. 2, 11; 4, 33; Zech. 6, 13; Prov. 27, 3; 

Ecc. 4, 3). 
two things 

IK?. 11 , in$ pKD 'from one land shall both [masc. DW 

'roads'] come' (Ezk. 21, 24; cf. Ex. 26, 24; 36,29; Dt. 23, 19; 

Ecc. 11, 6). 

JJ m,T 'JHYH made both [/em. JTfe 'ear' )$ 'eye']' 

(Prov. 20, 12; cf. 10). 

1 Ordinarily, however, the numeral u*y& must be added to give this 
meaning (cf. p. 146); e. g., VV 'fltf 'both his hands' (Lev. 16, 21; cf. I Sam. 
5, 4; 'feet' II Sam. 9, 13; 'ears'' I Sam. 3, 11; II Ki. 21, 12; 'eyes' Jud. 
16, 28). Contrast these cases with simple dual in Jud. 1, 7; 16, 21; II Sam. 
4/4; 9, 3: I Ki. 15, 23; II Ki. 25, 7; Jer. 19, 3; Ezk. 23, 25. 

10 JAOS 34. 

146 Frank JR. Blake, 

^p 155 h^ DX?1 'but a fool's wrath is heavier than both 
[fern. ]1 'stone', masc. ^1H 'sand'] 7 (Prov. 27, 3; cf. Num. 
7, 13 [=\9 26 passim]; Is. 1, 31). 
male and female 

tfiPXp iripr HID 'they shall both [t^K 'man', H$K 'woman'] 
surely be put to death' (Lev. 20, 11; cf. Gen. 3, 7; Lev. 
20, 18; Num. 12,5; Dt. 22, 24). 
two females 

"h JITJnt^Da Jpjflrn 'and they both became his wives' 
(I Sam. 25, 43;. cf. Ezk. 23, 13). 

JV3 njSia-lg *&%$ nj^fil 'and they both traveled until 
they came to Bethlehem' (Ru. 1, 19; cf. 4, 11). 
1st and 2nd pers. 

tt^-fy IT n#; rcolB U-irn-t?:. & 'there is no reprover between 

us to lay his hand on us both' (Job 9, 33; cf. Gen. 31, 37). 

1118 D1 11 D3^~D3 te#$ ns^ 'why should I lose both of you in 

one day' (Gen. 27, 45). 
antec. expressed 

iiT 1 mxjln p^S JTBh&l ^ p^l?0 'he that justifies 
the wicked and he that condemns the righteous are both 
an abomination to JHVH' (Prov. 17, 15). 

D1 T n D^ni; &WWt W} 'and the man and his wife were 
both 'naked' (Gen. 2', 25; cf. Num. 25, 8; Dt. 22, 22). 

'Cti H^j; m,T n1 ?$} r\ynW ]$* 'JHYH made both the 
hearing ear and the seeing eye' (Prov. 20, 12; cf. 10). 

DiT^-Da ^nDJ /and both Mahlon and Kilion died' 
(Ru. 1, 5). 

w?) 8in DJT:^" !|V?.l 'and both he and Samuel went 
out' (I Sam. 9, 26). 
niiT D^ WDi ^^^ ^?3W 1^ 'as we have both sworn in 

the name of JHVH' (I Sam. 20, 42). 1 

When 'both' is used attributively modifying a single noun, 
it is expressed either by placing 0*0^ + suffix before the noun, 
as in the appositional construction just described, or by using 
the simple numeral D^t? with the noun: the noun is definite, 

and the heart of both the kings 
was set upon evil' (Dan. 11, 27). 

For unax-D^n? I Ki. 3, 18; cf. p. 136. n. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 147 

npyj 'and both the men shall stand . . . ' (Dt. 

rr:>V*?-\Jt? ^p "ntJJPl 'it shall be forsaken by both her kings' 

(Is. 7, 16; cf. Ex. 32, 15). 
JiTCKB Bl^-ntt} *F$ Jpinf)! 'and both the daughters of Lot 

were with child by their father' (Gen. 19, 36). 
'Both 7 in connection with a demonstrative pronoun occurs 

108 nr? "n*PJ3# ^ n J^ni <and both tnese tnin g s shall come 

upon thee ... in one day' (Is.. 47, 9). 
"P.nfclj? nan DVD# 'those two things are come upon thee' (Is. 

51, 19). 

For 'both' modified by partitive 'each* cf. p. 151 f. 
The idea of 'both' may be emphasized by using the adverbs 
nrP, "tn^| 'together', e. g., 
Vjn: Ibnnrill^l tShrjrrKb 'thou shalt not plow with both ox 

and ass together' (Dt. 22, 10; cf. 11). 
YlljP THten Kin 'he and his princes together' (Am. 1, 15). 
inK:p tyT. rbv] nxj 'the wolf and the lamb shall lie down 

'both together' (Is. 65, 25). 
HD? DiT3# Ofe 'and they went both together' (Gen. 22, 6; 8; 

cf. Jud. 19, 6; Is. 1, 31). 

DiT^ A?j l^n: 'they have fallen both together' (Jer. 46, 12). 
0^10 nniJ3 Dn^:^ D1 'or whether they shall both together be 

good' (Ecc. 11, 6). 

Either, Neither. 

Ordinarily neither of these expressions is employed absolutely, 
or in connection with a single noun; but only in an apposi- 
tional relation similar to that of D15^ + suffix on p. 146. 

'Either' is expressed simply by connecting the two words 
between which the choice lies by 1K 'or' or by using the cor- 
relative prepositions lj;(fl IP 'from to' with the two. 1 'Neither' 
is expressed by a negative in connection with an expression 
for 'either', or with the two words connected by } 'and', e. g., 
2nj IK *)D3 spi'lK rPSfc nl^ y$} 'how then could we have stolen 

(either) silver or gold from thy lord 7 (Gen. 44, 8). 
HK-1K IK Drib t#ri 'have you (either) a father or a brother' 
(Gen. 44,' 19; cf. Ex. 5, 3; 21, 4; 18; 20; 2637 passim). 

1 The doubtful Hithpael of nn (Ezk. 21, 21) according to some has 
the meaning of 'take one or the other, either'. 

148 Frank R. Blake, 

31BB IpW ty 1S1^ ]$ *f? 1tfn 'take heed lest you say 
to Jacob anything either good or bad' (Gen. 31, 24; 29; 
cf. 14, 23; Ex. 11, 7). 

1K JH T/*# "^ ^5^ ^ ' we can Sa 7 to y u ne ither bad 
nor good' (Gen. 24, 50; cf. Num. 22, 18; 24, 13; I Sam. 
22, 15). 

1N )1 ^J3)p I 1 ? ]V$ 'he had neither son nor daughter' (Jud. 
11, 34). " 

s i?nj?b fc6 ^3 Oil ^ : n~B3 ? 'for neither my sword nor my 
weapons have I taken with me' (I Sam. 21, 9; cf. I Ki. 
22, 31; Is. 17,8). 

Absolute 'either' is expressed by 'both' in 
DiTJgto 113 hw DJJ3] 'but a fool's wrath is heavier than both 
[either/' (Pr'ov. 27, 3; cf. Ecc. 4, 3: cf. p. 146). 

Each, Every. 

These two closely related ideas are usually distinguished 
in Hebrew, tho not infrequently a construction that ordinarily 
has the meaning of 'each' assumes that of 'every'. 

; Each' used absolutely is expressed by I5h* (niN) 'man', in^ 'one', 
or a combination of the two in$ l^K 'one man', or by the cor- 
responding feminines. These have the concord of a singular, e. g., 
Dbsn 'and each one loaded his ass' (Gen. 44, 13; 
cf. Ps. 39, 7). 

i "iB^jn t^8 'each one did what was right in his own 
(Jud.'l7, 6; cf. 21, 25; II Ki. 14, 6; Ezk. 22, 11 ter). 
nriiDt^a n^ n^g^1 'and each (every) woman shall 
ask from her neighbor jewels of silver . . . ' (Ex. 3, 22; cf. 
Am. 4, 3). 

vrDtrrp:^ tf*h Bh 'each was the head of his family' (Num. 
1, 4). ' 

$ CJ^Jjl nnK ^3 'for thou rewardest every one ac- 
cording to his work' (Ps. 62, 13; cf. II Sam. 6, 19; Jer. 
17, 10; 23, 36; 32, 19; Ezk. 1, 23; Zech. 10, 1; I Oh. 16, 3). 
ty t^K 'every one to his tents, oh Israel' (II Sam. 
20, 1; cf! Dt. 16, 17; I Ki. 22, 36&is). 

S| n*|N^ l^HI 'and he rewards every one according to his 
"work 7 (Prov. 24, 12). 

K nn?h n^ tf^ 'each had two, each bound together' 
(Ezk.' 1, ll).i 

1 It is of course possible that inyv^N (cf. p. 137) has fallen out after 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Heir etc. 149 

*0$ 'Gael 1 in appearance like the king's sons' 
(Jud. 8, 18). 

$> Iftf] 'and an ox for each one' (Num. 7, 3; cf. I Ki. 4, 7; 
Ezk. 1, 6; 10, 14). 

t? *)D3 D^j^ D^prj 'fifty shekels of silver to each one' 
(II Ki. 15, 20; T cf. Ezk. '9, 2). 

The idea of 'each' used partitively is expressed by placing 
BhK (ntf) or in t^K, -in$ 'each' in apposition to the plural 
pronoun (including pronouns expressed by verbal forms) or noun 
(including collectives even when they have the concord of a 
singular) in which it is contained. The phrase containing 
&$ usually stands after, but may precede the pronoun or 
noun, e. g., 

M 'and each of them opened his sack 7 (G-en. 
44, 11 Us\ cf.'Ex. 7, 12; 12, 3; 16, 21; 30, 12; 33, 8; Num. 
16, 18; Jud. 21, 24Us- I Sam. 4, 10; 25, 13; II Sam. 13, 29; 
IKi. 8,38; 22,17; II Ki. 14, 12; Is. 31, 7; Jer. 26, 3; 
36, 3; Jon. 1, 5; Mi. 4, 4). 

."^ ISH.n BhK Wty 'let each of you put his sword at his 
side' (Ex. 32, 27; cf. 16, 16; Lev. 25, 10&is; Num. 16, 17ter; 
Dt. 3, 20; 12, 8; Jos. 4, 5; Jud. 8, 24; 21, 21; I Sam. 8, 22; 
14, 34; 25, 13; I Ki. 12, 24; II Ki. 18, 31 ter; Jer. 25, 5; 
35,15; II Ch. 11, 4). 

tf s K 'each of us dreamed according to the 
interpretation of his dream' (Gen. 41, 11). 
^ E^N D S X1 DJFIN1 'and every one of you runs to his own 
house' (Hag. 1,' 9; cf. I Ki. 10, 25; II Ch. 9, 24). 

/ && 'let each of you take according to what 
is in his tent' (Ex. 16, 16; cf. Lev. 19, 3; Ezk. 20, 7: 3rd pers. 
Ex. 16, 18; Dt. 24, 16; Is. 9, 19; Ezk. 20, 8; 22, 6; Jo. 2, 7; 
Mi. 7, 2; II Oh. 25, 4). 

^1 ^ on] 'and each of the Israelites camped 
in his own camp . . . ' (Num. 1, 52&is; cf. 32, 18; Jud. 2, 6; 
21, 24: Djft Jos. 6, 5; Jud. 7, 7; I Sam. 14, 34; ^V. Ezk. 
46 ; 18; DV^J? Gen. 47, 20; cf. also I Sam. 25, 10; Jer. 37, 10; 
Ezk. 8, 12)! 

the second tJ^K (cf. Bertholet, Das Buck Hesekiel, Freiburg i. B., 1897 
[= Kurz. Handc. zum AT., 12] p. 6), but such a supposition is not ne- 
cessary; the singular t^N stands in apposition to the plural rrmn as in 
constructions on p. 149. 

150 Frank E. Blalte, 

'remove each of the kings from his 

place' (IKi.20, 24) 

DtyTTl^ " n^l 'and he sent every one of the people 
to their inheritance' (Jos. 24, 28). 

DJ ^*TlT.1 'and every one of the Israelites fled to 
his tent' "(II Sam. 19, 9; cf. I Ki. 5, 5). 

fP3 n#K nm}$ yv$& 'and may each of you find rest in 
the house of her husband' (Ru. 1, 9; cf. 8). 
VnS WZb in$ & 'each one of them was in his family' 
(Num. 1/44). 

h? "infcj DH1D? *|1? 'they were as thou art, each like 
princes in appearance' (Jud. 8, 18). 

inbnj^ t^K D'niTtfPTJ 'and I will hring each of them 
back to his inheritance and to his land' (Jer. 12, 15). 
The genitive of 'each' may be expressed by a construct 
chain, but it is usually rendered by placing the governing 
noun with retrospective suffix after t^N. This position of EhK 
is due to analogy with the more numerous constructions where 
it naturally stands at the beginning of the appositive phrase 
(cf. above), e. g., 

rpm 'and from JHVH is the judgment of every 
one' (Prov. 29, 26; cf. Ps. 64, 7; Job 34, 11; with inp cf. 
lelow Jud. 7, 22; I Sam. 14, 21). 

DTBp3 y&ijp 'and to restore their money to the 
sack of each' '(Gen. 42, 25; cf. 35; Jud. 21, 22). 

?n lD#-n$ &$ 'the name of each thou shalt write 
on his rod' (Num. 17, 17; cf. I Sam. 30, 22). 

na &$ Wr\tebr\ m n$ W^*ir\5*l 'and he interpreted our 
dreams for us, according to the dream of each he inter- 
preted' (Gen. 41, 12; Ex. 12, 4; Num. 7, 5). 

nija & ]rn 'and he put one piece of each op- 
posite the other' (Gen. 15, 10). 

lp VtW] 'and every man's censer was in his hand' 
T "(Ezk. 8, 11; cf. 9, 1; 2; Zech. 8, 4). 
njjjl *6 ]rfeb ]W ^$X ^ VW I 1 ? l^ng-n^ ^] 'the hallowed 
things of every one are his; what each one gives to the 
priest is his' (Num. 5, 10). 1 

1 For the nK before VBHp cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 117 m, also p. 122, n. 
In the second part of the verse this same peculiar genitive construction 
is preserved, tho instead of a noun -j- restrospective suffix, we have 
relative clause with retrospective subject. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 151 

The word B^K in the correlative expressions meaning 'the 
one the other', often has the added meaning of 'each', 'every 1 
(cf. p. 137ff.),i e. g., 

Snb &x fc|$ty 'and they asked each after the health 
of the other' (Ex. 18, 7; cf. Jer. 34, 15; Zech. 3, 10; 8, 16). 
nfcj t^K ip^l 'and they kissed each other' (I Sam. .20, 41). 
. *rnn iqftPty Vh* 'every one neighs after another's wife' 
(Jer. 5, 8; cf. Ezk. 22, 11). 

^ 21DV18 niiT D^ 'and JHYH turned the sword of 
every man against his comrade' (Jud. 7, 22; cf. I Sam. 
14, 21). 

The correlatives BhK and V>ns, doubtless as a result of their 
occurrence in immediate juxtaposition, have formed the stere- 
otyped expression vn$ t^K 'one another, each other' 2 (cf. above 
p. 140), e. g., 

ternK trqis yn$ #" "pp DIKH T&I 'at the hand of 

man, at the hand of each one's brother I will require the 
life of man' (Gen. 9, 5). 

tttfru-rtK vriK WX njni 'and the harm of one another 
devise not in your hearts' (Zech. 7, 10; contr. 8, 17). 

'each' may be combined with 'self expressed by pronom- 
inal suffix or ISteJ, e. g., 
1^ BhK W_Z K?sb ^i 'the men of the army plundered, each 

for himself (Num. 31, 53). 

nin^K ]nri 1^?3"r^ &* ttb& 'and let every man save him- 
self from the burning wrath of JHVH' (Jer. 51, 45; cf. 
Ezk. 32, 10). 

The ideas of 'both' and 'each' may be combined by placing 
tS^ 'each' in apposition to an expression containing the idea 
of 'both', e. g., 

5 iD^n -I5h bmy? Dlbrj ^JS^n;] 'and they both dreamt 
a dream, each in one night 7 (Gen. 40, 5). 

i ]1"inl nri1 'and thou and Aaron, each his censer' 
(Num. 16, 17). 

1 The use of the singular here in apposition to a plural is to be 
compared with the constructions on p. 157 f. 

2 Cf. K. Budde, Die biblische Urgeschichte, Giessen, 1883, p. 283 ff. 
An example which stands midway between the ordinary use of BPK and 
this crystallized expression is, 

jlpnT *6 vn tf'JO 'nor shall one oppress another' (Jo. 2, 8). 
Here 1T1K tr may be taken either as vmrn ' or rn 

152 Frank R. Blake, 

'and Simeon and Levi took each one 
his sword' (Gen. 3425; cf. I Ki. 22, 10). 
"ini* 'each' is employed not only in an absolute sense, but 
also occasionally as an attribute to either a definite or in- 
definite nouni (cf. in*? &*), e. g., 

Orb \T.l 'and Solomon's food for each [one] day 
was . . . ' (I Ki. 5, 2; Neh. 5, 18). 

Ti s 3n bw n? D^|1 'every laver contained forty baths' 
'(I Ki. 7, 38fer; cf. Ex. 26, 26w; SUs; 16; 28,17; 36, 9&&; 
15fos; 21; 22; Lev. 24, 5; Num. 7, 85 &s; 15, 5; llbis] 
28,12&w; 13; 286is; 29,4; 10; 146w; I Ki. 7,27; 30; 32; 
34; 42; 10, 16; 17; Jer. 52, 21; I Ch. 27, 1; II Ch. 4, 13; 
9, 15; 16). 

&& (?), "in^ and "inJJ B^N may also be used partitively, govern- 
ing a prepositional phrase, 2 e. g., 

t nn*$ n^S nglp.KI 'and each of them 
had four faces and four wings' (Ezk. 1, 6). 

^ inij l^^l 'and each one of [among] them was 
clothed in linen' (Ezk. 9, 2). 
Hfc? t^ Dr6 ^njjll 'and each of them shall take a sheep' (Ex. 12, 3; 

cf.'jud. 21*, 21; Zech. 10, 1; I Ch. 16, 3).' 
'Each' used attributively may be expressed by repetition of 
the modified noun, often with one or more adjuncts. This 
construction has the idea of 'every' as frequently as that of 
'each'. The two words may stand without connective, or be 
joined by 1 'and' or in time expressions in late passages by 
5 'in 7 . These phrases may stand in the same grammatical 
relations as the single word, or they may stand in apposition 
to a plural antecedent, or as an absolute adverbial expression. 
When they stand as subject they seem to require a plural 
verb, e. g., 

"*6l D1 S D1 1 * *)pV-b!$ rnira \T : 1 'and it came to pass as she spoke 
to him each (every) day and he did not . . . ' (Gen. 39, 10; 
cf. Dt. 14, 22). 

Vr6 MS MS D^bty ^JJ'l ' an( ^ every nation was making its- own 
gods' (II Ki. 17, 29 Us). 

1 The noun is usually definite, cf. article in sense of 'every' p. 154 f. 

2 For b cf. p. 177 ; "jinn is equivalent to a ; p does not seem to occur, 
but was doubtless also employed (cf. p. 176 f.). 

3 Tho *? is dative, these examples show the possibility of a partitive 
construction with t^N : cf. also n. 2. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 

5 )rn 'and he delivered them to his ser- 
vants, each flock by itself (Gen. 32, 17). 

a V1& tt>]'.i 'and they gathered it every morning 7 
(Ex. 16, 21). 

"1*1^ ^t HJ 'this is a memorial of me for every [all] genera- 
tion' (Ex. 3, 15; cf. 17, 16). 

mn|#p ninst?p nn |T 1?51 ' and tne land sna11 mourn 

every family apart' (Zech. 12, 12). 1 

^ tia-lE; natfn DV| natfn D1 S 5 'every Sahbath he shall 
set it in order before JHVH' (Lev. 24, 8). 
] DTI DV I^K Dlpito \T : 1 'and it came to pass as they 
spoke to him each (every) day, and he did not . . . ' (Esth. 
3, 4; contrast Gen. 39, 10). 

j s "!!? 'each province according to its writing' 
(Esth. 89; cf. 1, 22). 

j yijj i^t DflBJj] 'and with them the elders of every city' 
(Ezr. 10, 14;' cf/Esth. 1, 8; I Ch. 28, 14&is; loUs). 

5^ 'and they cast lots . . . for each (every) 
gate' (I Ch. 26, 13; cf. I Ch. 28, 16). 

'thou shalt eat it every year' (Dt. 15, 20; 
cf. I Sam. 1, 7; I Ch. 12, 22: after ^p 'as often as' I Sam. 
7, 16; Zech. 14, 16; II Ch. 24, 5).* 

DT "la'H 'the allowance of every day [daily portion]' (Ex. 5, 19; 
Jer. 52/34; Neh. 11, 23; 12, 47: no suffix II Ch. 8, 13). 
Occasionally the idea of 'each' in connection with a noun 
depending on another is expressed by the repetition of the 
governing noun, e. g., 

nx n^ nap nap Dnp np 'and take from them a rod for 
each family' (Num. 17, 17). 

2 k s rp: in^ ^j "rn^ ^j ij; DW: ni^j 'and with him 

ten princes, one prince for each family' (Jos. 22, 14 ; cf. 
Num. 1, 4; 13, 2; 34, 18; Is. 6, 2). 

Sometimes both the governing and the dependent noun are 
repeated; jn this case the dependent noun usually has the 
article, e. g., 

1 The use of the plural perhaps gives the added force of 'various', 
viz., 'each of the various families apart'. 

2 In Is. 66, 23 where ^0 is said to mean 'every' (cf. Gesenius-Buhl, 
p. 159) the distributive meaning is probably due to the repetition. The 
second noun in this example has a suffix, viz., IBhns tshh s lp 'as often as 
every newmoon' (bis). 

154 Frank E. Blake, 

jjii 'and all 

their princes gave him a rod for each one' (]^um. 17, 21). 1 
DV n}B6 DF DF D^p.K 'forty days, a day for every year' 
(Num. 14, 34; cf. Ezk. 4, 6). 

^n "nea 1 ? *$$ nas^ *$$ 'a thousand out of every 
tribe . . . shall you send to the army' (Xum. 31, 4). 

DF 1 ? iriN ^J 'and they shall 
bring their offering, one prince on each day' (Num. 7, 11). 
A special form of repetition is that which consists of a 
masculine and feminine noun from the same stem usually 
connected by I. 2 This has ordinarily the added meaning of 
'sort, kind', 3 viz., 'all sorts of', e. g., 

" TDD " mrr " nan ^ 'for behold . . . JHYH . . . 

will take away . . . every support [every sort of support]' 

(Is. 3, 1). 
l D'Htf ^ 'JVfcJj 'I procured for myself all sorts of singers' 

(Ecc. 2, 8; cf. II Sam. 19, 36). 

TlfcOfc " flKJ] na 'every sort of pride ... I hate' (Prov. 8, 13). 
Occasionally the plural of a noun is used in the sense of 
'each', 'every', apparently as a substitute for repetition, e. g.. 
ttjljjn &yrb Dng;b ^1|??fi! 'and that thou shouldst visit him 

every morning and try him every moment' (Job 7, 18; cf. 

Ezk. 32, 10). 4 

Attributive 'each' is also sometimes expressed simply by the 
article, usually in connection with a noun depending on a 
numeral or measure, or a noun subject with, such a word in 
its predicate, e. g., 
"Tpr^l H$T njtste D"DJ$ 156$ 'three times every year all 

thy males shall appear . . . ' (Ex. 23, 17; cf. 14; 21, 37 bis ] 

30, lO&is; 34, 23; 24; Lev. 16, 34; Num. 17, 18; Dt. 16, 16; 

Jos. 18, 4; Jud. 11, 40; I Ki. 9, 25; Ps. 119, 164; II Ch. 8, 13). 

1 For combination of 'each' and 'all' cf. p. 161. 

2 Similar combinations of masculine and feminine forms, implying tho 
not explicitly expressing the idea of 'every, all' are found 'in Is. 11, 12; 
43, 6; 49, 22; 49, 23; 60, 4; Jer. 48, 19; Ezk. 21, 31; Zech. 9, 17; two suf- 
fixes Is. 38. 16; two verbs Nah. 3, 159. 

3 'Every sort' is also expressed by ^3, cf. p. 159. 

-* These cases are cited by Gesenius-Kautzsch ( 123 c, 134 q} as in- 
stances of distributive h. So also Jl1t?5>, D'S^S? I Sam. 29, 2; II Sam. 
18,4 (cf. p. 141, n.): cf. also S. Herner, Syntax der Zahlworter im alien 
Testament, (dissertation) Lund 1893, p. 125. As already recognized by 
Konig, Syntax, p. 336 f. there is no distributive b. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 155 

'K D^PD DK^rn 'and he hid them fifty men in each 
cave' (I Ki. 18, 4). 

$ tf' 1 ** D^J "Ifcj; D'Op D?p nggj 'and I took from 
you twelve men, one from each tribe' (Dt. 1, 23). 

K nig "Dr6#l 'and he sent them ... ten thousand 
each month' (I Ki. 5, 28). 

rny&n tfyf niDigp D*W Dni npfei 'and thou shalt set them 

in two rows, each row six' (Lev. 24, 6). 

^n *lfe?P 'the tenth of a bath out of every kor' (Ezk. 
45, 14; cf. Jud. 17, 10; Ezk. 4, 10; 45, 24fcr; 46, 5Us; lter\ 
liter-, Neh. 10, 33). 

EI 'a beka [= 1/2 shekel] to every head' (Ex. 38, 26; 
cf. 12, 3; 16, 16). 

j?$E rnii D s "liPJJ 'every shekel is ten gerahs [= a shekel equals 
"ten gerahs]' (Ex. 30, 13; Num. 3, 47). 

\$\ IB by_*} 'and he offered a bullock and a ram on 
every altar' (Num. 23, 14). 

Igi^ ^^Hl 'and bring your sacrifices every morning' 
(Am. 4,4). i 

Occasionally the article is omitted in these constructions 
the idea of 'each', 'every' being understood from the con- 
text, e. g., 
11| Vtti^h D^niprn ny\ 'a wench or two to a [every] man' 

(Jud. 5, 30). 
nilB^pp D^'l TJ?p nn^ n^ij^ ^D^l 'and I take you, one from 

a [every] city and two from a [every] clan' (Jer. 3, 14). 
The idea of 'every' modifying a numeral, cardinal or ordinal, 
is expressed by the article as in the construction just dis- 
cussed, e. g., 
nte^ D^J rnte^ ^ri|2^1 'and we will take ten men of every 

* hundred' (Jiid. 20, 10; cf. Num. 31, 30; 47; Neh. 11, 1). 
nn^ Tlttf] D^bttH ^^j; n'jjg 'a wagon for every two princes 
and an ox for each one' (Num. 7, 3). 

tonp #BJ in^ 'one head [life] of every five hundred' 
(Num. 31, 28;' Ezk 45, 15). 

^J^n ^ J s n "in TB 1 ? D^ 8 T 1 'and he placed a torch in 
the midst between every two tails' (Jud. 15, 4). 

1 The meaning 'every' here is possible, but by no means certain, the 
article may be nothing but the ordinary article, cf. K. Marti, Dodeka- 
propheton, Tiibingen. 1904 [= Kurz. Handc. zum AT., 13], p. 181. 

156 Frank R. Blake, 

rrjrntfn njtfrrn# mi] 'and that we would set aside every 

seventh year' (Neh. 10, 32; cf. Lev. 27, 32[?]). 
The article, however, may be omitted with the higher 
numerals just as it is with THiS: 'each one', e. g., 
"Ninn D'Otf vPwh nn 'once in [every] seven years there came 
...' (IKi.10,22; II Ch. 9, 21). 

D S 3$"JD# ^j?fc 'at the end of [every] seven years 
thou halt institute a release' (Dt. 15, 1; cf. 14, 28; 31, 10). 
The same idea is expressed by \& 'between' in 

I ^n$? l^ ' an( ^ e v er y ten days some of all [kinds 
of] wine' (Nek. 5, 18). 1 

The article is not infrequently employed in connection with 
other constructions for 'each', 'every'. For its combination with 
repetition see next paragraph; instances of its use with other 
constructions are, e. g., 

"in^Tl^ t^&6 y*& mm 'and JHYH reward every one [accord- 
ing to] his' righteousness . . . ' (I Sam. 26, 23; cf. I Ki. 8, 39; 
Prov. 24, 29; II Ch. 6, 30). 

"ini^ IDjJjj Vlt? 'two homers for each' (Ex. 16, 22; cf. Num. 
' '"l5, 12)! 

arrtjj ^0? ^1 S ? <one ^asin upon each base' (I Ki. 
7, 38far; cf. p. 152). 

Din 1 ! nm-hl Wtt ^nJ 'for all day long I have been 
plagued and my chastisement was every morning' (Ps. 73, 14; 
cf. Zech. 4, 2[?]2). 

Sometimes 'each' is rendered by one of the constructions 
expressing the idea of 'each' (cf. p. 148 if.) in connection with 
repetition, e. g., 

&<& " nni I^B 'and they were numbered each 
according to his work' (Num. 4, 49; cf. Ex. 36, 4). 
^ BfajO ^ 'every man was born in her' (Ps. 87, 5; cf. 
Esth. 1, 8). 

tf' Vi71 D5^l1 'and with you there shall be a man 
of every tribe' (Num. 1, 4). 

1 For a cf. p. 175 f. With p cf. use of Syriac k*a 'between' in distrib- 
utive expressions (Noldeke, Syr. Gramm. 2 p. 178, 240). 

2 In Zech. 4, 2 the meaning of the text as it stands is certainly 'seven 
pipes to every lamp', rvh|^ in this case is to be considered like D'HR^ 
Ps. 73, 14. If, however, one nm is omitted (cf. K. Marti, Dodeka- 
propheton p. 413) this example does not belong here. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 157 

^Di| && D'BJ? ViVf "^~$ 'Seraphim . . . with six wings 
to each 7 (Is. 6, 2). 

'one man from every tribe' Jos. 4, 2; 4). 
hK in** t^K 'one man of every tribe 
of their fathers thou shalt send' (Num. 13, 2). 

"t^K nte^JJ \1# 'twelve men, one for 
ery tribe' (Josh. 3, 12; cf. Ex. 36, 30; Num. 28, 21; 29; 
contr. 29, 4). 

&ri n#t?n nrijAl 'thou shalt take five shekels 
for each one "[head]'' (Num. 3, 47; cf. I Ki. 18, 13; Ezk. 
10, 21; Zech. 4, 2*). 

3 *)3n rnfcg rnfcj; 'each spoon ten shekels in weight' (Num. 

nnn n^n ^ nn^n t^ign nnn D^-I^ ^ 'two 

supports under each board' (Ex. 26, 21; cf. 19; 25). 

^r? 1 ? *)^ 'a thousand of every tribe ye 

shall send to war' (Num. 31, 4). 

The idea of 'each', 'every' is sometimes expressed, chiefly 
in poetry, by using a singular (as predicate, pronominal 
suffix, &c.) to refer to a plural noun, the singular referring 
to each individual included in the plural. The meaning is 
very similar to 'any' and sometimes the construction passes 
completely over to this character, e. g., 

'every one of those that curse thee 

shall be cursed, and every one that blesses thee shall be 

blessed' (Gen. 27, 29; cf. Num. 24, 9; Is. 3, 12; Prov. 3, 18). 
mo rp^nj? 'every one that defiles it shall surely be put 

to death'' (Ex. 31, 14; cf. Lev. 19, 8; Prov. 18, 21; 27, 16; 

28, 16JO.). 

3\ nJ3t;P3 *)K n?3?1fc D7^1 n5J 'the sacrifice of the wicked 

is an abomination, how much the more when every one of 

them brings it in wickedness' (Prov. 21, 27; cf. Is. 57, 2; 

Zech. 14, 12). 

l T&33 B^p'HSl 'and the righteous are every one as bold 

'as a lion' (Prov. 28, 1; cf. 3, 35). 

*3 O^n^j; Dmn^> ni^D 'refusing to be comforted for her 

children, for every one is dead' (Jer. 31, 15). 

1 See p. 156, n. 2. 

2 Apparently only the numeral is repeated when noun -j- numeral is 
taken distributively. 

158 Frank R. Blake, 

^I -and upon their iniquity they set every one 
his heart' (Hps. 4, 8; cf. Is. 2, 7fo's; 8; 35, 7; 57, 2; Zech. 
14, l2Us; Ps. 5, 10; 62, 5; Job 38, 32). 

"mm i^ *piifcrtx non^ ?rra 'for thou shalt go out 

to fight with thy enemies, and JHVH will give every one 
of them into thy hands' (Dt. 21, 10; cf. 28, 48; Am. 6, 10; 
Ecc. 10, 15). 

'which they made every one for himself (Is. 2, 20; 
cf 526; 8, 20; 30, 22; Job 24, 5; liDD Is. 5, 23). 

nST-n^ *>$ ^on ib!? DW|$n *pgp.} 'and the 

Ekronites cried out they have brought the ark to every 

one of us to kill us and our people' (I Sam. 5, 10). 1 
'Every' used absolutely, English 'every one' is usually ex- 
pressed by the word for 'all' in the forms ^3, ^n or lV3; te 
and ten ordinarily take the construction of a singular, but 
may take that of a plural, 2 e. g., 
IS te Tl ten IT 'his hand shall be against every one, and 

the hand of every one against him' (Gen. 16, 12). 

Nah te 'and every one will be ashamed of 

a worthless people' (Is. 30, 5). 

E) ' tne y s ^ a ^ ever y oiie [aU] come to an en( ^ 

in the land of Egypt' (Jer. 44, 12; Prov. 19, 6 3). 
te 1 ? mm 210 'JHYH is good to every one [all]' (Ps. 145, 9; 

cf. Ecc. 5, 8; 9, 3; 10, 3; Ezr. 8, 34). 
D s ib^# 11*1] nnty 2nh ite 'every one is a lover of gifts and a 

chaser of rewards' (Is. 1, 23; cf. Ex. 14, 7; Is. 9, 16; 15, 3; 

16, 7; Jer. 6, 13; 8, 6; 10 6w; 15, 10; 20, 7; Ps. 29, 9; 53, 4).* 

'Every' used attributively is expressed by te in construct 

before the modified noun, which is singular and indefinite. 

The singular suffix of "^K, however, may refer to the collective idea 
implied in D^npyn, the meaning being then 'and Ekron cried they 
have brought the ark to me to kill me and my people'. 

2 Cf. use of fe and ten for 'all' p. 203 f. 

a Read for !Prte, jnn te 'every one is the friend of. 

4 ite may be explained as a collective (= Dte) with the concord of a 
singular or as plural te -f- singular suffix (cf. p. 157). It is not impossible 
to suppose that we have here an appositional suffix (viz. te 'every one' 
-}- 1 'he') such as has developed in Ethiopic and Amharic into a sort of 
definite article (cf. Dillmann-Bezold, Athiop. Gramm."*, Leipzig, 1899, 
156, 1726; F. Praetorius, Die amharische Sprache, Halle, 1879, p. 199 ff.) 
but this is unlikely. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebreiv. 159 

The noun may take other modifiers like any indefinite noun 
preceded by a construct, e. g., 
n\2~b3 'every house' (Is. 24, 10). 
'every people' (Esth. 3, 8). 
'every woman' (Num. 31, 17). 

'every mad man' (Jer. 29, 26; cf. Prov. 2, 9). 
'every fortified city' (II Ki. 3, 19). 
tf 133 'every human heart' (Is. 13, 7). 

both absolute and attributive has sometimes the force of 
^every sort of, e. g., 

tea D^t? 'two of every sort thou shalt bring 
into the ark' (Gren. 6, 19; cf. 20). * 

K'gp 'bringing fish and all sorts of ware' (Neh. 
13,l6; cf. Lev! 19, 23; IS T eh. 5, 18; I Ch. 29, 2).2 
ta before a singular demonstrative has sometimes the force 
of 'every one of them, all of them', 3 e. g., 

feTT^ ]5? $p nrb 'every one of them could 
sling stones to a hair's breadth without missing' (Jud. 
20, 16). 

n r^l ' evei 7 one f them was a warrior' (Jud. 
20, 17). 

'Every one' modified by the idea of a relative clause may 
be expressed by ^3 or t^N"^3 followed by a relative clause, 
but usually it is rendered by ^3 followed by the participle or 
adjective that consitutes the predicate of the dependent clause 
treated like the indefinite nouns in the last paragraph, e. g., 
Dfla nite "^tr!?3 'every one that trusts in them' (Ps. 115, 8; 

'l35, 18).' 
irnto| fcto^W 'thy might to every one that is to come' (Ps. 

71, 18;' cf/II Ch. 30, 1819). 

13 1 ? *JQT l^g t^ s -^3 nt? 'from every one whose heart gives 
it freely' (Ex. 25, 2). 

nyr n^ tJ^tr^l 'every one that has a quarrel 
or a case' (II Sam. 15, 4). 

1 Dan. 11, 2 is classed here by Siegfried-Stade Hebr. Worterbuch, Leip- 
zig, 1893, p. 2896, but bSto means rather 'than all' than 'of all sorts'. 
For the expression of 'every sort' by repetition, cf. p. 154 and p. 141, n. 

2 Gen. 24, 10 does not belong here (so Gesenius-Buhl, p. 342) ; 3^'b 
VJ1N means 'all the goods entrusted to him by his master'. 

3 Perhaps to be classed with the constructions in which a singular 
refers to a plural antecedent, p. 157. 

160 Frank R. Blake, 

rrrn 'and it shall come to pass that every one 
that I meet will kill me' (Gen. 4, 14; cf. ivithout suffix Ps. 
128, 1; Is. 55, 1). 

"te^ 'and to every one that gives a free gift 
to JHVH' (Ezr. 3, 5; cf. Ezk. 16, 25). 

? Tin ^ ^BpW. 11 . ^Kl 'and unto me were gathered every 
one that trembled at the words of . . . ' (Ezr. 9, 4). 

tfrtg 'therefore shall every one that is pious 
pray . . . ' (Ps. 32, 6; cf. Job 40, 11; 12). 
Sometimes the noun or participle modified by bl in the 
sense of 'every' is accompanied hy the article, as the result of 
some confusion between the ideas of 'every' and 'all', e. g., 
"nn iV n;,71 1#$ tf^rrtD NT.! 'and every man that had a dis- 
pute .V. ' (II Sam! 15, 2).' 1 

^. *!#$ 23#Brrt| 'every seat upon which he sat' (Lev. 

nij?J? inmrrt? 'every one that is left in the midst of 
the land' (Is. 7, 22; cf. 43, 7; Jer. 5, 6; Zech. 5, 3; Dan. 12, 1).' 
In connection with the words for 'man' t^K &c., and "D 1 ^ 
thing' b'3 makes a more emphatic 'every one', 'every thing'; 
DM may take the article (cf. above), e. g., 

te W^IH 'cause every one to go out from me' (Gen. 
45, 1; cf. II Sam. 13, 96is; 15, 4). 

$r\ ^X 'every one is only a breath' (Ps. 39, 12; cf. 6; 
Job 21,' 33). 

"W fe?. "^^? W 'only what shall be eaten by every one' 
(Ex. 12, T 16).' 

X'^S"*!^ 'he seals up the hand of every one' (Job 
37, 7).' 
9 Dg& 'to confirm every thing 7 (Ru. 4, 7). 

:'1^ *l?T t ?? 'every thing that will stand fire' (Num. 
31,23; cf. II Sam. 15, 36). 

1 The use of the article here is due to a confusion between 
'every one' and w^n-^3 'all the men'. That 'every one' is intended by 
the writer is indicated by ib and also by BPN-^3 in the similar pas- 
sage v. 4. 

2 These examples are due perhaps to a confusion between 'every seat' 
and 'the whole seat' both of which ideas were in the mind of the writer. 
In Ps. 119, 160 IpIS BBtyo-'pS belongs under 'all' BSffO being collective. 

3 In these examples where the modified nouns are participles the 
article is similar to the article used as relative pronoun; cf. Gesenius- 
Kautzsch, 138 i, k. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 101 

Dh"1J? 'until every thing was completed that . . .' 
(Jos. 4, 10; cf. Dt. 13, if II Sam. 15, 35; Jer. 42, 4; 5; 
44. 17). 

Kvery thing' modified by an adjective idea is expressed by 
te or "nT^3 + masculine adjective, e. g., 
PIT' 5 ?? Everything green' (Job 39, 8; cf. Xeh. 9, 25). 
ID"'?! 'everything bitter' (Prov. 27, 7). 
r^S 'everything hidden' (Ecc. 12. 14). 
r^D n 'everything high' (Job 41, 26). 
jn 1?T^3 'everything evil' (Dt. 17, 1; 23, 10). 

The constructions for the expression of 'each' may be com- 

bined with b'2 'all' to express the idea of 'each and every', e. g., 

tlj Tr^ 1?tf nT3|8 'I will make thy name to be remem- 

bered in each and every generation' (Ps. 45, 18; cf. 145, 13; 

Esth. 9, 28; DV Esth. 2, 11; rw Esth. 9, 27; TJ> II Ch. 

11, 12). 

rw Wpl 'and each and every one of the 
people cut down his bough' (Jud. 9, 49; cf. 7, 7; 8; I Sam. 
30, 6; II Sam. 15, 30). 

h jnj ote^ 'to each and every one he gave 
changes of raiment' (Gen. 45, 22; cf. Ezk. 7, 16). 

$ ninrr^3"nfc* V3 n^Jl 'and each and every one 
of us returned to the wall to his work' (Neh. 4, 9). 

n-^rn^ nVBM 'and I will set each and every 
one against his neighbor' (Zech 8, 10). 

in ^j^ na ori^^rte vb Jii^ s .i 'and each 
and every one of the princes gave him a rod' (Num. 17, 21). 
For ^D 'every' emphasized by repetition and HIV cf. under 
'all', p. 211. 

For 'every' combined with 'some', 'any', 'no', cf. under 
'all c , p. 212. 

Indefinite Cardinals. 

So and So, Such and Sucli.^ 

This idea used absolutely is expressed by 3 + demonstrative 
or pronoun of the third person used twice, or by the com- 
bination ^b^> ^?, 2 e. g., 

1 In some of the examples here given 'so and so' might be regarded 
as either adverbial or pronominal. 

2 In Dan. 8, 13 "31O^B used absolutely is either a contraction or a 
scribal corruption of this longer form. 

11 JAOS 34 

162 Frank E. Blake, 

riT?l nT2 'such and such things said the girl' 
(II Ki. 5, 4; cf. 9, 12; Jos. 7, 20; II Sam. 17, 15). 

n$51 nte 'such and such things has Micah done 
to me'(Jud. T is, 4; cf. I Ki. 14, 5; II Sam. 11, 25). 

nDp^l 'I would have given you hesides such 
and such things' (II Sam. 12, 8). 

$ nbTnt? 'sit here So and So' (Eu. 4. 1). 
This idea used attributively is expressed by 'Ofo^g 'Ofrfi stand- 
ing as a genitive after its noun, in 

*;b^K ^f Slp?"^ 1 ? ' to sucn anc ^ suc ^ a pl ace ' (I Sam. 21. 3; 

II Ki.' 6, 8).' 

Occasionally this idea is expressed by the simple demon- 
strative, or by the adverb 'thus', e. g., 
njn DIpBn *$ "l#n 'take care not to go by such and such 

"a place' (II Ki'. 6, 9). 

tt|? "!#N trK 5 ? nfej H3 'so and so shall it be done to the one 
'that' kills 'him'' (I Sam. 17, 27; cf. I Ki. 22, 20). 
It is apparently expressed by iriK 'a certain one' in 
TO5> ^"3^. *%y? TDD "l s l 'and he would say thy servant is 
from such and such a tribe of Israel' (II Sam. 15. 2). 

A certain, Certain. 

This idea, which is usually employed attributively, is ordi- 
narily expressed simply by the indefinite state of the noun. e. g., 
D &} 'and a certain man drew his bow to its 
'fullest extent' (I Ki. 22, 34; cf. II Ki. 4, 42). 

KS^l 'and he met a certain man' (Gen. 37, 15; cf. 32. 25). 
^ H5ni 'and there came a certain man of 
God from Judah' (I Ki. 13, 1; cf. 20, 28). 

fi "MS ]p.t &$ nani 'and there came a certain old man 
... from the field 7 (Jud. 19, 16; cf. II Sam. 1, 2). 

D^l 'and there happened to be there a certain 
worthless man' (II Sam. 20, 1). 

|3pD && PD XXM 'and there was found in it a certain 
poor, wise man' (Ecc. 9, 15). 1 

D^.p^H 1"| s .l 'and the watchers saw a certain 
man coming from the city 7 (Jud. 1, 24). 

1 Two adjectives occur here without connecting 1 as modifiers of the 
same noun. Usually the connective is employed, cf. my Conip. Syn. 
Noun and Mod., p. 167 f. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. Hi.; 

#1 'and there with us was a certain Hebrew 
boy' (Gen. 41,12). 

ni2D ^NB "iBrtS^.l 'and he captured a certain boy of the 
people of Succoth' (Jud. 8, 14; cf. I Sam. 21, 8). 

'he entrusted to me a certain matter' (I 8am. 21, 3). 
jJtpl n? "irtsrn 'and shall beat him according to his 
offence with a certain number [of stripes]' (Dt. 25, 2). 
"^. l ?5~N^ E't^JN WSJ 'certain worthless men have gone out . . . ' 

(Dt. 13, 14). 
D^; 'JV!? WOT ^K?in ^iJ 'and I Daniel fainted and was ill 

certain" days' (Dan.' 8, 27; cf. Neh. 1, 4). 
Sometimes in the case of a singular noun this idea is 
strengthened by the addition of the adjective "ins 'one', 1 e. g. r 
NT} 'and a certain man saw [it]' (II Sam. 18, 10; cf. 
IKi. 20, 35). 

Fh$ nn n' ^rn 'and a certain woman cast 
an upper mill-stone upon the head of . . . ' (Jud. 9, 53). 

VH D s KtoN ^ 'there were two men in a certain city' 
(II Sam.' 12, I).' 

T$n "^.i^^ 'and a certain one of the young 
men told Abigail' (I Sam! 25, 14; cf. II Ki. 4, 1). 
A certain one' in a partitive sense is expressed by 
absolute or construct, or with article (cf. below), by in 
or by ti^S, governing the noun of which they form a part 
after ]p (cf. also preceding example). The plural 'certain ones' 
may be expressed by D^JfcJ 'men' followed by JO, e. g., 
"V*]2J[9 "IHK ^$fcH 'and a certain one of his servants said . . . ' 
T (II Ki. 6, 12: abs. cf. 17, 28; I Sam. 16, 18; 26, 22; Ezk. 19, 3). 
'?; DJlD nn^iTJD 5 ! 'and from a certain one of them came 

'forth . . . ' (Dan. 8, 9). 

"D^'Oan ^D nn t^] 'and a certain one of the prophets...' 
(IKi. 20, 35; cf. Ezk. 33, 2). 

n D1 S S ^^ ^15^?? ^ c ^] ' an( l a certain one of Saul's 
servants was there on that day' (I Sam. 21,8; cf. Num. 25, 6). 
K1H 'he and certain men of Judah' (Neh. 1, 2; 
cf. Jer. 26, 17; Ezk. 14, 1; 20, 1). 

i This construction is the germ of a formal indefinite article. In only 
a few cases, however, in Hebrew, has "irw 'a certain' been weakened to 
simple 'a', cf. Ex. 16, 33; Jos. 4, 5; II Ki. 6, 2. Most of the cases which 
are usually cited as examples of "inN = 'a' are rather = 'a certain', so 
Jud. 13,2; I Sam. 1,1; IKi. 13, 11; IIKi.4, 1; Dan. 8, 13. 

164 Frank R. Blake, 

Ifcfajl 'and there came certain men from Shechem 
...' (Jer. 41* 5; cf. Num. 16, 2; Jos. 2, 2). 
D^JK H53 'and I smote certain of them' (Neh. 13, 25). 

Not infrequently the definite article used indefinitely has 
the meaning of 'a certain, certain', e. g., 

"tr/Bn 1*1 'and a certain fugitive came . . . ' (Gen. 14. 13; cf. 
Ezk. 33, 21; Num. 11, 27 IJttri; II Sam. 15, 13 TaSH; 17, 17 

!l 'and he came upon a certain place, and 
spent the night there' (Gen. 28, 11; cf. Ex. 2, 15 I^H). 
fcrm^ vn^" 1 ^ ^.j?!5 'and he brought among his fellows a 
certain Midianitish woman' (Num. 25, 6). 

yt&ft fcO s .l 'and the angel of the Lord 
appeared to him ... in the midst of a certain bush' 
(Ex. 3, 2). 

y 'and a certain lion came and took 
a sheep from the flock' (I Sam. 17, 34). 

n_ Dl*n ^nn 'and on a certain day [= one 
day] he went out to his father, to the reapers (II Ki. 
4, 18; cf. 8; 11; I Sam. 1, 4; 14, 1; Job 1, 6; 13). 

sn] 'and there were certain men lying in wait 
in the chamber with her' (Jud. 16, 9). 

A certain one' used absolutely may be expressed by the 
^ preceded by this indefinite definite article 1 ; 'certain 7 plural, 
by D^5, e. g., 

ijn nn? s .l 'and a certain one [of them] opened his 
sack' (Gen. 42', 27; cf. II Ki. 6, 3; 5). 

VP S 1 'and there were certain men that 
were unclean . . . ' (Num. 9, 6). 

^ tS^K 'a certain one' may take a correlative 'other' like 
'one', (cf. p. 137 f.), e. g., 

^D iri^ ^] 'and a certain one of tlie 
prophets said to another' (I Ki. 20, 35). 
When 'certain' modifies a singular with possessive suffix it 
may be expressed by in^ after the noun either with or without 
the indefinite definite article, e. g.. 

i Probably the use of nnx without article was also possible, ins l?\s 
and ti^N were also probably employed in this sense, tho they are 
ordinarily used with the added sense of 'man', (cf. Gen. 37, 15; I Ki. 22, 34; 
II Sam. 18, 10). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. in.-) 

"IDS. 11 , 1T\$ D5'H8 -let [a certain] one, your brother [of your 

brothers] be bound . . . 7 (Gen. 42, 19). 1 
*r\S *!T3n "in^n DDTIK -leave one of your brothers with me* 

(Gen. 42/33). 

Some, Any, No. 2 

These ideas are usually expressed by the same constructions, 
and are best treated together. However, the two ideas 'any' 
and 'no 7 ('no' being the negative of 'any', not of 'some') have 
in common a number of constructions which are not found in 
the case of 'some'. 

When these ideas stand as the subject of a sentence con- 
taining a verbal predicate, 3 they may be represented simply 
by the unexpressed, indefinite subject of the verb. When the 
verb stands in a dependent sentence, or in other words when 
the subject has the meaning 'some that 7 , 'some one that', &c., 
it is regularly represented by the participle, usually without rela- 
tive pronoun. In a dependent sentence, the predicate of such 
an indefinite subject may also be an adjective. The participles 
and adjectives are treated in this case just like nouns. When 
the predicate is singular its subject represents 'some one', 
'any one 7 , or 'no one', when it is plural, 'some 7 , 'any', 'none', e. g., 
"iK'l rn Dnja^n nn VT : 1 'and after these things some 
one said to Joseph' (Gen. 48, 1; cf. 2; I Sam. 24, 11). 

N 'some one calls to me from Seir' (Is. 21, 11). 
J D^K nan 'there are some that say, our bones 
are dried up' (Ezk. 37, 11). 

* Cf. 1T nn Neb. 4, 11 under 'one other' p. 139. 

2 These words when used in this article without limitation are 
meant to include all uses of the indefinite ideas they represent, absolute, 
attributive, partitive, e. g., 'some' sg. and pi. adj.; 'some one', 'something', 
'some' pi. absolute; 'some of partitive: and so with 'any' and 'no'. 

3 The indefinite personal pronoun French on, German man, English 
you, they, is expressed by the same constructions that denote 'some', 
'any', 'no' as subject, viz., by 

a) unexpressed indefinite subject, e. g., 

biz notf nj3 ]3""?P 'therefore they [one] called its name Babel' (Gen. 11, 9; 
cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebr. Gr. 2S , 144 d). 

tp: Ninn -ian Jt? *3 'for from that well they [one] watered the 
flocks'" (Gen. 29,2; cf.' Ges.-Kaut., Hebr. Gr.**, 144/ 1 ). 

b) cognate participle, cf. p. 167. n. 

c) tf"Kn, cf. p. 172, n. 2. 

166 Frank E. Blake, 

^8 l#1 'and there are some that say . . . ' (Neh. 5, 2; 3; 4). 
^l.l rm/Tn 'JVNl 'I saw in Judah some that trod 
wine presses on 'the Sabbath' (Neli. 13, 15; sg. I Ki. 1, 48), 
fc6] D'Bnai? 1 ?! "nj.j2NJ 'and I sought . . . and for some to 
comfort [me] and found none' (Ps. 69, 21). 

HSp? \T.l 'and he was as [some] one that joked in 
the eyes of 'his sons-in-law' (Gen. 19, 14; cf. Ps. 119, 162; 
Prov. 6, 11; Cant. 1, 7; 8, 10). 

Hjn "O^n "JJ^n "D^&l 'for the king speaks this as one 
guilty 1 (II Sam. 14, 13; cf. Ps. 35, 14 ^IS; 78, 65 JBh; cf. also 
Num. 12, 12 n&; Ps. 89, 11 Vyj). 

lNtan IDS' 8 } 'and if any one say I have sinned . . . ' (Job 

nii Itfg TiytfJ. "Ori 'is there still any one left of 
the house of Saul' (II Sam. 9, 1). 

y i-fl^N JTN 1 *6] 'and no one says, where is GTod my 
maker 7 (Job 35/10; cf. 12; Is.-44, 19; Ps. 22, 30). 

"OD WT tib] 'and none shall appear before me empty- 
handed' (Ex. 23, 15). 

90^ 'let none hold him' (Prov. 28, 17). 
^ l^; tih D^n2 'houses in which none dwell' (Job 15, 28). 

)^j WX1 11 pN "ril|Dp "inn;i 'and Jericho was besieged ... no 
one came out and no one went in' (Jos. 6, 1; cf. Lev. 26, 6; 
II Ki. 9, 10; Is. 1, 31; 5, 29; 14, 31; 22, 226w; 34, 10; 59,4&i; 
66, 4; Jer. 4, 4; 13, 19; Ezk. 34, 6Us; Ps. 50, 22; Job 11, 19; 
II Ch. 20, 24). 

riirtea Dm*? rft ]" 'and of all her lovers she has none to 
comfort her'' (Lam. 1, 2; cf. 1, 17; Dt. 28, 31). 

ft p] 'but no one goes to war' (Ezk. 7, 14; cf. Dt. 
32, 39). 

] D^pil 'and ye shall flee when no one pursues 
you' (Lev. 26, 17;' cf. Gen. 40, 8). 

jj 'thou hast said, no one sees me' (Is. 47, 10). 1 
5J 5fT" nPl ^5^ 'that he might not allow any one to 
come out or go in to Asa' (II Ch. 16, 1; cf. Jer. 51, 62). 

^ HD&t? jn n^n^ : njj-n1 'and the cities of Judah I 
will make a wilderness so that no one dwells [there]' (Jer. 
9, 10; cf. 11). 

'K3 -tet? ni"?n ]1S ^ 'Zion's paths mourn because none 
come to her feasts' (Lam. 1. 4). 

Tiie logical subject of f is only apparently definite, but cf. p.!73,n. 

'/te Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 1<;7 

3BM' 1 iV-JT.rp-K 1 ? 'he shall have no one to sit on the 
throne of David 1 (Jer. 36, 30). 

ntT VTT^K Denial 'and let there be no dweller in their tents' 
(Ps. 69, 26; c 109, 12). 

The same ideas are sometimes expressed by making a par- 
ticiple or verbal adjective derived from the same stem as the 
verb, the subject instead of leaving the subject entirely inde- 
finite. The participle or adjective may stand in singular or 
plural, and with or without the article, 1 e. g., 
""1DN1 Jtt?$n yotf] 'that some one will hear it and say . . . ' 

(II Sam. 17, 9). 
nrjt? rr\te D^TItprn 'and some of them escaped' (Jos. 10, 20). 

n& niD; r?) 'and if any one dies near him suddenly' 
(Num. 6, 9). 

r *3 'if any one falls from it' (Dt. 22, 8; cf. Is. 
28. 24; Ezk. 33, 4). 

D^R"!? 'in their presses no one will tread wine ? 
(Is. 16. 10). 

S nrb tobw tfb] Di srb Dti; & 'no one of them shall flee 
away, and no one of them shall escape' (Am. 9, 1). 

sn^ fc6 ^ 'for I have no pleasure in any one's 
death' (Ezk! 18, 32; cf. Num. 12, 12; Ps. 89, 11 ^nH). 
A participle with or without article may stand as predicate 
in the protasis of a conditional sentence without conditional 
particle, in the sense of 'any one that', e. g., 

ja Dnn D^I JjStf 'if any one sheds man's blood by 
man shall his blood be shed' (Gen. 9, 6; cf. Ges.-Kautzsch, 

n 'if any one speaks to you bring him to 
me' (II Sam. 14, 10). 

Not infrequently, the ideas 'some', 'any', 'no', particularly 
the last, are left without definite expression, e. g., 
1 1 ? ]rin Jinj 'thou shalt surely give him something' (Dt. 15, 10). 
Y&] n^ib n ^^} T ' an d 1 sought for [some] to console me. and 
there was none' (Ps. 69, 21). 

'have you any more' (Am. 6, 10). 

i The same construction may have the force of the indefinite personal 
pronoun, cf. p. 165, n. 3, e. g., 
nisn nov any n^ttf IK ony D^S? <| S'^ 'one [a man] shall be put to death 

on the word of two or three witnesses' (Dt. 17. 6; cf. Is. 28, 4; Jer. 

9,23). Cf, Gesenius-Kautzsch, 144 e. 

Frank E. Blake, 

DN "m,T ^n 'I will be -ed if I take anything' (II Ki. 

5, 16; cf. Ex. 22, 2; Num. 15, 24; 30; Dt. 15, 2). 
"J1B80 VUT#n '1 will raise up some one from the north' (Is. 

41. 25). 

T JiH&S) <an< * ^ou s ^ alt sa y tnere i g no one ' (Jud. 4, 20). 
^fcn VlKD "^TK <tnou nast no one commissioned hy the king 7 
"(II Sam. 15, 3; cf. II Ch. 20, 6; Esth. 5, 12 with DK "O, cf. 

p. 183; II Sam. 7, 22 and Dan. 1, 19 with 3, cf. p. 185). 
"DNSE *6l "Bh* DH #j?.5NJ 'and I sought among them for a 

man, and found none 7 (Ezk. 22, 30). 
VjrjKl VJD^ Ninn D1 S 3 rrn $h\ 'and there was no day like that 

day before it or after it 7 (Jos. 10, 14). 
r.NJ "YIN^ ^1 'let it look for the light when there is no light 7 

(Job 3, 9;' cf. Jer. 35, 14; Ezk. 7, 25). 
"OKSO *6} D^m^l 'and for some to comfort me, and I found 

none 7 (Ps. 69, 21 ; cf. Is. 34, 12). 
]0} & ^n{5 : ^b] 'and to the Kohathites he gave none [wagons 

and oxen] 7 (Num. 7, 9). 

6 ]*$ D 'if he has nothing 7 (Ex. 22, 2; cf. Prov. 22, 27). 
1 s ? )rin tfb] 'and thou givest him nothing 7 (Dt. 15, 9; cf. Ex. 

5, 8; Dt. 4, 2). 
jrn;6 p SW *l s pin^ ]> vVjJ 'there is nothing to he added 

to it and nothing to be taken from it 7 (Ecc. 3, 14). 
npn *6 'they lacked nothing 7 (Neh. 9, 21; cf. Ecc. 6, 2). 
ttap in? ^ 'and hid nothing from him' (I Sam. 3, 18). 

DJJ^^ D^J 'we will restore them and ask nothing in 

return 7 (Neh. 5, 12). 

^ fc6 'is it nothing to you' (Lam. 1, 12). 

-{ ?1 Bj5^ Dj;n-)D J|r 'some of the people went out to 

glean, but they did not find any of it [manna]' (Ex. 16. 27; 

cf. 26). 

'Some one', 1 'any one,' 'no one' may be expressed by one 
of the words for 'man' #', D1, t?1JK, or by tfSJ 'person'. 2 
Occasionally the combination $Si + genitive of 'man 7 is employed 
in the same meaning, e. g., 

r-H^ rili)?^ &X hlV D 'if any one could count the 

dust of the earth' (Gen. 13, 16; cf. Lev. 15, 18; 24; Dt. 23, 11; 

Jud. 4, 20; II Sam. 19, 8; II Ki. 4, 29; Ps. 49, 17). 

1 Xo examples of 'some' seem to occur. 

2 ^22 'flesh' has occasionally a meaning very much like 'anyone', cf. 

used of Israel in Jer. 12, 12; Jo. 3, 1. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 169 

.n 1ES1 'and says, is there anyone here 7 (Jud. 4, 20). 
'ljT" 1 ^ 'if a false witness rise up against any one' 
(Dt. 19, 16; cf!lIKi. 4, 29). 

t-rnptf tttelp NSfl ^ t^Kl 'and any man that has a seminal 
emission' (Lev. 15, 16; cf. 24, 17). 

^ Btei 'when any one sins' (Lev. 5, 1; cf. 2, 1). 
ja*)g DSD l^j?^^ D-TK 'if any one of you bring an offer- 
ing to' JHVH' (Lev. 1, 2). 

ttBl m r BteJ"^ rip? jmn 'if any one touches the dead body 
of any one he shall be^ unclean . . . ' (Num. 19, II). 1 

nan }#} DM 'if the snakes had bitten any one' (Num. 
21, 9).2 

nTft &} 'and no one shall deliver her from my hand' 
(Ho 2,' 12; cf. Gen. 24, 16; Ex. 16, 29; Jud. 11, 39; 21, 8; 
IIKi. 10, 19; 25; Ps. 49, 8). 

$} 'and he oppresses no one' (Ezk. 18, 7). 
tt *6 BhK 'not one [star] is lacking' (Is. 40, 26). 
KBIT *6 l^ D*] ) ^ 'for there is no one that does not 
sin' (I Ki. 8, 46). 

*r^N 'let no one's heart fail him' (I Sam. 17, 32). 
'he regards no one' (Is. 33, 8). 
^ ^ tsh$l 'and when any one has no Goel' (Lev. 
25, 26). 

^] 'and I told no one' (Neh. 2, 12). 
'every one that smites any one' (Num. 35. 30; cf. 
Prov. 28, 17). 

Btej D\n^ ^ s . k s^?] 'for God respects no one' (II Sam. 14, 14). 
The meaning of l^K in these constructions may be empha- 
sized, viz., 'any at all, any whatsoever, &c. ? . by repeating the 
ITN. e. g., 

nb^p ^J njOl ^ 1^*8 t^^ 'when any one [man] whatsoever has 
an issue from his flesh 7 (Lev. 15, 2- 17, 10; 13; 22, 4; 24 7 15; 
Num. 5, 12; 9, 10). 

"irjjpn & nto^ 1l^-te"^ ^ tr 'no one of you what- 
soever shall approach to any near of kin . . . ' (Lev. 18, 6). 
The word lSh with the meaning of 'any' may be followed 
by a correlative meaning 'other 5 , just as when it means 'one 7 
(cf. p. 137 f.), e. g., 

' For ^ cf. p. 180 f. In Lev. 24, 17 D1K ffB3 means rather 'the life 
of any man' cf. nna wsa and v&a nnn V&: in v. 18. 
2 For use of fix cf. p. 222. 

170 Frank R. Blake, 

feOfc? tTN rp.rr "PI 'and if any one [man] hate another' 

( 19, ii). 

KBIT ^U?$ r\$ 'that in which any one trespasses 

against another' (I Ki. 8, 31). 
"tt^TJJ-rtiK in?n ngyn^ &&} 'let no one plot the evil of an- 

other ...' (Zech*8, 17)- 

The idea of 'some one' &c., used absolutely is also some- 
times expressed by Tn# 'one', e. g.. 
nn tib Nt3p "Una ]P *ft 'who can make a clean thing from 

an unclean, no one' (Job 14, 4). 

Some' plural absolute referring to persons may be expressed 
by D^} 'men', e. g., 

1&"TC ti0 B^JN ^flf 1 ! ' an( l some [men] left some of it till 
'morning 7 (Ex. 16, 20; cf. II Ch. 30, 11). 

The idea of 'something', 'anything', 'nothing', may be rend- 
ered by Ty\ 'word, thing' or HDWp (once by "lfo 'word, 
thing), e. g., 

*\y\ "1?' s l 'and he said, I have something [to say] to 
you' (I Ki. 2, 14; cf. Job 4, 12). 

$ nj^WI ^^^ ^^ 'come up to us [if you dare], and 
we will show you something' (I Sam. 14, 12; cf. 3, 11; I Ki. 
14, 5; Jer. 38, 14). 

? mD *flryfb} 'and I will take something from him' 
(II Ki. 5, 20). 

"DTI??, 'is there anything of whic-h one can say . . . ? 
(Ecc. 1,1ft; cf. Job 15, 11). 
-n mrPB vb$\n 'is anything too wonderful for JHVH' (Gen. 

18, 14). 

^r6n ^ I?"] WSiPI^ Vlfc^K 'don't be hasty in uttering 

anything before God'"(Ecc. 5, 1; cf. I Sam. 3, 17; 22, 15; Ezk. 

14,9; Prov. 25, 2Us). 
PBknt? 151 n^n SIB 'the end of anything is better than its 

beginning' (Ecc. 7, 8; cf. 8, 1). 

^ mfcy^ )1ip ^| ^ij 'and it seemed difficult to 

Amnon to do anything to her 7 (II Sam. 13, 2; cf. Xum. 

22, 38). 

TO}'. fc6 'nothing was left 7 (II Ki. 20, 17; cf. 15; 13; Ex. 

5,11; Esth. 6, 3; II Ch. 9, 2). 

\ S 3J3P nriDri-^ 'hide nothing from me' (Jer. 38, 14; cf. Gen. 

19, 8; Dt. 2, 7; 22, 26; I Ki. 5, 7; Jer. 42, 4; Neb. 5, 8). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas ni flrl//-,//-. 171 

I 5 ? b^rr^tf] -and do nothing to him' (Gen. 22, 12; cf. 
30, 31; 40, 15; ' I Sam. 12, 4; 5; 20, 26; 39; 25, 15: - 
Jer. 39, 12; Jon. 3, 7; Ecc. 7, 14; 9, 5). 

J? Di^ Tj?93 *6] 'and nothing was missing to them' (I Sam. 
25, 7; cf. Jud. 14, 6; I Ki. 18, 43; Jer. 39, 10; Ecc. 5, 13). 
TON*? 1 ? "^H? *)D3 )\S! 'silver was accounted as nothing . . . ' 

T (II Ch. 9,' 20; I Ki. 10, 21). 

*$ Dj] 1$ Ittni 'if thou decreest anything it shall be estab- 
lished for thee' (Job 22, 28). 

Some', 'any', 'no', used attributively may be expressed simply 
by the indefinite noun, singular or plural, 1 e. g., 
inn/Dfr* HJT1 rrn WI&KI 'and we will say, some wild beast has 

devoured him' (Gen. 37, 20). 

J11JJ ttKSpl 'and some harm will come upon us' (II Ki. 7, 9). 
KtfT J"0.j?D IttS \3 'for he thought, something has happened 

[= it is some happening]' (I Sam. 20, 26). 
Wizb D^JK nr6^J 'let us send some men before us' (T)t. 1, 22: 
cGen. T 12, 20; Jos. 7, 2; I Ki. 11, 18; 24). 

1 D^p; 5iin n^n nt^ri 'let the girl stay with us ten days 
or so [= some days or ten]' (Gren. 24, 55; cf. 4, 3; I Ki. 17. 7 ; 
Is. 65, 20). 

^$ Y$?) "and at the end of some years, they shall be 
joined together' (Dan. 11, 6; cf. 8; 13). 
s .n'n n^J &*#%} 'and some Hebrews crossed the Jordan' 
(I Sam. 13, 7; cf. 23, 19). 

^"l^; DK1 'and if I have done any wrong' (II Sam. 
14. 32). 

n"^'; Da~Bto njjn; D1 'and if thou ^knowest any men of 
force among them' (G-en. 47, 6; cf. Ob. 5; Job 33, 32). 

$ 'there was no silver' (I Ki. 10, 21; cf. 18, 26; Ps. 36, 2: 
il9, 165; Job 20, 21). 
TJ>rrjp ts^B xr^ 'let no fugitive come out of the city' (II Ki. 

9, 15; cf. Gen. 13, 8). 
]1DN rp.rp tib] 'and no harm follow' (Ex. 21, 22; cf. Jer. 42, 17; 

44. 14; Mi. 3, 11). 

yit nnm tib ^ ]ri 'behold to me thou hast given no offspring' 
(Gen. 15, 3; cf. Dt. 2, 34). 

1 The words for 'man' singular and plural, which are used absolutely 
for 'some one', 'any one', &c., belonged originally here meaning -some 
man', 'some men', &c. 

172 Frank E. Blake, 

'?}? r# <tnere are no g ra P es on tlie 

vine, and no figs on the fig tree' (Jer. 8, 13; cf. Ex. 14. 11; 
34, 17). 

ib rn *A D^ai 'and they had no sons' (Num. 3, 4; cf. 26. 33; 
I SMB. 1,2). 

'and she has no breasts' (Cant. 8, 8). 
K 1 ? 'they will leave no gleaning-grapes' (Jer. 49, 9; 
cf. Lev. 26, 1). 

When a noun of this type is a cognate accusative the 
construction sometimes expresses the idea of 'something', 'any- 
thing', 'nothing', e. g., 

?fl *3] 'and if ye sell anything [any selling]' (Lev. 
25, 14)." 

? 'he roasts something [a roast]' (Is. 44, 16). 

DVj!l 'and Joseph dreamt something [a dream]' (Gen. 
37, 5). 

jn.1 s 1^$*? ^" n ' ne tlml; knows anything [has any sense] 
spares his words' (Prov. 17, 27). 

Attributive 'some', &c., may also be expressed by the definite 
article used indefinitely, 1 e. g., 

^OJ njnn 'Oj?a']fi ]@ 'lest some evil befall me, and I die' (Gen. 
19, 19). 

n : H ^rt] 'and some lion will smite you' (I Ki. 20, 36). 
*h fcn|?J5ll 'and she called someone' (Jud. 16, 19). 
Bte ^2T\-hy_ 2V?*r\} 'and anyone that sits on anything that 
(Lev/15, 6; cf. 23). 

^n 1^ 1D S 1 'and if any man said to him . . . ' (I Sam. 
2, 16; 2 cf. DTn Lev. 5,4). 

1 Besides the various meanings discussed in the text, viz., 'a certain' 
(p. 164), 'some', 'any', 'no' (p. 172) 'some other', 'some single one' (p. 173), 
at least one other variety of this indefinite definite article may be dis- 
tinguished in the examples given by Gesenius (cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 
126r), viz., in some cases it is almost equivalent to a possessive, e. g., 
n^fihtt nw 1 ? ton nan 'behold it is wrapped up in the cloth [that pertains 

to it, its cloth"]'' (1 Sam. 21, 10; cf. Gen. 15, 1; 50, 26; II Sam. 23, 21). 
In other cases the article may be explained as definite from the con- 
text, e. g., 

Kn (II Sam. 17, 19) = 'the woman [of the house]' (cf. tf'N rr? v. 18). 

2 ff'Nn is employed in the sense of indefinite pronominal subject in, 

ir,-te top to"a Vtoh 'in Israel they [one] formerly said' (I Sam. 
9, 9). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 173 

W! tf *l#*$ to} 'and all that any one has, he will 

give for his life' (Job 2, 4; cf. Prov. 15, 23; 20, 3; 17). 
^m D"]n ^8T"*6 'O 'for no man [one] shall see me and live* 

(Ex. 33, 20;' cf. Jer. 4, 25 i). 

Occasionally this indefinite definite article has a somewhat 
more definite meaning 'some single one', 'same' ahout equivalent 
to inj* 'same' cf. p. 121, e. g., 
rnjftrrt# tt^. V281 t^8] 'and a man and his father shall have 

intercourse with some one maid' (A.m. 2, 7). 

It may also have the meaning of 'some other, different from 
this', e. g.. 
*h$ D1 5 ? 8S 1#8 t^8n ^ n8"p 'the man appeared to me who 

came to me the other day' (Jud. 13, 10). 

This indefinite definite article is also employed in connection 
with other constructions for 'some', 'any', 'no' (cf. t2h*n, D"TSn 
above, and p. 167), e. g., 
na? <nfl 8J"^8 'be not as [some] one dead' (Num. 12, 12; cf. 

Ps. 89, 11). 
"181 Jjabfa yftW] 'that some one will hear it and say . . . ' 

(II Sam. 17, 9; Dt. 22, 8). 

Attributive 'some' modifying a plural noun is occasionally 
expressed by the plural of the numeral 'one', (cf. Spanish unos 
'some'), in the examples that occur, with the added sense of 
'few', e. g., 
D^nK D^; 1&JJ JtoBfy 'and thou shalt dwell with him some [a 

few] days' (Gen. 27, 44). 
D^n8 D^p;? vys?5 Vy\ 'and they seemed in his eyes as a few 

days' (Gen. 29,' 20; cf. Dan. 11, 20). 

'Some', 'any', 'none', used in a partitive sense 'some of, &c.' 
is expressed by the preposition ]10 'from, of before a definite 
noun, singular or plural, or pronoun of which the 'some, &C. 1 
forms a part. When such an expression is predicate to a 
singular, the p has the force of 'some one of, &c., e. g., 
"fltoliT^ Qin-Jlp pin )nj1 'and the priest shall put some of 

the blood upon the horns of . . . ' (Lev. 4, 7). 

npbl 'and let him take some of the blood of the 

bullock' (Lev. 4, 5; cf. II Ki. 10, 10; Ps. 72, 15; 137, 3). 

1 Here the logical subject of J'K, which is regularly indefinite, takes 
this article, viz.. DlKn ]'X. 

]74 Frank R. Blake, 

'and thou shalt put some of thine honor 
upon him' (Num. 27, 20; cf. Lev. 2. 166w; 11, 25; 37; 38; 
Dt. 2. 5). 

^ DgiJ'JO 1N?i 'some of the people went out to gather 7 (Ex. 
16, 27). 

"l#K BJ>rr) 5JI33? fcOTiySN 'let me leave with you some of 
the people that are with me' (Gen. 33, 15; cf. II Ch. 16. 10). 
SB'l 'and there were some of the priestly- 
class that .'. ' (Ezr. 10, 18; cf. Jer. 52, 15; II Ch. 21, 4). 

fciTlBI 'and some of those of understanding shall 
fall 1 (Dan. 11, 35). 

IJ^'T^JJ ""J-ncgn "HJjap* 'and some of my young men I stationed 
at' the gateV'CNehVlS, 19; cf. Eu. 2, 16; Dan. 8, 10). 

yvi1 a l 'and some left some of it till morning 7 
(Ex. 16,20; cfl6). 
rnt? wao 2^ s .l ^1^1? ED^.3 'and he fought against Israel and 

took some of it captive' (Xum. 21, 1). 

"D'tfJ DflB &} 'and some of them had wives . . . ' (Ezr. 10. 44). * 
nt Dn^Jjn H^ 'this one is one of the Hebrew children' (Ex. 

' 2, 6;' cf. Eu. 2, 20).* 

T?jnrH5> ri|n-]01 D^ian "\^? irif;nl 'and if any of the flesh of 
the consecrations, or of the bread remain till morning' (Ex. 

29, 34; cf. Lev. 11, 25; 37; 38). 

JTIJT H5V.?? BDIsy nfe"tf;-$ ^11 'and see lest there be any of 
the servants 'of JHVH here with you' (II Ki. 10, 23). 

'"^2rrj ]^; tfb] 'and none of the meat . . . shall remain over . . .' 
(Dt. 16, 4'; cf. II Ki. 10, 10). 

D!^ Vtfcreia xb ^b ^^ 'and I found none of the Levites 
'there'' (Ezr. 8, 15). ' 

^bl^riD urfo )rii b 'let us not give them any of the spoil' (I Sam. 

30, 22; cf. Ex. 12, 46; Dt. 2, 5). 

1 Here DHD, with p = partitive 'some', is certainly the possessor, and 
should be preceded by b viz., Dnfc^. The omission is perhaps due to the 
fact that ] has here a certain possessive as well as a partitive force 
(cf. the acquisition of a partitive force by the possessive b t p. 177), contrast 
Neh. 5, 5 where p. has only partitive force. 

2 AVith this use of the plural in a singular sense, 'one of, and the 
similar use of a + pi. below, compare the plurals said to be used in a 
similar sense, Gesenius-Kautzsch, 124 o. These plurals, however, are 
generic, standing for a class, not for a number of individuals, e. g., 
^"iJJtf-^N (Dt. 17, 5) means not 'to thy gates', or 'to one of thy gates', 
but 'to the gate (a regular part of every city)'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 17."> 

DflB Tiy *vniK'fc6l 'and I shall leave none of them there 
any more' (Ezk. 39, 28; cf. 7, 11). 

W&B rrnin-*6 'ye shall leave none of it until morning' 
(Lev. 22, 30; cf. Dt. 26, liter). 

In a few cases this JD may stand before a word denoting 
one single thing. So before the nomen unitatis 7T$fff 'hair 
in the sense of -any one of, a single one of; also before par- 
titive *in$ (cf. p. 177), where it is pleonastic, e. g., 
n;n IBfoh rngfcfc tel DM 'if a single hair of his head falls 
'to the ground' (I Sam. 14, 45; cf. II Sam. 14, 11; I Ki. 1, 52). 
This ]D + suffix of third person singular masculine is some- 
times used as a neuter pronoun in the sense of 'something', 
anything' or 'any such thing' (cf. p. 128), 1 e. g., 

^bp ISJpj/fc 13&fc Dnrn 'and let him raise in his hand 
some [something] of the meal of the sacrifice' (Lev. 6, 8). 

W ) MSB *6 Y$ 'he had nothing [no one] either son or 
daughter' '(Jud. 11, 34; cf. Jos. 1, 7). 

'ig J30 rfofcri tfwrn 'and the person that eats any 
such thing shall bear his iniquity' (Lev. 7, 18; cf. 27, 9). 
The partitives expressed by )D may be used in connection 
with the indefinite participial construction (p. 167). In this 
construction b may take the place of )D (cf. p. 177), e. g., 
DflB m.tP Dn'n.^n') <an( i some f tnem escaped' (Jos. 10, 20). 

The preposition | has developed a partitive meaning which 
is occasionally very similar to that of )D, tho it is usually more 
demonstrative than indefinite, e. g., 

^ rm 'and let them be of those that eat at thy 
table' (I Ki. 2, 7). 

" l 11 : b| ^n nan 'they are of those that rebel against the 
light' '(Job 24, T 13). 

?j>| JVT! J|1K1 'and thou art one of those that trouble me' 
(Jud. 11, 35; cf. Prov. 22, 26). 

nVrtJ-D Dra tep n;ni 'and it shall happen that when some of 
"them fall at ' the beginning 7 (II Sam. 17, 9; cf. II Ki. 17, 25). 
"D ^ an 1?0 ^ 'and they found nothing of her except ...' 
(II Ki! 9, 35). 

i In all these cases and in Ex. 25, 15, Ufcts is said to stand for n|SB. 
Gesenius-Kautzsch states p. 461, n. that they may be otherwise explained, 
but does not give any explanation. In Ex. 25, 15 the suffix refers loosely 
to the masc. noun pfctn 'ark'. 

176 Frank R. Blake. 

was P re P are< i for me 

every ten days some of all [kinds of wine]' (Xeh. 5, 18).' 
The idea of 'some one', &c., used partitively, may also be 
expressed by "THIS: 'one', L^K 'man', DWK 'men', governing the 
plural or collective in which it is included, in^ may take its 
noun in the genitive, or after ) or $ (here "iru* may be 
construct); l^K, a^JS only after )D or 5. This construction 
is really a strengthening of the preceding. The meaning 
when "rrifcj is used is often equivalent to the singular of the 
dependent noun with the added attributive idea 'some, any, 
no', e. g., 

'and let us throw him into some pit [some 
one of the pits] 7 (Gen. 37, 20; cf. II Sam. 6, 20; 17, 9&is; 12). 
Dj;n ins n?$ tDj;p3 'some one of the people might 
easily have lain with thy wife' (G-en. 26, 10). 

^n DntyTIP rinK-^K DJl 'that he might flee to [some] one 
of these cities and live 7 (Dt. 4, 42; cf. Lev. 25, 48; I Sam. 

9, 3; II Ki. 17, 27). 

*m BteJ? ?j^rn$ D^ 'I will make thy life as the life 
of [some] 'one of them' (IKi. 19, 2; cf. 22, 13; Dt. 25, 5). 

1D-niJ< W : 21 inin 'have I spoken a word to any 
one of the tribes of Israel' '(II Sam. 7, 7; cf. Dt. 19, 5; Jos. 

10, 2; II Sam. 13, 13; Job 2, 10). 

lSJ^ ins D ^j?n fctoj ^] 'and whenever any Levite comes from 
any one of 'thy gates' (Dt. 18, 6; cf. 13, 13).| 
t?Ufl-*6 1^ mn^ n\|p-?p nn ^J 'and if they do any of 
the things prohibited by JHVH' (Lev. 4, 13; cf. 22; 27; 5, 17; 
22; 26; Jud. 17, 11; II Sam. 9, 11). 

nan& nn 'no one of these shall fail' (Is. 34, 16; cf. 
Xum. 16, 15; Dt. 28, 55; Ps. 34, 21; 106, 11). 

*6l 'when there was none of them' (Ps. 139, 16; cf. 
Ex. 14, 28). 

nn ^ ni&$ 'to do to thee any of these' (Ezk. 16, 5; 
cf. Lev. 5, 13). 

"in3 ,n;n D"Tn ]n *lo, the man has become as [any] one 
of us 7 (Gen. 3, 22; cf. I Sam. 17, 36; Ob. 11). 

'some of the Asherites' (II Ch. 30, 11). 
?J?9 5|^nn 'arm some of yourselves for the war' 
(Num. 31, 3).' 

Bf n^n ^KO t^N l^l 'and there was no one of the house- 
servants there' (Gen. 39, 11). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 177 

fl WVOrj tf TTJ"IB1 ]bBP "MtorrnK fc#l 'and they took the 

women captive, they killed none at all 7 (I Sam. 30, 2). 

OHO inii fcfy 'and none of them was left . . . ' (Num. 

26, 65; 31, 49; cf. I Sam. 30, 17; I Ki. 18, 40; II Ki. 10, 14). 
"r#n D'BtoK3 &$ H^T-DK 'if any of these men see . . . ' (Dt. 1, 35). 
n#B "HUp?? tf'K rrrnA n|^ 'and among these there was no 

one of those numbered by Moses' (Num. 26, 64). 
D^SS D'Sjrrnaf? jn s &$ ? r ^ 'for there was no one among 

us that knew how to cut wood like the Sidonians' (I Ki. 5, 20; 

cf. I Sam. 14, 36; Is. 5, 27; Hos. 7, 7). 

A partitive force is also sometimes given by placing t^N, 
ty-tf ty s N in apposition to a plural definite noun or pronoun in 
a negative sentence (in an affirmative the meaning of && is 
'each', 'every'), e. g., 
1Jb^Vl$ E^ bxrto* "^ pO & 'no one moved his tongue against 

any of the Israelites' (Jos. 10, 21; tra BhK Lev. 18, 6). 
lira nnstt t^K IKVfi *6 nnl 'and let none of you go out from 

the door of his house' (Ex. 12, 22). 

In a few passages in$ used partitively takes an additional 
])p before it, the whole phrase being treated like a single noun 
made partitive by )D (cf. p. 175), 1 e. g., 

nnD nfrjjl "Ntpnrp? tfSi 'if any one sins . . . and does 

any of these things' '(Lev. 4, 2; cf. 5, 13; Ezk. 18, 10). 

P"^ *J5 n^? s . ^ 'if there is among you any of thy 

brethren that is poor . . . ' (Dt. 15, 7). 

Occasionally the preposition ^ is employed instead of ]D or 
S in constructions of partitive 'some', 'any', 'no', the possessive 
idea having given way to the partitive, 2 e. g., 

D0 1 ? uhw tib] DJ Dr6 DW; ^ 'none of them shall flee 

away, and none of them shall escape 7 (Am. 9, 1). 

l"in 'some, any one of them' (cf. Ezk. 1, 6 'each of them'). 

Similar partitive ideas may be expressed by using the ex- 
ceptive construction with EN *3 &c., after a definite noun or 
pronoun, e. g., 

1 The p is not to be regarded as the p after inN transposed from 
its ^proper position; so Brockelmann, Comp. Syntax, p. 84. Cf. Arabic 

*\ 9 
1X^.1 (*?'* op* cit', p. 397. 

2 Examples like n& tf'N or6 injri 'and they took for themselves each 
a sheep' or 'each one of them took a sheep' (Ex. 12, 3; cf. Jud. 21, 21) 
show how b acquired this force, cf. p. 152.' 

12 JAOS 34. 

178 Frank R. Blake, 

^ *ke men exce P t Caleb 

see.. 7 (Num. 321112). 

nS?3"C ^ "p*JKrr^ 'ifctoFi DflS DM 'if any of you enter the land 

except Caleb 7 (Num. 14 30). 

When one of these indefinite ideas 'some', k any 7 , 'no 7 , is 
combined with an adjective it may be expressed by the in- 
definite adjective alone, either masculine or feminine. When 
the indefinite idea is 'some one' &c., the adjective is logically 
its predicate (cf. p. 165f.), e. g.. 
ffljhn nbty ^n 'lo, I will do something new' (Is. 43, 19; cf. 

* Jer. 31, 22).' 

"NIBS 'they were considered as something strange' (Hos. 
2; T cf.Ecc. 2, 24). 

^T S P 'who will show me anything good' (Ps. 4, 6). 

1 p# 'no one was exempt' (I Ki. 15, 22). 

tflTg f$ 'there is no one so holy as JHYH' (I Sam. 2, 2). 
*rPD5 ?$ *3 'for there is nothing true in his mouth' (Ps. 
lO; cf. 19, 7; Prov. 8, 8). 

6 J13) V$ ntt ffi^tfl 'and distribute to those that have no- 
thing prepared' (Keh. 8, 10). 

Or. the adjective or participle may be used as a modifier 
of the nouns expressing the indefinite idea, necessarily so 
when the indefinite ideas are attributive (cf. p. 171 f.), e. g.. 
ni!T"!? SIB 15^3 D-^i y 'because there was found in him 

something good towards JHVH' (I Ki. 14, 13). 
D";i1tD Dnn^j n;n rrnrr* D^I 'for even in Judah there were some 
good things*' (II Cli. 12', 12; cf. 19, 3). 

??^"^ ^?1 n;^ri '^st there should be anything worth- 
less in thy heart' (Dt. 15, 9). 1 

b 15*11 'or is there anything in secret with thee' (Job 

^ }W 'and no one lays it to heart' (Is. 57. 1; Jer. 
12, 11; cf. Jud. 19, 15). 

Bf Q 1M VM 'there is no one that has power over the 
spirit' (Ecc. 8, 8). 

"D* ^b tsri'^S 'incline not my heart to anything evil' 
(Ps. 141, 4; cf. I Sam. 20, 2; 22, 15; II Ki. 4,41). " 

V JW ' no straw is given to thy servants 7 (Ex. 5, 16). 

1 In this case *12T and its modifier, here a noun used as adjective are 
separated by another element. 

2 Here a prepositional phrase is used practically as an adjective."] 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 179 

]& "IJJfc? PIS j^ nani 'and if there are no white hairs in it' 
T '(Lev. 13/21). 

The words "Q" 7 ] and n^N may be used in the genitive 
after a noun, the sense being practically the attributive one 
of 'some', 'any', 'no', 1 e. g., 

nr$ an KSD ''S 'because he has found in her some de- 
formity [= a deformity in something]' (Dt. 24, 1; cf. 23, 15). 
tSto tjjra ntfrpS 'when thou lendest another any loan 
[= a loan of anything]' (Dt. 24, 10). 
They may also be used partitively, e. g., 

sn -iri l&gn iA njrj t^*6l 'but to this man do no- 
thing of such a shameful thing 7 (Jud. 19, 24; cf. Ps. 101, 3). 
iT^30 "^ ^JSD "ra^'DS 'if you hide from me any- 
thing of all that . .'. ' (I Sam. 3, 17; cf. Jos. 11, 15; 21, 43; 
Esth. 6, 10). 

P NpWsp ni&; *6l 'and nothing of all that belonged 
to the Israelites died' (Ex. 9, 4). 

nmJ? *JT2 p3T &} 'and let none of the tabooed stuff 
stick to thy hand' (Dt. 13, 18; cf. I Sam. 25, 21). 

\ & HOW^^ 'and nothing of [the product of] his toil 
can he take' (Ecc. 5, 14). 

Not infrequently several of these indefinite expressions are 
found in the same sentence, e. g., 

JSJp D^JW S fifl1*l 'and some of them left some of it till 
morning' (Ex. 16, 20). 

n3t^ 1^ n^ 'any woman with whom any man lies' 
(Lev. 15, i8). 

3& "in - n^ *&]&[ "l^in 'have I said anything to any 
of the tribes of Israel' (II Sam. 7, 7; cf. I Oh. 17, 6). 
ijpn t6 11^5 1K^"te'^ ^ ^ 'no one shall approach any 
of his near relations . . . ' (Lev. 18, 6). 

l lV-n;.i7^. & ^ t^1 'and when any one has no Goel' (Lev. 
25, 26).' 

DD in; ^ 'that no one unclean in anything might 
enter' (II Ch. 23, i9). 

Hb )^ 1511 'and they had nothing to do with any- 
one 7 (Jud. 18, 7 Us). 

TD nDpb ^ 'and thou hast not taken anything 
from any one' (I Sam. 12, 4). 

1 This is somewhat different from the use of these words in the 
genitive in the regular sense of 'something', &c., cf. Ecc. 7, 8; 8, 1. 

180 Frank E. Slake, 

#l ' and no one said aching to him ' ( Job 2 > 13 )- 

The interrogative pronouns are occasionally used as inde- 
finites in the sense of 'any', 'no', used absolutely, e. g., 
nb ^p "ty 'hast thou any here besides' (Gen. 19, 12). 
t|5? 'J-narn ^D Wfcni 'and if I see anything I will tell you* 

(I 8am. 19, 3). 

JIB ngT ^ 'and she knows nothing' (Prov. 9, 13; contr. Neh. 
'2, 12). 

Sometimes they are strongly indefinite meaning 'any one 
whatsoever', 'anything whatsoever', 1 e. g., 
DlbtStoN^ "1JJ35 ""OTI^ 'let any one at all [= everyone what- 

soever] guard the young man Absalom 7 (II Sam. 18, 12). 
HO ty "li5 'let come upon me what will [= anything what- 

soever]' (Job 13, 13). 
"KivraiS no ""rn *I$N S 1 'and he said whatever may be [= let 

happen anything at all] let me run . . . ' (II Sam. 18, 22). 

Sometimes the interrogative is employed as an enclitic par- 
ticle to emphasize the indefinite meaning of one of the ex- 
pressions for 'some', 'any', 'no', e. g., 
T\h 'rnaill ^"! s _-no 13*]* 'if he shows me anything at all, I will 

tell you' (Num. 23, 3; cf. I Sam. 19, 3 above). 

The idea of choice in 'any' and the idea of negation in 'no' 
may be emphasized by the use of te employed in the same 
way as when it means 'every', 'all' (cf. pp. 158ff., 203 ff.), usually 
in connection with one of the constructions already discussed, 
but occasionally alone. When used alone to may refer either 
to individuals or to quantity, meaning, for example 'any one' 
or 'anything'; it may stand with or without article. A verb 
whose subject is modified by te in this sense usually agrees 
with the noun, but may agree with te. When to has the 
constructions of 'all' the sense is partitive. This use of to is 
comparatively rare in affirmative sentences, e. g., 
Vrinn ,T.iV ntJte to$ JttSrr^ 'and everyone that touches any- 

thing that was under him' (Lev. 15, 10; cf. Jer. 42, 21). 
]rpn IJtt Nil rat Pint t^fcrte 'when any man whatsoever offered 

a sacrifice, the servant of the priest came . . . ' (I Sam. 2, 13; 

cf. Gen. 4, 15). 

1 These cases seem to stand midway between the interrogative and 
indefinite use of these pronouns, e. g., VS in II Sam. 18, 12 means some- 
thing between 'whoever it may be' and 'any one at all'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Heltrew. 181 

p TOn 1t? "^3 'any prayer . . . what- 
soever that any one shall make . . . hear thou' (I Ki. 8, 38 39; 
II Ch. 6, 2930; cf. Dt. 14, 20). 

? ^fepn 'is anything at all too hard for me' (Jer. 

|?-l#K"teB nj5$ DK 'if I take anything at all of yours 7 (Gen. 
"14, 23;' cf. II Sam. 14, 19). 

-'^fc n^; N 5 ? 'and does not turn aside for any [beast]' (Prov. 
30,' 30). 

1 ? rbv tfb 'it is good for nothing' (Jer. 13, 7; 10; cf. Ps. 
49, 18). 

'because there is nothing left him in 
the siege' (Dt. 28, 55; cf. 8, 9; Prov. 13, 7: JB Dt. 4, 17). 

] "tgn n#K 1brHir*6 'thou shalt not covet another's 
wife . . . nor anything that is his' (Ex. 20, 17; Dt. 5, 18; cf. 
Gen. 11, 6). 

-te npIT *6 mrp 'Bh.'ll 'those that seek JHVH shall not 
want anything good whatsoever 7 (Ps. 34, 11; cf. Ecc. 1, 9; 
Ex. 12 ? 20). 

|r^ 'nothing is too hard for thee' (Jer. 32. 17; 
cf. II Sam. 15, 11). 

T^S "I1DDO D^"]' "l^ DlpO 'a place in which there is no 
want of anything at all . . . ' (Jud. 18, 10). 
T^ ND 1i; tfb] 'that no one unclean in anything might 
enter' (II Ch/23, 19). 

tfSl 'anyone that touches anything un- 
clean' (Lev. 5, 2). 

^ngn- 1 ?! 'none of the diseases that . . . will 
I put upon thee' (Ex. 15, 26). 

*Ki?-te 1 DH^ Dj;tp^ "D 'if I taste bread or anything [else]' 
(II Sam. 3, 35). 

DiTn^S "l^ ]^ 'the warden of the prison 

did not look into anything that was in his charge' (Gen. 
39, 23). i 

-b pn 2& m tfb 'no man dwells in them' (Jer. 51, 43; cf. Lev. 
16, 17 D1K; 7, 27 PBi). 

no work at all shall be done' (Ex. 12, 16; 
cf. Ezk. 318: obj. Ex. 20, 10; Lev. 7, 27; Num. 35, 22; Dt, 
14, 3; 21; 16, 21). 

i For n cf. p. 222. 

182 Frank E. Blake, 

*6 *rt??"^? &} 'the blood of no flesh shall ye eat' (Lev, 
17, 14). 

)$n YV. ^39 'fejtfn *6 'thou shalt not eat from any tree at all 

'in the garden 7 (Gen. 3, 1; cf. Lev. 15, 22; 18, 6; Dan. 11, 37). 

QijjBh-te ^^ N^l 'and none of the wicked shall understand' 

(Dan! 12, 10; cf. Ps. 76, 6). 
Tja DD^I tib "D"HVP M7?"^?1 'and with none of the diseases of 

"Egypt will he afflict you' (Dt. 7, 15; cf. Ex. 11, 7). 
I'OTrtaa "irprr^l 'and choose none of his ways' (Prov. 3, 31; 
"c Ez'k. 12, 28; 33, 16). 

< ! tfb rPKS"^3 'none of those that go in to her shall return' 
(Prov. 2' 19; cf. Ps. 25, 3). 

D'pinrr^S *&#$. &} 'and none of those that trust in him 
shall be desolate' (Ps. 34, 23). 

?T^59 ^?n *&1 'and he let none of his words fall to 
the ground' (I Sam. 3, 19; cf. Gen. 14, 23). 

rhs "W? flfyi '""H*? D3n ^ 'for in vain [for nothing] is 
a net spread in the sight of any bird' (Prov. 1, 17). 
A similar emphasis is sometimes expressed by using iniS! 
'one' in conjunction with some other construction denoting 
'any', 'no'. Probably in^ used alone (cf. p. 170) has sometimes 
a similar emphasis. 

"Dnyirrtisp in$ W btt *6 'there failed nothing whatever [= 
not a single thing] of all the things' (Jos. 23, 146^; cf. 
I Ki. 8, 56). 

"Nfinn nn BterD1 'and if any one at all sin . . . ' (Lev. 4, 27). 
Another way of expressing such emphasis is by the use of 
the correlative adjectives Vl"to Jb]5 'small' 'great', VI 21tD 
'good' 'evil', either absolutely or attributively in connection 
with some construction denoting 'any', 1 'no', e. g., 

]bjrn^ tf$fl ^ 'fight not with any at all . . . ' 
(I Ki. 22, 31;' cf. II Ch. 18, 30 "JBpiTHK; fern. Num. 22, 18). 

^H & ^n$"iy_1 ]fa]90 'they killed none at all' (I Sam. 
30, 2). 

i IK-Jbg in^J nsfta^ ^g yr & ^ 'for thy servant knew 
nothing whatever of all this' (I Sam. 22, 15; hnn )tsp *m 
25, 36). 

Jbg 15^ IK tola ll'l ^ n^g; tfb 'my father will do nothing 
whatever . . . ' (I Sam. 20, 2). 

1 For the various combinations of these correlatives cf. p. 220, n. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 183 

} ' an(1 tliere was nothing what- 

ever lacking to them' (I Sam. 30, 19). 
alto IN jn *p ^ fett *6 'we cannot say to you anything 

at air (Gen. 24, 50; cf. 31, 24; 29; Num. 24, 13; II Sam. 

13, 22; cf. either p. 147 f.). 1 

Two correlative verbs are sometimes employed instead of 
two adjectives, e. g., 
N'aj HNS JHK & 'I know not how to go out or come in [i. e. 

nothing]' (I Ki. 3, 7). 
UH.01 to' l tp l 'Prf)fc$ 'yea, do good or do evil [something, anything 

at all]' (Is. 41, 23). 

Still another way of emphasizing these ideas is by using 
the infinitive absolute as a verbal modifier, e. g., 
H&1KP -fi^ fe^K fe;n 'can I say anything at all' (Num. 22, 38). 
&$t? n.V^n VH DM 'and if she has any husband at all' (Num. 

30, 7).' ' 
n^ggp tf'$ ^. tott Dl 'and if a man will redeem anything 

at all of his "tithes' (Lev. 27, 31). 

An exception to an idea modified by 'any', 'no ? is introduced 

by DK -o. 'a, pi, ^a, n ^a; nbn, s n^t; !?8; ^ap 'except, 

besides'. The noun expressing 'one', 'thing' is often omitted 

(cf. p. 167 f.), e. g., 

ifetit? Tr "Wfty *1 "tib 'no one ... but Elisha ... can tell the 

king 7 (II Kl'6, 12). 
D^SH nin^ ^ pi jnija ]*$ 'there is nothing in the Ark ex- 

cept the' two tables" 'of stone 7 (I Ki. 8, 9; cf. 22, 16; II Ch. 

18, 15; DK O I Ch. 15, 2). 2 
nS? j;'l D ^ nj J^ 'this is nothing but sadness of heart' (Neh. 

2, 3; cf. Gen. 28, 17). 
11JH3 aiD D ^a n't ) S NI 'this is nothing else than the sword 

of Gideon' (Jud. 7, 14; cf. Gen. 47, 18). 
OH 13# ">^"ri D ^ na^ n^pn ^ 'she asked for nothing 

but what Hegai ordered' (Esth. 2, 15). 
^niK-Dlpa nowp ^teD ^n ^1 'and he has kept back from 

me nothing except thee' (Gen. 39, 9; cf. 6; Esth. 5, 12). 

1 This pair of correlatives is employed in a different sense in sentence 
denoting discernment, discrimination; here the adjectives have their 
proper meaning (cf. Gen. 2, 9; 17; Dt. 1, 39; II Sam. 14, 17; 19, 36; I Ki. 
3, 9 : also with different correlatives Jon. 4, 11). 

2 From this use of pi with a negative is developed its use in an affir- 
mative sentence in the sense of 'only', cf. e. g., Gen. 26, 29. 

184 Frank E. 

? firiM nb^3-DM rp h'3~]W tf*b] 'and the poor man had nothing 
but one little lamb' (II Sam. 12, 3; cf. Num. 11, 6 b 'nta; 
I Ki. 15, 5 pi; II Ki. 4, 2). 

?| 'Ttyr 7iMrrn$ r n^n D^jM3 t^M n$T DM 'if any of these 

men except Caleb ... see the land . . . ' (Dt. 1, 35-36). 

DM ^ t^M DflB "iniJ *6] 'and none of them was left ex- 
cept Caleb . . . ' '(Num. 26, 65; cf. I Sam. 30, 17). 

jtya "n i ;rrn$ "Q^^n IMT. DM 'if any of the men . . . 

see the land .'. . except Caleb . . . ' (Num. 32, 11-12). 

?3'DM ? "nMrr^M IMbn DflM DM 'if any of you enter the 

land . . . except Caleb . . . ' '(Num. 14, 30). 

'HJJ DM rs p.M2 DlM? pxn WIJJ M 5 ? 'and they gave no 
part in the land to the Levites except cities to dwell in' 
(Jos. 14, 4; cf. II Ch. 21, 17; Neh. 2, 12). 

^MVlM fc?'M DM ^ "VytfftQ D^ )rii Mb 'let us not give them 
any of the spoil except to each his wife . . . ' (I Sam. 30, 22). 

fen ^$vi$ DM rs bnrn^i jbg-n^ inVn V 'fight not with 

any at all except the king of Israel alone' (I Ki. 22, 31). 
%yh$ fl-^ ^S?^ ^!??n ^ ^10 ^ Ttf 'there is nothing good 
for me to do except to escape to the land of the Philistines' 
(I Sam. 27, 1; cf. Ecc. 8, 15 DM ^). 

n 1M )3 13>2p ft )^M HTn s : MY! p^l 'and besides her his only child, 
he had not any one,' son or daughter' (Jud. 11, 34). 

j^SQ )^M] 'and besides me there is no savior' (Is. 43, 11; 
cf. 44, 6; 8; 45, 6). 

$3& m^D^-n^ tja t^^M )n*l 'and if some other man 
beside thy husband has had intercourse with thee 7 (Num.- 
5, 20|; cf. Jos. 22, 19). 

X^IO 5 ! 'and there is no savior besides me' (Hos. 13, 4; 
cf. I Sam. 2, 2 ^1: vta + noun Jos. 11, 19). 1 

]^M vp jnl 'and I know there is no other besides 
thee to redeem' (Eu. 4, 4). 

^n^M ]*$} 'and there is no other god besides thee' 
(II Sam. 7. 22; I Ch. 17, 20). 

ftfi ]H$ "^ 'besides me there is no other god' (Is. 45. 5; 
cf. 22; Hos. 13, 4). 

^lM ttftjj? 'other lords besides thee have ruled us' 
(Is. 26, 13). 

In Ex. 22, 19 n!?3 is a conjunction. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Helr<\ 

Hj5n-D 'if thou takes! other wives in addition 

to my daughters 7 (Gen. 31, 50). 

An element modified by 'some', 'any', 'no' may be compared 
with another element, either in the comparison of equality 1 
or in that of superiority. The indefinite element is sometimes 
completely omitted, e. g., 

ObS PK 'there is no one like me' (Ex. 9, 14; cf. Is. 46, 9). 
*|1D3 ]HJ '3 'for there is no one like thee' (II Sam. 7, 22: cf. 

Jer. 10, 6; 7; I Ch. 17, 20). 
HVftflS 1 p1 "fllTO Kttlg p 'there is none so holy as JHVH, 

and there is no rock like our God' (I Sam. 2, 2 ; cf. Gen. 

41, 39). 
^ s il? D^3 K^i *&] ' and none of them all were found like 

Daniel' "(Dan.' 1, 19). 
D"r6K spas p8 '3 'for there are no gods like thee' (I Ki. 8, 23; 

cf.'ll Ch. 6, 14). 

nrrftgn 5|1D3 ]W 'none of the gods are like thee' (Ps. 86, SUs). 
spJB$ rrn & *|1&3 1#g 'so that there was none like thee before' 

(IKi. 3, 12fos) T . 
"0n* 5J1DD iTrj ^ I^K 'so that no one was like thee 7 (I Ki. 3, 13; 

cf. Job 35, 8). 
"Hn^l VJB^ ^HD D1 S D n;n ^ 'and there was no day like that 

day before it or after it' (Jos. 10, 14). 
}!"lb3 VtJ^n & 'you shall not make any other like it' (Ex. 30, 32; 

cf. 33; 38; I Sam. 10, 24; 21, 10 /em.; II Ki. 18, 5; 23, 25; 

Jer. 30, 7; Ezk. 5, 9; Jo. 2, 2; Job 1, 8; 2, 3). 
^130 np JTSa ^nj UVK 'there is no one in this house greater 

than I' (Gen. 39, 9). 
V^?P? D l^'7 nj ?^1 ^^?? ^IB ]^ <tnere is nothing better than 

that a man should rejoice in what he has done' (Ecc. 3, 22; 

cf. 2, 24; 2 cf. with DM '3, O 8, 15 and I Sam. 27. 1). 

The idea of 'nothing' as an entity = 'nothingness' 'thing 
of nought* is expressed by a combination of negative and a 
word for 'anything', viz., 13T*6, no^5; by ]im6 'not sub- 
stance 7 , and by a number of nouns or negatives used as nouns, 

1 3 in these constructions followed by a pronoun is very similar to 
constructions of 'such' (cf. p. 129 f.). 

2 If this passage belongs here p must have fallen out (cf, Die Fiinf 
Megittot; Der Prediger erklart von D. G. Wildeboer, Freiburg i. Br. [= 
Ivurz. Handc. zum AT., 17] p. 130 f.). 

186 Frank B. Blake, 

viz., )} 'falseness', )? 'non-entity', D5# (JJB#) 'ceasing, end 7 . 
s n^2 'not', tatf 'breath', nn 'wind', K]tf 'vanity, falseness', Vlh 
'waste, emptiness 7 , e. g., 

"Dl N^ D^n&iJTT 'oh ye that rejoice in nothingness [= a thing 
of no account]' (Am. 6, 13). 

^18 n^h 'he hangs the earth upon nothing' (Job 

e, 7). 

rtfta IJpJTIlSpl? 'thou sellest thy people for nought' (Ps. 
44,13). ! 

n - ; T. ^"fi^ ' an( * Bethel sna ll become nothingness' (Am. 
: ' 

jim ) S .:D ^D] 'my age is a nothing before thee 7 (Ps. 39, 6; 
r 'c Is. 41, 11). 

B INT rrifef tal 'and all her princes shall be nothing 7 (Is. 
'"34, 12). ' 
n s Jn^5^ 'and they look to what is nothing' (Ezk. 13, 3). 

rfljn.1 ^55 tan 'all is nothingness and striving after wind' 
(Ecc. 1, 14; cf. 1, 2). 

ViT. D^^jn] 'and the prophets shall become nothingness 7 
(Jer/5, 13). ' 

.D WV "1555 'turn aside my eyes from seeing things of 
nought 7 (Ps. 119, 37). 

n ^?^ 'they go to nothing and perish 7 (Job 6, 18; cf. 
26,7; Is. 29, 21). 

h; nn DiT^gtt DS^ )J Dta )n 'behold they are all 
vanity, their works are nothing, their molten images are 
wind and emptiness' (Is. 41, 29; cf. 40, 17; 23; 41,12; 24; 
49, 4). 

The idea 'for nothing, gratis 71 in which 'nothing 7 is an 
entity like the expressions in the last paragraph, is expressed 

by nan, e. g., 

'OrnngJ 'shouldst thou serve me for nothing 7 (Gen. 29, 15; 
cf. Ex. 21, 2; Is. 52, 5; Job 22, 6). 

^g m KT Dann 'does Job reverence God for nothing' 
(Job 1, 9). 
S^i D3n 'ye have sold yourselves for nought' (Is. 52, 3). 

i 'For nothing* = 'not for anything is rendered according to the rules 
that apply in general to 'some', 'any', 'no'; cf. nniKIS*? I Ki. 10, 21; II Ch. 
9,20: ^ Jer. 13, 7; 10. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 1H7 

Much, Many. 

These ideas used absolutely are expressed by the pronominal 
adjective 11, and by the infinitive absolute nil.n used as an 
invariable pronominal adjective. 1 The singular of 11, and 
nil.n are used for both 'much' and 'many'; 'many' is also ex- 
pressed by the plural of 11, e. g., 
tyr\ 11 *3 nt?lP# DJ* 'if I rejoice because my wealth is much' 

(Job 31, 25).' ' 
11 DJjn "?1 'but the people are many, much' (Ezr. 10, 13; cf. 

"Num. 13,'l8; I Sam. 14, 6; Is. 31, 1). 
*J$n.t 11 13 fljnjl 'and thou shalt know that thy offspring shall 

be many' (Job 5, 25). 
h& nil.TDNl t3Jtt?-DS 'whether he eats little or much' (Ecc. 

5, 11; cf. Hag. 1, 6; 9). 
W rai.n '3 Tj^nn "&-r\$ ISP] 'and let him remember the 

days of darkness, for they shall be many' (Ecc. 11, 8). 
INT"! D^ll 1KT 'many will see and fear 7 (Ps. 40, 4; cf. Job 

11, 19; Neh.'G, 18). 
Vorp D^l! V? 'for his mercies are many' (II Sam. 24, 14; cf. 

T Ezk. 33, 24). 

D^ll PHD" 1 , n$n 'lo thou hast instructed many' (Job 4, 3). 
D^ll nil '<nytf ^ 'for I have heard the slander of many' 

(Ps. 31, 14). 
D^ll^ Ti^n riS15 'I was a wonder to many' (Ps. 71, 7). 

tih] mil nil 'thou seest may things but dost not heed' 

(Is. 42^ 20). 

S ntjn Dill 'many are the afflictions of the righteous' (Ps. 

34, 20). 

Dj; nng D^ll ]n 'behold the people of the land are now 

many' (Ex. 5, 5). 

The adjective 11 may be used in the construct before a 
following genitive in the sense of having much of what the 
genitive denotes, e. g., 

full of kindness [h. much kindness]' (Jo. 2, 13; cf. Ex. 

34, 6; Ezk. 17, 7; Ps. 147, 5; Prov. 14, 29; 29, 22). 

i V23 'great, mighty', seems to be used in a sense very similar to 
'much' in Job 31, 25; Is. 16. 14. Certain of the higher round numbers, 
especially r\bx are employed at times in a somewhat indefinite sense 
very much like 'great number', 'very many'. They may stand either 
absolutely or attributively, e. g., Ps. 50, 10; 90, 4; 91, 7; Job 9, 3. 

188 Frank R. Blake, 

O 11 ^^ 'and he that hides his eyes shall have 
many curses' (Prov. 28, 27; cf. 16; 20; II Sam. 23, 20). 
^BN D\ia flS1] 'and she that has many children is become 
'feeble 7 (I Sam.' 2, 5). 
P ^a*! YJjn 'the city that had many people' (Lam. 1, 1). 

rh5f1K riS'l 'oh thou that hast many treasures [Babylon], 
thy end is come' (Jer. 51, 13). 

nwnnpn flai "sja to:?^ 'they shall mock thee . . . that art in 
"much confusion' (Ezk. 22, 5; cf. m Jer. 32, 19). 
These ideas used attributively are expressed by the same 
words employed as adjectives. The singular of a 1 ! is used 
with singulars and collectives, the plural with plurals, and 
naill (once XYtai.n) with any noun, 1 e. g., 
ai 'am 'much 'gold' (I Ki. 10, 2; cf. Dt. 28, 38 JHT; II Oh. 

32, 29 tsnrn). 

nri m:a 'much plunder' (II Ch. 14, 13; cf. I Ch. 18, 8 WHS). 
aVDjf'many people' (II Sam. 13, 34; cf. Jos. 11, 4; Ezk. 17, 9; 

II Ch. 30, 13; cf. Jos. 22, 8 TOpD). 
yy\ ^113 Dj; 'a people great and many' (Dt. 2, 21). 
n naio 'much good' (Ecc. 9, 18). 

fll "no?n 'much wisdom and understanding' (I Ki. 5, 9). 
'many years' (Ecc. 11, 8; cf. Ecc. 6, 11 D^ri; 12, 12 

; Jos. 22, 8 niD^). 

l DMH 'many nations' (Dt. 7, 1; 15, 6; 28, 12; cf. Gen. 21, 34 
; Jos. 22, 8 D^DDi; II Sam. 22, 17 D^B). 
^BX 'many peoples' (Is. 2, 3; 17, 12; Ezk. 3, 6; 32, 9; 10; 
38, 9; 15; Mi. 4, 3; 13; 5, 7; Zech. 8, 22). 

j 'many cities' (Zech. 8, 20; cf. Ps. 106, 43 D^yS: 
Neh. 9, 30; Ecc. 11, 8 w#fc nain). 
nn nijn 'many evils and troubles' (Dt. 31, 17; 21), 
tib msn.n t^5^ VD 'eating much honey is not good' (Prov. 
25, 27). 

The plural of y] sometimes precedes its noun, e. g., 
D\>? D^l 'many sons' (I Ch. 28, 5; cf. Jer. 16, 16 D'TO; Ps. 
32, 10 D-aifcCB; Prov. 7, 26 D^H). 

an 'many daughters' (Prov. 31, 29; cf. Neh. 9, 28 

i The adjective 31B 'good' may be employed just as in English, in a 
sense somewhat like 'much', viz., 'good with respect to size, quantity', 
cf. Gen. 15, 15; 25, 8; 30, 20; Prov. 31, 18; Ecc. 4, 9. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. is 1 .) 

The ideas 'much', 'many' used attributively may also be ex- 
pressed by the nouns 3*1, rP3"]0 (once) 'abundance 7 in the 
construct before a singular, or a plural or collective noun 
respectively, 1 e. g., 

fc-ri 'much food' (Prov. 13, 23; cf. en. 27, 28; Ps. 37, 11; 
72, 7; Job 36, 18; Ecc. 1, l&Us). 
h 'many slain' (Nah. 3, 3). 

h 'many years' (Job 32, 7; cf. Prov. 14, 4; 20, 15). 
3h 'thy many kindnesses' (Ps. 106, 7). 
Epn rpaitt ^q 'half of the greatness of thy wisdom' (II Ch. 

Similar ideas are expressed by the prepositional phrase 3*b 
'in abundance' placed after the noun. The construction is 
late, occurring chiefly in Chronicles (elsewhere I Ki. 1, 19; 25; 
Zech. 14, 14; Job 26, 3; Neh. 9, 25), e. g., 
H? hr$ 'much iron' (I Ch. 22, 3 bis; cf. 8; II Ch. 9, 1; 17, 5; 

18,1; 24, 11: ptSH II Ch. 11, 23). 
tfb Jfcft 'many sheep' (I Ch. 12, 40; cf. II Ch. 14, 14; 16, 8; 

18, 2; 29, 35; 32,5; 29). 
2-b D^nni 'many sacrifices' (I Ch. 29, 21; cf. 22, 4; 29, 2; II Ch. 

2, 8; 30, 24: before noun I Ch. 22, 15). 

Occasionally n^n is employed instead of 31 in this con- 
struction, e. g., 

na^.n^ 11^3 'abundance of all kinds of wine' (Neh. 5, 18). 
ttfyff D'BhB 'many horsemen' (II Ch. 16, 8). 

In a few passages these phrases with h are employed ab- 
solutely, e. g., 

rrn Ihb rs 'for it [iron] was much, in abundance 7 (I Ch. 22, 14; 
'cf. IlCh. 20, 25; 31, 10). 

Attributive 'much 7 , 'many' is sometimes expressed by 113 
'heavy', e. g., 
153 Dj; 'many people, a large army' (Num. 20, 20; cf. Ex. 

12, 38; I Ki. 10, 2; II Ch. 9, 1). 

The expression "H3 'as much as a sufficiency of 7 (cf. p. 194), 
is sometimes used in a sense closely approximating 'much 7 , 
'many', e. g., 

*$BJ )1^2i '''pi 'and there will be enough [much] contempt and 
' wrath 7 (Esth. 1, 18). 

1 For )lttn 'multitude' before a genitive in the sense of 'very much, 
many' cf. p. 192 f. 

190 Frank E. Blake, 

Attributive 'many' is expressed by a species of repetition, 
singular + plural of same noun in 
ni'HtSh mtf "^ ^n^JJ 'I procured for myself . . . many concubines' 

(Bcc. 2, 8). 

The plural of 'day' D 1 ^ is sometimes employed in the sense 
of 'a considerable time, many days', 1 e. g., 
D^D" 1 PUTl 5 ! fcttnj toft ^atfrn 'and she and he and her family had 

food' for many days' (1 Ki. 17, 15; cf. Ps. 34, 13; Dan. 10, 14; 

11, 33). 

The ideas 'much', 'many', used partitively are expressed by 
an or nann + dependent noun after the prepositions ) or 

?, e - g-> 

D^IiTnp VINrj N3X& D^ani 'and many of the people of the land 

became Jews' (Esth. 8, 17; cf. Ezr. 3, 12; Dan. 12, 2). 
Dj;rr) ^DJ nann D31 'and many of the people also have fallen' ' 

T (II Sam. 1, 4). 

\] 'lest many of them [DJ? people] fall' (Ex. 19, 21). 
n 'much, many of Ephraim' (II Ch. 30, 18). 
ian 'much, many of the congregation' (II Ch. 30, 17). 2 

The same idea may be expressed by using independently 
the definite noun or pronoun of which logically a part is 
taken, and following it by an expression for 'much, many', e. g., 
Tfclp a*V? n^n D^arr^a "t?JJM 'and he made very many of all 

these 'vessels' (cf. II 'Ch. 4, 18). 

an may be used attributively as the modifier of a definite 
noun in the sense of 'great in quantity, number'. In this 
case it has of course the definite article like any descriptive 
adjective, 3 e. g., 
ann p^T. )1N$ 'the great [amount of] pride of Jerusalem' 

"(Jer. 13, 9). 
D^ain D s .sn ^IDai 'and the many waters will cover thee' (Ezk. 

26, 19). 
njn ann Dgn~^ 'upon this great [numerous] people' (I Ki. 5, 21; 

'cf. II Ch. 20, 12; 15). 

1 From this use is developed the meaning 'year', cf. Gesenius-Buhl, 
p. 292. 

2 II Sam. 24, 16 also belongs here if we take SI. together with DJtt JVntf&n 
= 'the destroyer of many of the people', SI, however, may also be taken 
separately = 'it is enough', cf. p. 201. 

3 In D^ain "iT^fil (Dan. 12, 3) the article of course belongs to the 
whole expression 'turners of many to righteousness'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 191 

n^jn VT : 1 'and it came to pass after those many 
days [after a long time]' (Ex. 2, 23). 
:nn JlDSJ^p^J 'in all the great [numerous] multitude' (Is 

16, 14).' 

:nn sj^a 'thy great [much] kindness' (Neh. 9, 35). 
n^l.H spgrri 'thy many mercies' (Dan. 9, 18; Neh. 9, 19; 27; 31; 

cf. II Ki. 9, 22; Jer. 11, 15). 

D'Snrn nn?{n nnjn ^ 'the mighty and many waters of the 
river' (Is. 8, 7). 

Used absolutely with the article the singular 2") is employed 
in a similar sense. The plural with article has sometimes the 
force of a superlative, sometimes apparently the same force as 
the form without article', e. g., 

inn n#p 'from [the tribe] that is numerous thou shalt 
take many [cities]' (Num. 35, 8; cf. 26, 54; 33, 54). 
IH DiN 13 'for you are the most [more] numerous' (I Ki. 
18, 25). 

rrn *6 D'^nn ^^ 'and among [the] many nations 
[that exist] there was no king like him' (Neh. 13, 26). 

a D^tffl1 'and he will make them rule over many' (Dan. 
11, 39; cf. Is. 53, 12). 2 

; DJ> tystyW 'and they that understand among the 
people shall instruct many' (Dan. 11, 33: cf. 9, 27; Is. 53, 11; 
Esth. 4, 3). 2 

The ideas 'much', 'many' may also be expressed by various 
conjugations of the verbs Hm, am, and DXJJ (apparently only 
once and then in a construction meaning 'more* cf. p. 196), e. g., 
te~\ ^ "O^tf n*p. 'consider my enemies, for they are many' (Ps. 
25, 19;' cf. I Sam. 14, 30; I Ch. 23, 17). 

nut? ^ ^Tl 'and the years of thy life shall be many' 
(Prov/4, 10). 
)} n& 'increase and be many' (G-en. 1, 22). 

12H D1*H 'now-a-days there are many servants that . . . ' 
(I Sam. 25, 10; cf. Is. 66, 16; Jer. 5, 6; 14, 7). 
b Dm} bnr\~^ \1^1 'and when men began to become many' 
(Gen. 6, 1). 

1 This article is perhaps the indefinite definite article, the sense being 
'those that are many under the conditions that prevail' (cf. p. 172, n. 1). 

2 It is possible, of course, that in these examples 3 and b are to read 
for a and b. 

192 Frank R. Blake, 

; make your army great [much] and come out r , 

. 29). 

rrn na*jn "1#8J ; and who slew many of us [made many 
our slain]* '(Jud. 16, 24; cf. Hos. 8, 11). 

an( l tho thou takest much soap' (Jer. 2. 22; cf. 
Gen3, 16; Num. 26, 54; 33, 54; 35, 8; II Ch. 33, 23). 
'1D nai.H 'he makes many stumble' (Jer. 46, 16). 
n^fin I^Jtfn tib] 'and he that gathered much had nothing 
'over' (Ex.' 16, 18; cf. 17; Ecc. 6, 11; Neh. 9, 37). 
The ideas 'much', 'many' may be emphasized by the addition 
of the adverb Tfcl? 'very', e. g., 

Tfci? ni ^a 'for his camp is very great' (Jo. 2, 11). 
nai n^n rrm 'and the fish shall te very numerous' (Ezk. 
47, 9). 

nain r^i n$0] 'and the land remaining is very much' 
(os. 13, 1). ' 

Vfifjl D'ljn ''S 'for his mercies are very many' (I Ch. 
21, 13).' 

nnt 'very much gold' (I Ki. 10, 2). 
njlpp 'very much cattle' (Jos. 22, 8; cf. 11, 4; Ezr. 10. 1; 
II Ch. 32, 29). 

n; 'very much copper' (I Ch. 18, 8). 

^ 'very many garments' (Jos. 22, 8; cf. Gen^ 
41, 49; Jer. 40, 12; II Ch. 14, 13). 

^n 'a very great force' (II Ch. 24, 24; cf. 9, 9; 
30, 13). 

lB 'very many horsemen' (II Ch. 16, 8). 

iT^I "b>jn 'and he made very many of all 
these vessels' (II CL4, 18). 

Tl? 'with a very great force' (I Ki. 10, 2; II Ch. 
9,1; cf. Ex.' 12, 38). 

in I^^J 'and that ye may become very many' (Dt. 
6, 3). ' 

: l 'and [the water DW] became very much' (G-en. 7, 18 ; 

cf. 47, 27; Ps. 107, 38). 

)1DH 'multitude' + genitive may be regarded as the emphatic 
form of ah + genitive (cf. p. 189); the genitive may also be 
modified by ai, e. g., 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. ' 193 

JlJDH #l 'and he desired a great many [very many] 

wives' (II Ch. 11, 23; cf. Is. 29, 5fos; Jer. 10, 13; 49, 32; 

51, 16) . J 

pen n^ rrrn 'and thou shalt become a father of very 

many nations' (Gen. 17, 4; cf. 5). 
D^l D'-Sj; pan in 'woe to the multitude of many nations' (Is. 

17, 12; cf. Dan. 11, 10). 2 

For the expression of 'many such' cf. p. 130. 

When these ideas 'much', 'many' modify the first term of a 
comparison of equality they need not he definitely expressed, 
the meaning being borne by the comparative construction. 
The second term in this case consists of ? + noun or "itfgs + 
sentence. These ideas in such a comparison, however, may 
be more definitely rendered by the addition of the phrase 
2rb 'in quantity, in number'. Sometimes 'much', 'many' is 
definitely expressed by 2"), &c., in the first term. Sometimes 
^h is added pleonastically to this construction, e. g., 
Vn| Bh* rptffi jnn N"^ 'it shall be for all the sons of 

Aaron, for one as much as the other' (Lev. 7, 10). 

Jtt?^TJP &*. rto W^J. 'and we will cut trees 

from Lebanon as many as thou wantest [according to all 

thy desire]' (II Ch. 2, 15). 

jKJj) "IBftte * np 'and take for yourself as much as you 

want' (I Sam. 2,16).' 

1V n#3 bp tftfJKn ninj-llpK-nK fc6 'fill the men's sacks 

with as much food as they can carry* (Gen. 44, 1). 
D* t n nstr^j; 1^ ^in Qgl 'and people as many as the sand 

on the seashore' (I Sam. 13, 5; cf. Jud. 6, 5; 7, 12&is; II Sam. 

17, 11). 

^'n ^ID? Dl 8 n DDSni 'and you are this day as many as 

the stars in heaven' (Dt i, 10; cf. 10, 22; 28, 62; I Ki. 10, 27; 

II Ch. 1,15; 9,27). 
^\b Dn riD^'^j; IB^g bins ^ Dj; 'a people as numerous as the 

sand on the seashore' (Jos. 11, 4; cf. I Ki. 4, 20). 
"DH3 EJJ'T^ "Hin^ ^DV] 'and JHVH will add to the people as 

many again as they are . . . ' (II Sam. 24, 3). 

1 In I Ki. 18, 41, pen may mean either 'murmuring' or 'abundance' 
oaten pttn ^ip rp 'for there is the sound of the murmuring of [of very much] 
rain'; so also perhaps Jer. 10, 13; 51, 16. 

2 In Ps. 37, 16 D'31 D')?Bh Tittn means 'the abundant wealth of many 
wicked men'. 

13 JAOS 34. 

194 Frank E. 

'if there is as much as a step between 

me and death' (I Sam. 20, 3). 
D'DPl DV? Kin 5 ? P$"*6l "t?Wn IbSJM 'and the sun stood still . . . 

and did not hasten to go down for as much as a whole day 7 

(Jos. 10, 13; cf. Num. 11, 31; II Sam. 19, 37; Ru. 1, 4; 2, 17: 

Is. 26, 20; Ezr. 9, 8; II Ch. 12, 7; Ps. 105, 12; I Ch. 16, 19).* 

'As much, many as 7 may also he expressed by H 'sufficiency' 
+ genitive, alone or preceded by ?: nh^ may be employed as 
in the last construction, e. g., 
nfc? "H TP jrari *6 CJ*1 'and if his hand can not reach to as 

much as a sheep [if he cannot afford]' (Lev. 5. 7; cf. 12, 8; Jer. 

51, 58 6w; Hab. 2, 13 6w). 
tn^ H? ^??^ I" 1 , nyfrni 'and he can afford as much as its 

redemption [requires] 1 (Lev. 25, 26; cf. Dt. 25, 2). 
m '!? "UTINVI^ U^|5 'we redeemed our brethren ... as many 

'as we could' (NL 5. 8). 
nhb n51"n.5 ^51 'and they came as many as locusts in number 7 

(Jud/6. 5). 

The idea of 'as much, many as' may be expressed also by 
"I5pp 'number', e. g.. 
sprfttf VH 5J S 1JJ "iBpp ^ 'for thy gods were as many as [the 

number of] thy cities' (Jer. 11, 13; 2, 28). 
"nin^jp cript? p^n s : nisn ISpp 5 ! 'ye have erected altars as 

many as the streets of Jerusalem' (Jer. 11, 13; cf. Job 1, 5). 
OIBpl?^ D^J Wb^5 'and they took as many wives as they them- 

selves were' (Jud. 21, 23; cf. Jos. 4, 5). 

The idea 'so much, such a great quantity, number' used 
without expressed second term of the comparison, may be 
rendered by 1^ or 11, e. g.. 
K1H 11. '3 V?#rrn D^ft ntSh^ D^O; rri s .l 'and they were three 

days taking the spoil, for it was so much' (II Ch. 20, 25). 

a^ 'for what purpose do you make so many 

[are your many] sacrifices to me 7 (Is. 1, 11). 

'because thy transgressions are so many [on ac- 

count, of thy many]' (Jer. 30, 14; 15; cf. Hos. 9. 7; Lam. 

1, 5). 

1 From this use of 3 is developed the meaning 'about* both quanti- 
tative and temporal, cf. Gesenius-Buhl, p. 326: in many of the examples 
here given 3 may be translated by 'about'. The same 2 is found in HS3 
'how much', EPOS 'almost'. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 195 

1DD1 tfb 'it could not be counted, it was so much [for 
multitude]' (Gen. 16,10; 32, 13; I Ki. 3, 8; cf. 1 Ki. 8, 5; 
II Ch. 5, 6; Dt. 28, 47; Jos. 9, 13; Ezk. 27, 12; 16; 18; 28, 18; 
Nali. 3. 4; Zech. 2, 8; Job 35, 9; Lam. 1, 3). 
The idea ' times as much, many' may be rendered by a 

numeral expression followed ?, but it is usually expressed as 

a comparative (cf. p. 196), e. g., 

Drrrix'Bn^ yzy? nss 03^35 'flp;l 'and I will bring seven times 
as many plagues upon you as your sins deserve' (Lev. 
26, 21). 

D^pjte r$$ DD3 DJ^j; ^ TOT 'JHVH will make you a thous- 
and times as many as you are' (Dt. 1, 11; cf. II Sam. 24. 3; 1 
I Ch. 21, 3). 


This idea in the sense of 'in addition to' is the same as 
the idea 'other' that means 'in addition to' and is expressed 
by the adverb, Tty, rP3# (cf. p. 133 f.). 

The idea 'more' in the first term of a comparison of super- 
iority is regularly expressed by the words that denote 'much', 
'many' followed by the comparative preposition )p, tho they 
may be omitted, e. g., 
l-l&rp Dttgl 31 *?Nnt^ ^ Dj; nan 'behold the Israelites are more 

numerous and mightier than we are' (Ex. 1, 9; cf. Dt. 20, 1; 

Am. 6, 2). 
nj na-jn ^ r\rb miT^ t# 'JHVH is able to give thee more 

' than this'' (II Ch. 25, 9; cf. Ecc. 2, 7). 
lDj;D 2l toSJJ ^ 'for there are more with us than with him' 

(II Ch. 32/7).' 
dni -\U?$$ n 1^ D^n ^ 'for those that are with us are 

more numerous than those that are with them' (II Ki. 

6, 16 ;2 Is. 54, 1; I Ch. 24, 4). 

|n Dylan D\$n "IDK'n ^ 'if thou sayest . . . these nations 

are more numerous than I' (Dt. 7, 17). 

1 Here D <1 px?5 nso DH2} DH3 may mean 'as many as they are, and a 
hundred times as many as they are', i. e. 'not only once but a hundred 
times as many'. Others think it means 'a hundred times and again a 
hundred times as many', cf. K. Budde, Die Bucher Samuel, Tubingen u. 
Leipzig, 1902 [= Kurz. Handc. zurn AT., 8], p. 329. 

2 Kead Dnx for nnlN, cf. Grit. Ed. of Book of Kings by B. Stade and 
F. Schwallyl Leipzig, 1904 (= SBOT, 9) p. 207, 1. 10. 

196 Frank E. Blake, 

v s r n| rvpn "i#ge D^I imo| rrorr ntfK D^n ^.3 'and those 

*he killed in his death were more than those he killed in 
his life-time 7 (Jud. 16, 30; cf. Jos. 10, 11). 

VSniap "^^T. & *l^?n '^he rich man shall not give 
more .'."'.'"than 'half a shekel' (Ex. 30, 15). 

IHD 'they are more in number than the sand' (Ps. 
139, 18; cf. I Ki. 5, 10). 

N1 nnJJ&P }5H 'my enemies are more numerous than 
the hairs of my head' (Ps. 69, 5; cf. Jer. 46, 23). 

i"lSJ& }?} 'they are more numerous than the hairs of 
my head' (Ps! 40, 13). 

mrP p$n D^gf^St? 0?|}9 & 'not because you were more 
numerous than any other people has JHYH loved you . . . ' 
(Dt. 7, 7). 

.rYDSfirrri^ s sn : rn 'and thou hast made thy abominations 
more than they [did]' (Ezk. 16, 51; cf. Ex. 36, 5). 

H.6 fin} 'this has more rest than the other' (Ecc. 6, 5; cf. 
Prov. 26, 12; 29, 20). 

J30 "Ito5 D 11 ^ ini 'and he will stand more years than 
the king of the north' (Dan. 11, 8; cf. Ezk. 16, 52; 23, 11 Us; 
Ps. 4, 8; Esth. 2, 17). 

HrrjO V10TI? ni&j n?to!!? D??^!! 'and Manasseh seduced to 
do more evil than did the nations . . . ' (II Ki. 21, 9). 
JS 'my righteousness is more than G-od's' (Job 35, 2). 

The idea ' times as much, many' may be expressed by this 
same construction, e. g., 
HIT Eton D^3 nfcty r*?;?? ni^tt nini 'and Benjamin's portion 

was five times as much [morej as the portions of all [the 

others]' (Gen. 43, 34). 

The ideas 'more than' 'as much, many as' may be rendered 
by a numeral expression followed by by_ 'over', e. g., 
T08"^ in D?^ *f? ^nnj \SfcjJ 'and I will give thee one shoulder 

[of land] more than thy brothers' (Gen. 48, 22). 
Dl' DV ^fij?^. 1^ ^ njt^p n;ril 'and it was double as much as 

they gathered every day' (Ex. 16, 5). 
DrrriK&rr'rj; jn&? " D ? ; ?? ^O^ni. 'and I will punish you seven 

times as much as your sins [deserve]' (Lev. 26, 24; cf. 28). 

The verb f)D^ 'to add, do more, make more' usually in the 
Hiphil, may express the idea of 'more'. Sometimes it is com- 
bined with other constructions denoting 'more', e. g., 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 197 

*)D; t6i "mrp n^ n^n D^rrntf 'these words JHVH spoke 

. . . and no more' (Dt. 5, 19). 

"T3 r\*& nil ^ HliT nfe rto 'JHVH do so to me and more 
also if . . .'' (Ru. 1, 17; cf. I Sam. 14, 44; 20, 13; II Sam. 3, 9; 
3, 35; I Ki. 2, 23; 19, 2: with DM I Sam. 3, 17; 25, 22; I Ki. 
20, 10; II Ki. 6, 31: with K^'DN II Sam. 19, 14-cf. also Ps. 
120, 3; Ezk. 5, 16). 

*)"pir 'to make the guilt of Israel more, greater' 
(Ezr. 10, 10; cf. Ezk. 23, 14; Ps. 71, 14; Job 34, 32). 
S?SJ rnrp *)p s 'JHVH will increase you [= make you more]' 
(Ps. 115, 14). 

Itf K njtiMftr^S Jtop; 'thou hast added to the report that 
heard' (II Ch. 9, 6). 

*)W njn fpp'H 'and he that increases knowledge, increases 
pain' (Ecc. 1, 18; cf. Neh. 13, 18). 

K "131^ "fly in *)'p1 9 TTOl 'and what more can David say to 
you' (II Sam. 7, 20; cf. Prov. 11, 24). 

D^J; vhtf Ity *f? Pi?p^ 'then thou shalt get three 
more [other] cities besides these three' (Dt. 19, 9). 
v *?vrjlp m ^D'^SO "nite^ nD ^]p1 8 1 'and Ahab did more . . . than 

all the kings of Israel V. . ' (I Ki. 16, 32). 
DDTuXtan-^j; yitf DD^N nis^ ^p;i 'and I will chastise you 
seven times as much as your sins deserve' (Lev. 26, 18). 


This idea may be rendered by making definite the ex- 
pressions for 'much', 'many', e. g., 

3 'for you are the .most numerous' (I Ki. 18,2s). 1 

Dlfcrni 'most men will proclaim, each his own 
goodness' (Prov. 20, 6j. 2 

This idea in the sense of partitive 'majority, greater number 
of may also be expressed b/ n^l.O followed by the definite 
genitive of the modified noun or pronoun, e. g.. 

1 Possibly also D"21^ Esth. 4, 3; cf., however, 31 with article in an in- 
definite sense, p. 191. In Ex. 16, 17; 18, the article of naien makes the 
participle definite, not the idea of 'much', in v. 18, however, *p.J?n & 
naisn 'and he that gathered much had nothing over' nai&n comes very 
close to being a superlative and was perhaps felt as such (cf. 

Num. 11, 32), tho it is more likely that it has the same force as 
in v. 17, which is certainly not superlative. 

2 Here 01"31 T is poetical for D1n 3*1 with article. 

198 Frank R. Blake, 

"DJjn rV!f!P '3 'for most of the people had not 
cleansed themselves' (II Ch. 30, 18). 
"Dnpttf DJVSn.e narrngl 'hitherto most of them had watched 
(I S Ch. 12,29).* 

A little, Few. 

The idea of 'a little' both absolutely and attributively is 
expressed by tD5?p : l when used attributively it usually stands in 
the construct before its noun, but may stand after it in the 
genitive, e. g., 

rrDKl BJJp'DK 'whether he eats little or much' (Ecc. 
5, 11; cf. Gen. 30, 15; 30; Dt. 28, 38; Jos. 22, 17; Hag. 1, 6; 
9; 2, 6; Ps. 8, 6; 37, 16; Prov. 15, 16; 16, 8). 

Bh lb 'the heart of the wicked is like a little [thing]' 
(Prov. 10, 20). 

"'3 BJJpn 'is it a little thing that . . . ' (Num. 16, 13). 
D'D tSJtt? 'a little water' (Gen. 18, 4; 24, 17; 43, 2; Ilbis', 44, 25; 
"l Sam. 14, 29; I Ki. 17, 12; Prov. 6, 10; 24, 33: Is. 26, 20; 2 
Ezr. 9, 8 2 ). 
BJp 1$ 'a little help' (Dan. 11, 34; cf. Ecc. 10, 1; Ezk. 11, 16). 

'A little' is also expressed by "V5N in 

DC? -vjn Dtf Y?tt 'here a little, there a little' (Is. 28, 10; 13). 
The idea of 'few' used absolutely may be expressed by tSJJp, 
its plural D^BJJp, or by "IBpp 'number': used attributively, it is 
expressed by Bgp, "iSpp or IJJtp (only once) used in the genitive, 
or as adjective after its noun; by 1J$p in the construct before 
following genitive (only once); by D^O? as adjective after a 
plural noun (cf. p. 173); by the dual or the numeral two in 
the sense of 'a couple', 'one or two', e. g., 

JJP DJjni 'and the people in it were few' (Neh. 7, 4; cf. 
Ecc. 9, 14). 

*$# '91 Vn D'jni &j;p 'few and evil were the years of my 
life'' (Gen. 4*7, 9; cf. Job 10, 20). 

tDj?P \3 'for they are few' (Jos. 7, 3). 
V r.7: 'his days shall be few' (Ps. 109, 8; cf. Ecc. 5, 1). 
rnp "iTI nb;"b1 'and let him not die and his men not 
be few' (Dt. 33/6; cf. Is. 10, 19). 

1 yfittf 'whisper' is used in a sense somewhat like 'a little' in Job 
4, 12; 26, 14. 

2 yF\ r B37J33 in these two passages means 'as much as a little bit of a 
moment', 'for a very little while' (cf. pp. 193f., 194, n.). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 199 

\ DK Kin tDgpn 'whether they [Dyn the people] are few or 
many 7 (Num.'l3, 18; cf. I Sam. 14, 6). 
y Bj;& D^JK 1 'and few men were with me' (Neh. 1 2). 
t? Tip 'a few men' (Dt. 26, 5; 28, 62). 

D'p; 'a few days' (Num. 9, 20). 
IBpp Tip ; a few men' (Glen. 34, 30; Dt. 4, 27; Jer. 44, 28; Ps. 
T i05, 12; I Ch. 16, 19; cf. Job 16, 22). 
'a few men' (Is. 24, 6). 
'a few men' (II Ch. 24, 24). 
D 1 ^ 1 Bhh 1 D^ 1N 'either a few days or a month or many 

days [a year]* (Num. 9, 22). 

"D^P D^ rifi^pp ^iH] 'and see I am gathering a stick or 
two . ..' (1 Ki.'lT, 12). 

The idea of 'few in number' may also be expressed by YJJS. 
Just as 2^ may take the genitive in the sense of 'having 
much, many', his word may take a dependent noun with h 
in the sense of 'having few, few in', e. g., 

T\\ 'and the numerous [people] will serve the one 
few nT number (Gen. 25, 23; cf. Mi. 5, 1; Ps. 68, 28). 

^ "PJ?2frfl 'and the one few in number [shall be] a mighty 
nation' (Is. 60, 22). 
D" 1 )?;^ ^ TJ?S 'I have but few days' (Job 32, 6; cf. 30, l).i 

Like 1*1 (cf. p. 191) BJttp may take the article in the sense 
of 'small in number', and in the jsense of a superlative, e. g., 
inbm B'TOFl vy$b} 'and to the [tribe] small in number thou 

shalt give a little portion' (Num. 26, 54; 33, 54; cf. 35, 8). 
Dnsgrrtsp tSJttpn D$ ^ 'for you are the smallest in number 
of 'all' the peoples' (Dt. 7, 7). 

The idea of 'few' used partitively is expressed by one of 
the words for 'few' governing the modified noun with the 
preposition ]D or 5 e - g-? 

K Drip W.niHI 'and I will leave a few of them' (Ezk. 
12, 16)." 

tsj;p ^1^ '? 'for we are left a few of many' (Jer. 
42, 2). 

BPP5 tsj;p D^p nn^l 'and thou wilt take from there a few 
of the number' (Ezk. 5, 3). 

i From Buch cases as these, TPS develops the meaning 'young', cf. 
Gesenius-Buhl, p. 683. 

200 Frank E. Slake, 

Dl 'and if there remain but few 
of the years to the year of jubilee' (Lev. 25, 52). 
The ideas 'a little', 'few' may also be expressed by verbal 
forms derived from the stem BJflD, e. g , 

in 1 ! 'and I will make them many and they will 
not be few' (Jer. 30, 19; cf. Neh. 9, 32; Piel Ecc. 12, 3). 

ni 'and they [*7^n JVH the wild beasts] will make 
you few in number' (Lev. 26, 22; cf. II Ki. 4, 3; ]S T um. 26, 54; 
33, 54; 35, 8). 

ID^psni JtrifcH )&$*} 'and gathered, both those that gathered 
much and those that gathered little' (Ex. 16, 17; cf. 18). 
The ideas 'a little', 'few' are apparently emphasized by 
used adverbially, just as 'much', 'many' are emphasized by 
'very', e. g., 

'"! 1JJ|0 BJM? TIP 'jet a very little [time] and . . . ' (Is. 10, 25; 
" 29,' 17). 
Ijnp By*? "IKt^l 'and the rest shall be very few' (Is. 16, 14). 

When the noun depending on ttJJ$ is also modified by a 
demonstrative, it may apparently stand either with or without 
article, e. g., 

Hjn &y\ toy$ 'a little of this honey' (I Sam. 14, 29). 
'those few sheep' (I Sam. 17, 28). 


The idea 'less' in the first term of a comparison of inferi- 
ority may be expressed by one of the words denoting 'a little', 
'few' followed by the comparative preposition ))?. The word 
denoting 'a little', 'few', however, may be omitted, e. g., 

^nap wy& & ^rn 'and the poor shall not give less 
than haff a shekel' (Ex. 30, 15). 

l^ ^ nt ^ 'that God exacts of thee [less] than thine 
iniquity [deserves]' -(Job 11, 6). 

ta^ljj ^Hhl DS!^^ 'they are accounted by him [as less] than 
nothing' (Is. 40, 17). 

Bfi D-'TJ?? ^Jf 'Ipnb nnv.1 'and now those that have fewer 
days that I, mock me' (Job 30, 1). 


This idea may be expressed by making the expressions for 
'a little', 'few' definite, e. g., 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 201 

pn DflK '3 'for you are the least of all peoples', 
(Dt 7, 7). 

Tprj rnfc'g *)D$ &7?n 'and the one that gathered least 
gathered ten homers' (Num. 11, 32). * 

;^n <&:?$ nin?t^p-^3p rnj$n <nfl8#01 'and my gens is the 
least numerous of all the gentes of the tribes of Benjamin' 
(I Sam. 9, 21; cf. Jud. 6, 15). 

J> 0V "^?^ 'for the least little while thy holy people 
possessed it' (Is. 63, 18). 


This idea used absolutely may be rendered by y\ 'much' or 
^ 'sufficiency'. When that for which anything is a sufficiency 
is expressed, the construction is either 11 with *? + 'that for 
which', or ^ with possessive suffix or following genitive, e. g., 
in 'it is enough' (Gen. 45, 28; II Sam. 24, 16; 2 I Ki. 19, 4; 

I Ch. 21,15; cf. Ex. 9, 28). 
^?':n 'it is enough for thee' (Dt. 3, 26; cf. Ezk. 44, 6; 45,9; 

Dt. 33, 7). 

T1K nn 4na^ 'I have enough, my brother' (Gen. 33, 9). 
Hjn 1H2 rot? D^b y\ 'you have dwelt long enough on this hill 

[enough is your dwelling on this hill]' (Dt. 1, 6; cf. 2, 3). 
t| T <|{ ?5'"jJ? 'until there is not enough [room to hold it]' (Mai. 
" 3', 10), 

*$$ te 'eat enough for thyself (Prov. 25, 16). 
0*1 \3$\ tfbn 'would they not steal enough for themselves' 

(Ob.' 5; cf. Ex. 36, 7; Jer. 49, 9). 
H^ s \[ ]*$ inni 1^3 ^ J^ \\iztp 'Lebanon is not enough for 

a burning, nor its animals for a sacrifice' (Is. 40, 16; cf. Dt. 

15, 8; Nah. 2, 13; Jer. 51, 586is; Hab. 2, 13&w). 
6 n^n ^. n; n^fi ^"Dl 'and if his hand can not find 

enough to restore it to him' (Lev. 25, 28). 

The noun ]in 'substance' may be used absolutely with the 
meaning 'it is enough', like 11; occasionally to seems to have 
a meaning very similar to 'enough', 3 e. g., 

1 In Ex. 16, 17; 18 tfWBn has probably a positive meaning 'the one 
that gathered little', tho in v. 18 it approaches closer to the superlative 
meaning cf. naiten p. 197, n. 1. 

2 Cf. p. 190, 'n. 2. 

3 In Jud. 21, 14, )3 is regarded by some (cf. Gesenius-Buhli3 ; Leipzig, 
1899, p. 375) as having the meaning of 'enough', this meaning in this 

202 Frank E. Blake, 

*6 JDI.K 'four things do not say enough 1 (Prov. 30, 15; 

cf. 16). 
to'^t^J. r? '"TOia-ntf rnj? 'take, I pray, my present ... for I 

have all [I need, 'enough]' (Gen. 33, 11). 

As an attribute this idea may be expressed by "H or njnt? 
+ the genitive of the noun of which there is a sufficiency. 1 
Sometimes one of the expressions for 'enough' used absolutely 
has practically the force of an attribute, e. g. ? 
D'$ ni?rr 'n 'enough goat's milk 7 (Prov. 27, 27). 
JTpSjn ^ 'enough of the service' (Ex. 36, 5). 
D)ri/> nj&t? 'bread enough' (Ezk. 16, 49). 

N12pp"D$ l^ft" * 'we have both straw and fodder enough 

[both straw and fodder are enough with us]' (Gen. 24, 25). 

The idea of enough may also be expressed by the verbs 
, mtf 'to be sufficient', KSD 'to reach', yift 'to have enough, 
be sated', the last usually with reference to food, e. g., 
"DJ?!r^ D^g^ )1"H?# IBg p'St?TDK if the dust of Samaria 

were enough for handfuls for all the people . . . ' (I Ki. 

20, 10). 
'"h nj# tt!pN nr^l 'and all this is not enough for me . . . ' 

(Esth. 5, 13). 
}3 Dr6 IN^D tih] 'and yet [even thus] they were not enough for 

them' (Jud. 21, 14; cf. Num. 11, 126i; Hos. 12, 92). 
"inn ttb KSBV tfh 'the mountain is not enough for us 7 (Jos. 

17, 16; cZech. 10, 10). 
tsn-yatr. D s pn ffr(^ brb-yzw ino*] nni; 'he that works his 

land will have enough bread, but he that follows vain 
things will have his fill of poverty' (Prov. 28, 19; cf. 30, 16). 
"5>;t?rn ^H'rn 'and she ate and had enough . . . ' (Ru. 2, 14; 
cf. Ezk. 16, 286w; Hos. 4, 10; Prov. 30, 15; II Ch. 31, 10). 

'they never have enough' (Is. 56, 11). 
'that they may eat enough' (Is. 23, 18; cf. Hag. 

ng^P ninm 1t^ n 'what she left after she had enough' 
(Ru. 2, 18). 

passage, however, is expressed by the verb NS (cf. p. 202), p having its 
usual meaning 'thus, even so'. So regarded in Gesenius-Buhl is. 

1 ^p + genitive is said to occasionally have the meaning of 'every : , 
cf. p. 153, n. 2. 

2 To be read NBH "iBte ]\y*> wsa? & ^r^~^ ' a11 nis goods are not enough 
for the sins he has committed' cf. K. Marti, Dodekapropheton, p. 96. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 203 

Too mucli, too little. 

These ideas are ordinarily rendered by one of the expressions 
for -much', 'a little', usually by 31 and BJJp, either used ab- 
solutely or followed by the comparative preposition ]0: in the 
latter case BJJp may be omitted, e. g., 
y\ Dj;n "fly 'the people are still too many' (Jud. 7, 4). 
D 1 ? 21 '[you take] too much upon you' (Num. 16, 3). 

rr6g8 DD^ ni 'it is too much [long] for you to go up to 

Jerusalem' (I Ki. 12, 28; 19, 7). 

1 rnirp : ^ pbn rrn '? 'for the portion of the Judahites 

was too much for them' (Jos. 19, 9). 
DTia n"n ^np ^jn 1#K Dj;n ni 'the people with thee are 

too many for me to give the Midianites into their hand' 

(Jud. 7, 2). 
*|Tjn *JI30 nri-pai 'and if the way is too much [long] for thee' 

(Dt 14, 24)'. 
&j;p D1 'and if it is too little' (II Sam. 12, 8; cf. Num. 

16, 13[?]). 

tOJJp'? "tnrpn pi 'but the priests were too few' (II Ch. 29, 34). 
"D|P Bj?)?n 'is it too little for you . . . ' (Num. 16, 9; Is. 7, 13; 

Ezk. 34, 18; cf. Job 15, 11; Ezk. 16, 20[?]). 
H^p ni rpan W$&* Dl 'and if the family is too few [in 

number] for a lamb' (Ex. 12, 4). 
DHS n ^| bni S?.l 'and the boundaries of the Danites were 

'too little for" them' (Jos. 19,47). 

'Too much' may also be expressed by 'more than enough' 
(cf. p. 202), e. g, 
nDsbD 1 ? rrpj^ri ^.p ^n^> Dj;n n^aiO 'the people furnish more 

than enough service for the work' (Ex. 36, 5). 


This idea used absolutely in the sense of 'everything', 'all 
of it', 'all of them' referring either to all things in creation, 
or to all things in a certain class or set, is expressed by 
or b$r\ apparently without difference of meaning. When 
stands as subject of a verbal sentence, the verb may be plural 
when the subject represents a plural idea, 1 e. g., 

Cf. to, ton 'every one' p. 158. 

204 Frank R. Blalte, 

to 'thou hast put everything under his feet' 
(Ps. 8, 7; cf. Jer. 44, 18; Zeph. 1, 2; Prov. 16, 4; 28, 5; Job 
13, 1; 42,2). 

toviN D^ ij-in} 'I have given you all [of them]' (Gen. 9, 3). 
to nfcty nVT ^ 'I am JHYH, the maker of all 1 (Is. 44, 24; 

cf. Prov. 26, 10). 

to TDh? 'in want of all things' (Dt. 28, 48; 57; cf. 47; Ezk. 
44/30&M; Ps. 119, 128). 

"ifcgp ft"]? 1 '! 'and he gave him a tenth of all (Gen. 14, 20). 
ton 'everything is vanity' (Ecc. 1, 2; cf. I Ki. 6, 18; 7, 33; 
l Ki. 24, 16; 25, 17; Jer. 52, 22; Ps. 119, 91; Ecc. 2, 16; 3, 
20; 6, 6; 9, 2; Ezr. 2, 42; 8, 35; i Ch. 29, 16; II Ch. 28, 6; 

29, 28; 35, 7). 

5 ton 'all came to pass' (Jos. 21, 43; cf. II Sam. 17, 3; Ecc. 

'3, 20 Us). 

DD^ W3 ton 'they all came to pass for you' (Jos. 23, 14). 
"torrn^ )rten Ttpj?ni 'and the priest shall sacrifice all of it ... ? 

(Lev. 1, 9; cf. 13;'s, 27; Dt. 2, 36; Jos. 11, 19; II Sam. 19, 31; 

I Ki. 14, 26; Ecc. 3, 11; 7, 15; 10, 19; 11, 5; II Ch. 12, 9). 
in l^n ton 'David recovered everything, all of them' (I Sam. 

30, 19; cf. Ex. 29, 24; II Sam. 24, 23; Dan. 11, 2: Is. 65, 8; 
Ezk. 7, 14; Ezr. 1, 11; I Ch. 21, 23; 28, 19; 29, 19; II Ch. 36, 
17; 18). 

VT ton W ^ 'for he is the former of all things' (Jer. 10, 16; 

51, 19; cf. Is. 29, 11; II Ch. 31, 5). 
toa Drn;i*rn$ ipa mm 'and JHVH blessed A. in everything' 

(Gen. 24, 1; cf. II Sam. 23, 5; Ps. 103, 19; I Ch. 29, 12). 
)| to 1 ? 'everything has a time' (Ecc. 3, 1; 19; cf. I Ch. 29, 12: 

:> Job 24, 24). 

The pronoun to used absolutely may be modified by a 
relative clause, usually introduced by a relative pronoun, to 
in this case never takes the article, tho it may be preceded by 
the nota accusativi flN, e. g., 
^ ^'tol nn nton 'thou shalt die and all that is thine 7 

(Gen. 20, 7; cf. 6, 17; 13, 1; 31, 21; 43; 39, 3; 45, 11; Lev. 

15, 20fos; Num. 19, 14; II Sam. 16, 4; 1 Ki. 20, 4; Ezk. 

47, 9). 

at! 'and he left everything that he had in 

Joseph's hand' (Gen. 39, 6; cf. 3; 8; 21, 12[?]; Jud. 13, 14; 

I Sam. 9, 19; Nek 5, 19; 9, 6Us). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 205 

n# Drn : Kt? 'ye have observed everything 
that Moses 'commanded you' (Jos. 22, 2; cf. Gen. 12, 205 
24,36; 25,5; Ex. 20, 11; Num. 16, 30; Dt. 29, 8; 1 Sam. 
3, 12; II Sam. 14, 20; I Ki. 2, 36w; II Ki. 20, 15; Jer. 38, 9; 
Esth. 6, 13). 

n*p s \i "Mto te^ sj^ D"&1 'and put thy mind upon all 
that I "shall show thee' (Ezk. 40, 4; cf. Ex. 36, 1; Jos. 22, 2). 

rrn"iBte* to? ^ D\-6 'God is with thee in all that 
thou doe'st' (Gen. 21, 22; cf. 39, 5; Ex. 23, 13; I Ki. 2, 26; 
11, 37; Ecc. 9, 3). 

B^ ^n "1#K too nifc?S^ jnrn 'and thou didst evil more than 
all that were before thee' (I Ki. 14, 9; cf. 22; 16, 30; II Ki. 
21, 11; Ecc. 2, 7: Gen. 6, 2; Jud. 13, 13; Ezk. 43, 11). 

] UTS? infc Tj?$n 'and he placed him over his 
house and over all that he had' (Gen. 39, 5; cf. Num. 1, 50). 
infc TO "Ity'K ta| ni fcjPl 'and Noah did according to 
al that God commanded him' (Gen. 6, 22; cf. 7, 6; Ex. 

29, 35; 31, 11; 39, 32; 42; 40, 16; Num. 2, 34; 8, 20; 9, 5; 

30, 1; Dt. 1, 3; 41; II Ki. 11, 9; II Ch. 23, 8: Dt. 12, 8; 
I Ki. 21, 26; 22, 54; II Ki. 14, 3; 18, 3; 23, 32; 37; 24, 9; 
19; Ezk. 24, 24; II Ch. 26, 4; 27, 2; 29, 2:- Jos. 1, 17; 11. 
23; I Ki. 8, 56; II Ki. 10, 30; Jer. 42, 20). 

jnj l^tfrtsi 'and all [that] he had he put in his hands' 
T (Gen. 39, 4; cf.' Ex. 9, 4). 

This idea in an attributive sense may be expressed by ^ 
in the construct before, or by bb + retrospective suffix after, 
the modified definite noun. When the noun is singular the 
expression denotes quantity, when the noun is plural or 
collective it refers to number. The article is often omitted 
in poetry, e. g., 
n$n-^5 'all the land, the whole land' (Jos. 11, 23; Gen. 

13, 9). 

D1 s rri?3 'all the day, the whole day' (Is. 65, 2; 28, 24). 
^.rrt| 'the whole ram' (Ex. 29, 18; Lev. 8, 21). 
'all the nations' (Is. 2, 2; cf. Jer. 42, 17). 
'all the days' (Job 1, 5). 
? 'all the women' (Ex. 15, 20). 

'the whole people, all the people' (Gen. 19, 4; cf. 3, 14; 
PS. 116, 11). 

$^3 'all Israel, all the Israelites' (I Ch. 11, 1; cf. Gen. 
45, 9). 

206 Frank E. Blake, 

all the tables' (Is. 28, 8; cf. Jer. 25, 23; Ps. 89, 48; 
64, 9Cant. 4, 14 Us). 

the whole head' (Is. 1, 5fos; cf. 9, 11; II Ki. 23, 3tas; 
Ezk. 7, 17; 29, 7; 36, 5). 1 
ate ten 'the whole world' (Job 34, 13). 
lte'DJ>n 'all the people' (Is. 9, 8; cf. Mai. 3, 9). 
Tf93 &#: 'all Israel' (II Sam. 2, 9; cf. Jer. 48, 31). 

'all Egypt' (Ezk. 29, 2; cf. 36, 5; Jer. 13, 19). 
'all peoples' (Mi. 1, 2; Ps. 67, 4; 6; II Ch. 18, 27; cf. 
is. 43, 14; 44, 9; Ezk. 32, 12; 30). 
all thy people' (Is. 60, 21). 
^ in^ 'all the best Assyrians' (Ezk. 23, 7). 
The idea of 'all' may be emphasized by using both construc- 
tions with te together, e. g., 
nte h*T\& rP5"te 'the whole house of Israel' (Ezk. 11, 15; 

20, 40V36, 10).' 

ate DttK'te 'the whole of Edom' (Ezk. 35, 15). 
Dte' Dlli'-'^O-te 'all the kings of the Gentiles' (Is. 14, 18). 
Dte rntfrrte 'the whole congregation' (Num. 16, 3). 
Dte' T.IV'te 'all thy enemies' (Jer. 30, 16). 

'All' in the sense of 'everything' may also be expressed by 
1?Tte, WiTte (cf. p. 160 f.), and D^wrrte 'all the things' e. g., 
all things are continually laboring* (Ecc. 1, 8)- 
'te n ""ISDII 'and he told everything that he 
had done' (Gen/24, 66; cf! Lev. 8, 36; Dt. 1, 18). 
When the idea of 'all' modifies a demonstrative pronoun, 
the demonstrative is treated just like a modified noun. When 
the demonstrative is singular the feminine HK'T is usually em- 
ployed. These expressions ordinarily take H^t in the accusa- 
tive, e. g., 

nom. 'all this' (Jud. 6, 13; Mi. 1, 5; Ps. 44, 18). 
ace. 'all this' (Gen. 41, 39; without n Dt. 32, 28). 

in all this' (I Sam. 22, 15; II Sam. 14, 19; Is. 5, 25; 
9, 11; 16; 20; 10, 4; Hos. 7, 10; Ps. 78, 32; Job 1, 22; 2, 10; 
Neh. 10, 1; cf. II Ch. 21, 18). 
nom. 'all this' (Esth. 5, 13). 

1 The article is said to be often omitted with parts of the body after 
hi cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 127 c. This is probably simply the frequent 
poetical omission of the, article, so that these cases do not differ in kind 
from those in the preceding example. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hrftrew. 207 

n# ace. 'all this' (Ecc. 8, 9; 9, Ibis), 
ace. 'all this' (Ecc. 7, 23 1. 
noni. 'all these' (G-en. 49, 28). 
-n$ ace. 'all these things' (Gen. 15, 10). 
S 'in all these things' (Job 12, 9). 
? n nom. 'all these' (Hab. 2, 6). 

/i -+ singular demonstrative has sometimes the force of 
every one of them' (cf. p. 159). 

The noun modified by h$ may take other nominal modifiers 
(possessive suffix, descriptive adjective, demonstrative, genitive, 
relative clause) 1 ; h$ + suffix stands after all other modifiers 
(cf. p. 206), e. g., 

'all my goodness' (Ex. 33, 19; cf. Dt. 5, 13). 
? 'all my bones' (Ps. 22, 18; cf. Num. 31, 10; Jer. 35, 8; 
Ezk. 43, 11). 

r^? 'all her people' (Lam. 1, 11; cf. Gen. 41, 40). 
'all the good things' (Jos. 23, 14). 
'all the cities that they found' (Jud. 20, 48). 
'all the evil abominations' (Ezk. 6, 11). 
'all the good [thing]' (Jos. 23, 15&-W). 
'all my evil neighbors' (Jer. 12, 14). 
' tnis whole land' (Jer. 25, 11; cf. 45, 4). 
hi 'all these things' (Dt. 4, 30; I Ch. 17, 15). 
3 'all these cities' (Num. 21, 25;. 
'all the kings of the earth' (Ps. 102, 16). 
'all the Israelites' (Lev. 21, 24). 
'all -the men of his house' (Gen. 17, 27). 

D^3n"^3 'all the men that turned their 
faces . . . ' Jer. 42, 17; cf. 16, 15; Gen. 6, 17; Num. 35, 7; 
Dt. 4, 3). 

When the idea of 'all' modifies a personal pronoun the pronoun 
is expressed by affixing a possessive suffix to fe. If the pronoun 
is singular, the expressions indicate quantity or extent; if 
plural or collective, number. These expressions may stand in 
apposition to a preceding noun or pronoun, e. g., 
l|s npjr *)b *)DK 'I will assemble all of thee, oh Jacob' 
(Mi. 2, 12).'" 

1 In Ps. 89, 51 h$ and yv appear to be used together, viz., D"By D'avte, 
but the passage is corrupt, cf, B. Duhm, Die Psalmen, Freiburg i. B.. 
1899 (== Kurz. Handc. zum AT., 14) p. 224. 

208 Frank E. Blake, 

frtlS 'let none of thee rejoice, oh Philistia' (Is. 
14, 29- cf. 31). 
TSn HD^ "?J;?3 'all of thee is fair, my sweetheart' (Can. 4, 7). 

*3 'for thou, all of thee, hast gone up to the 
house-tops' (Is. 22, 1). 

ll^'Nin N-l ' an( i the fi rs t came out red, 
all of him was [he was all] like a hairy mantel' (Gen. 25, 25; 
cf. Lev. 13, 13; Nah. 2, 1; Joh 21, 23; Cant. 5, 16). 

)$J> ^p "in} 'and Mt. Sinai, all of it, smoked' (Ex. 19, 18; 
cf. Prov. 24, 31; Jer. 2, 21; 48, 38). 

p?h r.l 'yet all go out keeping time [n*} 'locusts]' (Prov. 
30, 27). 

te rp IT!-'"} 133-b-n^ " ' ... the whole plain of Jordan, 
that all of it was well watered' (Gen. 13, 10; cf. Ex. 25, 36; 
37, 22; Is. 48, 6; Jer. 6, 6; 50, 13; Am. 8, 8; 9, 5; Nah. 3, 1; 
Ps. 139, 4; Joh 38, 18). 

rniJi? nan 'behold a candle-stick, all of it gold' (Zech. 
4, 2).i 

'we are all of us the sons of one man 
(Gen. 42, 11; cf. Ex. 12, 33; Dt. 5, 3; II Sam. 19, 7; Is. 
64,7; 8). 

s 'all of us are lost' (Num. 17, 27; cf. II Sam. 13, 25; 
Is. 53, T 6; 59, 11; 64, 5&&). 

- 5 ?^ 'to which of us' (II Ki. 9, 5). 

fcftn 'have not all of us one father' (Mai. 2, 10; 
cf. Prov. 1, 14; gen. Is. 53, 6). 

D1*n D5^>3 D^n "DJPI81 'and you . . . are all of you alive this 
day' '(Dt. 4. 4; cf! 29, 9; Jud. 20, 7; Is. 50, 11; Ps. 82, 6; Job 
13, 4; 16, 2). 

jprn 'and all of you came to me 7 (Dt. 1, 22; cf. 
os. 8, 4; I Sam. 22, 8; Is. 48, 14; 65, 12; Jer. 2, 29; Ps. 62, 4; 
Job 27, 12). 

3p^ DD^3 HIV] ]$* 'because ye are all become dross' (Ezk. 
22, 19)! ' 

D'pjjl niTtef ^ri? ]\ B?^D3 'will the son of Jesse give to 
all of you fields and vineyards' (I Sam. 22, This). 

1 The whole sentence r6a im is nomen rectum to construct rniiO, cf. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 209 

'.i 'and all of them fell by the sword 
until there were none of them left' (Jos. 8, 24; cf. I Sam. 
22, 11). 

-riB jni t| Di 'I will deliver them all slain . . . ' (Jos. 
11, 6; cf. Is. 57, 13; T Ecc. 2, 14; 7, 18[?]; 9, 11). 

^Jg D^3 'all of them were men, chiefs 
of the Israelites' (Num. is, 3; cf. I Sam. 26, 12; II Ki. 19, 35; 
Ezk. 7, 16; I Ch. 9, 22: I Ch. 2, 6; 7, 3). 

Tja nilBltf ]fll 'and he put trumpets in the hands of all 
of them' (Jud. 7, 16; cf. Gen. 43, 34; Nah. 2, 11; Prov. 22, 2). 
nj'T. ^0? ^^ <an ^ a ^ f them shall have one king' 
(Ezk. 37, 22; cf.' 24; I Sam. 6, 4). 

D^3 ^DS '1^ 'all those that make idols are nothing' (Is. 
44, 9; cf.' 43, 14; 60, 21; Jer. 30, 16). 

DJ>2:?1 'and cut them in the head, all of them 7 
(Am. 9, 1). 

'all [these things] are against me' (Gen. 42, 36). 
$$} 'but thou excellest all of them [n^2 daughters]' 
Prov. 31, 30)! 

" 'they all had . . . and the same form' (I Ki. 

In a number of cases the article is omitted in constructions 
of te, viz.: 

a) with bi used absolutely; always before "i^; fl may be 
used in the accusative, e. g., 

te 'alP (cf. p. 203 f.). 
^-n$ ace. 'all' (Gen. 9, 3). 
"T^lp? 'all that' (cf. p. 204 f.). 
"1^|pyTH8 ace. 'all that' (cf. p. 205 f.). 

b) in poetry with a noun modified by attributive to (cf. 
p. 205 f.). 

c) with collectives modified by te, probably because the idea 
of the individuals (every) in the collective is more prominent 
than the collective idea, e. g., 

1teft"^3 ; all flesh, living things' (Gen. 6, 12 &c.; with n* Is. 

66, 16; ivith article, only Gen. 7, 15; Is. 40, 6). 
fjrt? 'all trees' (Neh. 10, 36; 38; cf. II Ki. 3, 19; 25; Ezk. 
20, 28). 

'all birds' (Ps. 50, 11; with n Gen. 1, 21). 
all living things' (Gen. 3, 20; Job 12, 10; 28,21; 30, 23; 
Ps. 145, 16; with n Gen. 8, 21; with art, Gen. 6, 19). 

14 JAOS 34. 

210 Frank R. Blake, 

d) with noun modified by to followed by a determinate ad- 
jective, e. g., 

fiBJ"^? ri 'all living creatures' (Gen. 1, 21; 9, 10; cf. Lev. 
l, 10)/ 

rtohn JTrr^D^ 'and over all creatures that crawl 

upon the earth' '(Gen. 1, 28; cf. Ezr. 10, 17). 

The expressions *in tS^JO 'as one man', and the correlative 
adjectives 2 toa Jbg 'small-great', Jj2J ")g3 'young-old', ]1^1 
]1irj 'first last', pirn ing 'near far' (cf. below), are often 
used in a sense very similar to to 3 , e. g., 
in^ IS^NS njn DJjnViN nnpn] 'if thou slayest this people as one 
'man [all this people]' (Num. 14, 15; cf. Jud. 6, 16; 20, 1; 

Ezr. 3, 1). 
^T'TC] ]bgp TJJH ^H'-Hi* 1J S _1 'and he smote the men of the 

city,' both small and great' (I Sam. 5, 9; cf. Gen. 19, 11; Dt. 

1, 17; Jer. 16, 6; Ps. 104, 25; 115, 13; Job 3, 19; Esth. 1, 20; 

ICh. 26, 13; II Ch. 31, 15). 
)j?.pjn *IJ>*P ^.5'T^ OpJ D^lp 'Bfog 'and the men of Sodom, 

young and old, surrounded the house' (Gen. 19, 4; cf. Is. 20, 4; 

Jer. 51, 22; Lam. 2, 21). 
"D^nrjwril D^fcOn Djnrri n^ 'and the acts of Eehoboam, the 

firsthand the last [all the 'acts of E.]' (II Ch. 12, 15; 16, 11; 

35, 27). 

Occasionally two correlative verbs are employed in a some- 
what similar sense, e. g., 
"*JKini tj]jri^. mrP 'may JHYH guard thy going out and 

thy coming in [all that thou dost]' (Ps. 121, 8; cf. Lam. 

3, 63). 

Sometimes nS(5 'end', H2?gp 'from the end, all together', (also 

{? 'end' cf. J"l2fj?p 'some of all 7 p. 212) have the meaning of 

'all', e. g., 

^pri fij^ Vni$ n^jpp^ 'and from all his brothers he took 

five men'' (Ge'n. 47, 2; cf. Ezk. 33, 2; Is. 56, lip]). 
Dj;n HSjp D^p l s s .l 'and he saw from there all the people' 

(Num. 22, 41). 

1 Contrast ,Tn Wfirte in Gen. 9, 12; 15; 16. 

2 For other correlative expressions of a somewhat similar character, 
cf. p. 221, n. at end. None of these, however, express the idea of 'all' so 
explicitly as the above. 

3 For the various combinations of these correlatives cf. p. 220, n. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 211 

1-py rro^:n? 'that his city is all captured' (Jer. 51, 31; 
cf. Gen. 19,4). 
Barely lh 'much' has a meaning similar to 'all', e. g., 

YI$X 2*\] 'and it shook all my bones' (Job 4, 14 ; cf. 
33- 19). 

The ideas of 'all', 'every' may be emphasized by the repe- 
tition of to. The two may stand as the modifiers of a single 
noun (cf. p. 206), or one may stand in the construct before 
the noun, the other either absolutely or attributively in a 
genitive depending on the noun, e. g., 

fSS'ta 'all birds of all kinds [wings]' (Gen. 7, 14; Ezk. 

17,23; cf. keh. 10, 36). 

'n/IpB'ta \2~by_ 'therefore all [thy] commandments con- 

cerning all things I will consider right' (Ps. 119, 128; cf. 

Ezk. 44, 30). 
te Wtfrtj 'every oblation of everything' (Ezk. 44, 30). 

The expressions nn$ tfW?; bnj jag; JgJ 1Jtt, jnriK JIBfen, 
pirn ^ng, n?Jj?p may be employed for emphasis together with 
fa, e. g., ' 

? ^SO"^? D (^ s ^ <an ^ a ^ the P eo pl e rose up as ne man' 
(Jud. 20, 8; cf. Nek 8, 1). 

)bj?p Dgn'^5 ^tDj?;i 'and all the people rose up both 
smal and great' '(11 Ki. 25, 26; cf. 23, 2; Esth. 1, 5; II Ch. 
15, 13; 34, 30; 36, 18). 

^P D^Hn^T^TIH ~l$*& 'to destroy all the Jews, young 
and old' (Esth. 3, 13; cf. Jos. 6, 21). 

^nngrn D^^in TOTT^ 'and all his ways, first and last . . . ' 
(II Ch. 28, 26).' 

^ni : ni D^ljpn Jissn ^^"^3 'all the kings of the north, near 
and far . . . ' (Jer. 25, 26; cf. Esth. 9, 20; Dan. 9, 7). 
n - 73 'all the people together' (Gen. 19, 4). 

Expressions containing te 'all', 'every' may also be empha- 
sized by HIT, nrv 'together', e. g., 
*n?t -ID tan 'all have gone aside together' (Ps. 14, 3). 
irp l^'ta jnr 'all flesh will perish together' (Job 34, 15). 
HIT Kinn D1 s n VB^J-^5 'all his men together on that day' 
(I Sam. 31, 6; cf. Jer. 31, 24). 

ite 'every one has gone aside together' (Ps. 53, 4). 

'-VpEJ 'all of them together shall perish' (Is. 31, 3; 
cf. Neh. 4, 2). 

212 Frank E. Blake, 

b"2 'all', 'every' may be combined with the various con- 
structions denoting partitive 'some', 'any 7 , 'no', 1 'each', e. g., 
^jb I^K'tep HJ2I* DM 'if I take anything of all thou hast' (G-en. 

14*23; c Num. 6,4). 

"^K S J"1? 0^30 NSfcpi tfb] 'and none of them were found like Daniel 
. . .'' (Dan. 1* 19). 

.n^ IT 1 ??? D<I P? n lM ?3* <an( ^ every ten days some of all 
sorts of wine in abundance' (Neb. 5, 18). 
JV "itfK bitt 1tf?^ Iplj la^NI 'and there is not lacking to 
him anything of all he wants' (Ecc. 6, 2). 

S^n WWb )n} D^ 'and he gave to each of them all 
changes of raiment' (Gen. 45, 22: cf. p. 161 and p. 156). 

pn ^ n?j?o* "D^irrrnK n O'IK ]ni 'and the Lord 

gave into his hand Jehoiakim . . . and some of the vessels 
of the temple' (Dan. 1, 2; cf. 5[?]; Neh. 7, 70 [contrast Ezr. 
2, 68]). 

The partitive meaning of the )D in these constructions is 
sometimes lost, e. g., 

n "iBfo* te D^tf J Drf? ^nj? 8 .! 'and they took wives, all that they 
wanted' (Gen. e' 2[?]). 

| i^g te v$$3 D^.n nn no^i i^' to 'all in the 

nostrils of which was the breath of life, all that was on 

the dry land, died' (Gen. 7, 22; cf. 8, 17). 

e 'every stranger' (Gen. 17, 12; cf. Cant. 3, 6). 

The idea 'all' may be combined with the idea of partitive 
'other, rest', e. g., 

&JJH -up!!, tel 'and all the rest of the people' (Jud. 7, 6). 
f INH ni{?.5 nniarr^p hlW "nNprn? 'for cream . . . shall all those 

'left in the land eat' (Is. 7*, 22). 
D^nnNni D^Kin nfcfc^ rirPl "liS!^ 1 ! 'and the rest of the acts of 

Solomon, first and last [all the rest of]' (II Ch. 9, 29; cf. 20, 34; 

25, 26; 26, 22). 

The idea 'in all' in summing up after an enumeration is 
expressed either by ^3 alone or by te + suffix as subject with 
a numeral as predicate, e. g., 

1 In connection with 'any 5 , 'no' this ^3 is similar to emphatic te 
cf. p. 180 f. 

n2?j5p may belong here, but the meaning 'all' may also be due to the 
fact that it is an abbreviation of nSjriy nsj?tt, cf. Gesenius-Buhl, p. 714. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 213 

'in all thirty seven' (II Sam. 23, 39; cf. Jos. 
21/26;37; 38[?]; tan Ezr. 2, 42). 1 
'five in all' (I Ch. 2, 6). 

n 'five chiefs in all 1 (I Ch. 7, 3). 
When a noun or pronoun modified by te is employed as 
the logical subject, the predicate regularly agrees with the 
modified word (for pronouns cf. p. 207 ff.), tho occasionally it 
agrees with the grammatical subject h^^ e. g., 
'D"TN ^V'te ViT.l 'and all the days of Adam were . . . ' (Gen. 

rplHN tfBfarrt? jKXPn 'and all the women went out after her 7 

(Ex. 15,20). T 
PP ^njj nOBforrts 'let all that has breath praise JAH' (Ps. 

* 150, 6). 

n'r^T^I VH 'and all the days of Noah were . . . ' (Gen. 
9, 29) T .3 

'all that eat it shall be destroyed' (Lev. 17, 14; 
cf. Nah. 3 7). 

rrn tt^.509"^l 'all our pleasant things are laid waste' 
(Is. 64,' 10). 

jto y\ t^K'^.T^I <a ^ a man ' s waj^s are clean in his own 
eyes' (Prov. 16, 2). 

Indefinite Ordinals. 


This idea is usually expressed, absolutely and attributively, 
by the definite ordinal \1# 'second', or by in 'other', both 
regularly with the article, e. g., 

jM] t^in nn^ \n^ 'and Yahath was the first born and 

Zizah was the next [the second]' (1 Ch. 23, 11). 

1 In the passages in Joshua Dnp-^3 is to be read on? h$ 'in all- 

2 This use of the singular with reference to a plural, however, is 
probably best explained like the constructions on p. 157. 

3 Examples in which a singular verb precedes, as here, are not con- 
clusive, as the rules of concord are often suspended when the verb 
comes first, cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, 145 or. 

4 'Next' in the sense of 'next, nearest to' without regard to any special 
order is expressed by 111J? (cf. Gesenius-Buhl, p. 721) and T'^? (cf. Neh. 
3,2; 4; 5ff.). 

214 Frank R. Blake, 

n D1 J 5 N2P1 'and he went out the next day 7 (Ex. 2, 13; cf. Jos. 

G, U; Ezk. 43, 22; Neh. 8, 13; Gen. 47, 18). 
nn D1*2 rp^N "IBfcl 'and the next day I said to her' (II Ki. 

a njn IMtib rrife * l!?n ^ 'that Sarah would bear 
a child at this festival next year' (Gen. 17, 21). 

W 'TIS "1T15 'in the next generation let their name be 
blotted out' (Ps.' 109, 13). 
The same idea is expressed by jnntf, which usually means 
'last', in 

*\rt? n?p^ $^ 'that ye may tell it to the following 
generation' (Ps. 48, 14). 

With reference to 'day' this idea may be expressed by 
'morrow, the day after', used either absolutely or as a genitive 
modifying DV, e. g., 
rnnfc 1 ? *in$n wtojS 'when the dawn broke the next day' (Jon. 

*4,"7; cf. I Sam" 30, 17; Gen. 19, 34). 
rnn&n DP tol 'and all the next day' (Num. 11, 32). 

'Next 7 in the sense of 'second in rank' may be expressed 
by the noun H^D, e. g., 

^ *?W llD^n I^'D^ \T1 'and the name of his 
first born was Joel and the name of his second born was 
Abijah' (I Sam. 8, 2; cf. 17, 13; II Sam. 3, 3; I Ch. 16, 5: 
Neh. 11, 17; I Ch. 5, 12: pi I Ch. 15, 18). 

irrn yq&} "irr^l -PJJ BT^ 'and Conaniah was ruler 
over them and his brother Shimei was next in rank' (II Ch. 
31, 12). 

'the one next to the king, second in rank [a title]' 
(II Ch. 28, 7; with b Esth. 10, 3; absolute I Sam. 23, 17). 


This idea is expressed by the adjective ^D^ used either ab- 
solutely or attributively, e. g., 

JlJb'Wl 'and the middle one six cubits in width' 
(I Ki. 6, 6; cf. Ezk. 41, 7; 42, 5; 6). 

tftr^ n}bw-)pi mirnrrtj;. A?; D^^ 'and they went up 

by winding-stairs to the middle [chamber], and from the 
middle to the third row' (I Ki. 6, 8). 

n tf*0 'the beginning of the middle watch' 
(Jud. 7, 19; cf. I Ki. 6, 8; Ex. 26, 28; 36, 33). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 

Sometimes the idea in its attributive use is expressed by 
the genitive of "JJjn 'midst' depending on the modified noun, e. g., 
ftrin "HM ^VI8 'the two middle pillars' (Jud. 1.6, 29; cf. Jer. 
' 39, 3). 

Last. 1 

This idea is expressed, absolutely and attributively, by the 
adjective JTiniS, e. g., 
inrm UN}. Jltfio ^K 'I am the first and the last' (Is. 44, 6; cf. 

48, 12). 
jnHKJJ D1 s rny_ JIBfenO nig-JO 'from the first day to the last' 

(Nek 8, 18). 
D^irrsn 111 nyi r&81 'and these are the last acts of David 7 

(II Sam. 23, i; cf.'lCh. 23, 27). 
D^irjNm D^fcOn ^&n W nrni 'and the acts of David first 

and last' (I Ch. 29', 29; II Ch/9, 29; 12, 15; 16, 11; 20, 34; 

25,26; 26,22; 28,26; 35,27). 

General Discussion. 

The indefinite pronominal ideas, as we have seen, are ex- 
pressed partly by special words, partly by the use of certain 
grammatical categories and principles, partly by the mere 

The following is a list of all special words so employed, viz.: 

(man) some one, any one, no one, cf. p. 168f. 
)JK (falseness) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

nK (brother) other as correlative to one, cf. p. 137 ff. 
fcj (one) same, cf. p. 121; correlatives one, other, cf. 
p. 137f.; each, cf. pp. 148 if., 152; such and such, 
cf. p. 162; certain, cf. p. 163ft 7 .; some one, &c., cf. 
pp. 170, 176; at all, cf. p. 182; plural, same, cf. 
p. 121; some, few, cf. p. 173; Tn$ THS one another, 
cf. p. 140. 

(sister) fern, of other as correlative to one (see n), 
cf. p. 137 ft 

otaer, cf. pp 132 f. 137ft; next, cf. p. 213f. 
r}N-W, cf. p. 215; next, cf. p. 214; jnrjK-JIBtel all, 
cf. p. 210; emphatic, cf. p. 211. 

1 The expression 'next to last, last but one' does not occur in Biblical 

216 Frank E. Blake, 

]\& (nonentity, not) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

BNK (man) one as correlative to other, other as correlative 
to one (B^*), cf. p. 137 ff.; each, cf. p. 148ff.; some one, 
any one } no one, cf.pp. 168 f., 176 f.; plural D^J^, some, 
cf. pp. 170, 176; certain, cf. p, 163 f. 

&&some one^ any one, no one, cf. p. 169; each, every, 
cf. p. 156. 

B^H (one man) each, cf. pp. 148 ff., 152; certain, cf. 
pp. 163, 164: nn# Bh*| all, cf. p. 210; emphatic, cf. 
p. 211. 

Bfy* (man his brother) one another, cf. p. 151. 

(these) used twice for correlatives some some, cf. 
p. 137 ff. 

(word, thing) anything, cf. p. 170f. 

S (man) some one, any one, no one, cf. p. 168 f. 

cf. tf'K. 

C^ (end) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 
- by-form of DD#. 

(woman) fern, of one as correlative to other, cf. p. 137ff. 
fiN (nota accusativi) same, cf. p. 122. 

5 (in, among) some of, &c., cf. p. 175 f. 

(in body) with suffix by self, cf. p. 127. 

(not anything) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

(not) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

2 (flesh) self, cf. p. 126, n.; any one, cf, p. 168, n. 2. 

| (bone) self, cf. p. 128. 

(word) something, anything, nothing, cf. pp. 170f., 179. 
^(sufficiency) enough, cf. p. 20 If.; as mucli, many as, 

cf. p. 194; much, cf. p. 189. 

(breath) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

(riches, goods) enough, cf. p. 20 If. 

(murmuring, multitude), very much, many. cf. p. 192 f. 
(nisnri) (inf. abs. Hiph. of roi) 5nwc7i ; wan*/, cf. 

p. i87f.; nrin^ cf. p. 189. 

nj (this) used twice as correlatives one other, cf. 

p. 137ff. 
jn-a Zittfe, cf. p. 198. 

"It (stranger) of/^* ; cf. p. 135. 
Vnfor nothing, gratis, cf. p. 186. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 217 

210 (good) good in respect to size, quantity, much, cf. 

p. 188, n.; yi niB anything at all, cf. p. 182 f. 
1TIV (act. part, of 1JV) other, cf. p. 136. 
1|J (rest, remainder) other part of, others of, cf. p. ]:>r>f. 
? (as, like) as much, many as, cf. p. 193 f.: used with 
pronominal suffix, e. g., }niD3, njHS. or with follow- 
ing demonstrative in the sense of such; 3 may be 
separated from the demonstrative or joined to it as 
one word, viz., TITS, n'T3, H^3, cf. p. 129 f. 
31 5 followed by demonstratives 'so and so', cf. p. 161 f. 
113 (heavy) much, many, cf. p. 189. 
T33 (great, mighty) muchp], cf. p. 187, n. 
H33, nS (thus) such, cf. p. 131 f. 

te-aZZ, cf. p. 203 ff.; every, cf. p. 159ff.; all sorts of, cf. 

p. 159; at all, cf. p. 180ff.; enough, cf. p. 201 f. 
ISfajrts (every man) every one, cf. p. 160. 

evrythiny, cf. pp. 160 f., 206. 
^3 every one, cf. p. 158. 

J3 (thus) such, cf. p. 131f. 
Tfcrt (not a thing, non-thing) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 

(non-substance) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f. 
!? (heart) self, cf. p. 126. n.; p. 127. 

^ (in separation) with suffix by self, cf. p. 127. 
? something, anything, nothing, cf. pp. 170f.,*179. 
S -owe of, cf. p. 177. 

(what?) anything, any, cf. p. 180. 

JIP (littleness) little, few, cf. p. 198f.; emphatic, cf. p. 200. 
ning next day, cf. p. 214. 

NO (who?) any one, cf. p. 180. 

)& (from, of) some of, any of, none of, cf. p. 173ff.; 

ttftft something, &c., cf. p. 175. 
1Dp (number) few, cf. p. 19 8 f.; as much, many as, cf. p. 194. 

-little, few, cf. p. 198ff. 
(something small, unimportant) few, cf. p. 198f. 

nsgp cf. nsj? 

JY'ai.O (multitude) much, many, cf. p. 189; most, cf. p. 197 f. 
JTJ^p (repetition, copy, second) next, cf. p. 214. 
inii-(part. Niph. of irv) oilier, cf. p. 136. 
HJ?} (stranger) other, cf. p. 135, n. 

.J^- (young -old) all, cf. p. 210; emphatic, cf. p. 211. 
i-tsoul, life) self, cf. p. 125 f.; some one, &c. cf. p. 168 f. 

218 Frank R. Blake, 

Niph. of INtf) other, cf. p. 136. 
jy_ (still, again) other, cf. p. 133ff.; more, cf. p. 195. 
SJ (bone) self, cf. p. 128; same, cf. p. 121 f. 
C^B) so and so, cf. p. 161f. 

(small) few, cf. p. 199. 

}b (small great) all, cf.p. 210; emphatic, cf. pp.!82f., 211. 
nxj}-(end) all, cf. p. 210: nxgD rtZZ, cf. p. 210f.; emphatic 
cf. p. 211. 

(end) all, cf. pp. 210, 212. 
g (interior) self, cf. p. 127. 

? (near) plHT ang emphatic, cf. p. 211. 

- (first) cf. fnn. 

2*} much, many, cf. pp. 187 f., 190 f.; enough, cf. p. 201. 
lh (muchness, multitude, abundance) much, many, cf. 
p. 189; wotf, cf. p. 197; all, cf. p. 211; ^b cf. p. 189. 
nil (wind) nothing as entity, cf. p. 186. 

pirn (far) cf. nng. 

VI (evil) cf. ma. 

JTI (friend) with suffix: in sense of another man, cf. 

p. 135; as correlative other to one, cf. p. 137 ff. 
. (fern, friend) with suffix: another ivoman, cf.p. 135; 

as fern, correlative other to one, cf. p. 137ff. 
iP enough, cf. p. 202. 
f (rest, remainder) other part of , others of, cf.p. 135 f. 

(vanity, falseness) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185 f, 

- (whisper) a little, cf. p. 198, n. 
n&-(act. part, of mtf) different, cf. p. 122. 

"# (second) o^er- simple and as correlative to one, cf. 

pp. 132f., 137ff.; next, cf. p. 213f. 
n^- (secondly) other, cf. p. 133f. 
D^-(two) both, cf. p. 145 ff.; either, cf. p. 148. 
^Hh (waste, emptiness) nothing as entity, cf. p. 185f. 
"5JJF! (midst) middle, cf. p. 215. 
JID'n wwefcZZe, cf. p. 214. 

The grammatical categories or principles employed in ex- 
pressing indefinite pronominal ideas are the following. 

1) The indefinite state of a noun denotes besides simple in- 
determination (indefinite article), certain, cf. p. 162f.; some, 
any, no, cf. p. 17 If. 

2) The singular referring to a plural sometimes has the force of 
one or each of the plural, cf. pp. 137f., 149 f., 157f., 159, 213. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 219 

3) The dual occasionally lias the sense of loth, cf. p. 145. 

4) The plural is occasionally used for every, various, appar- 
ently as a substitute for repetition, cf. pp. 154, 122; for 
many, cf. p. 190. 

5) The article in its definite use may express the idea of 
each, every, ,cf. p. 154f.; in its indefinite use it may express 
the ideas certain, cf. p. 164; and some, any, no, cf. p. 172f. 

6) The personal pronouns are employed in the sense of self 
in both verbal and non verbal sentences, cf. p. 123 ff.; the 
pronoun of the third person denotes attributive self, cf. 
p. 127 f.; and absolute such, cf. p. 128; the third person sin- 
gular denotes absolute and attributive same, cf. pp. 118121; 
in connection with 5 'as 7 they denote such, cf. 3 above. 

7) The demonstratives may be employed in the sense of same 
and such, cf. pp. 118, 119, 128f.; as correlatives one other, 
some some, cf, nj and n^N above; so and so, cf. p. 162 
in connection with | 'as' they denote such, cf. ? above. 

8) Certain verbs may express indefinite pronominal ideas, viz., 

Niphals, Hithpaels, and occasionally other forms self, 
cf. p. 126f.; one another, cf. p. 143 f. 

either, cf. p. 147, n. 

much, many, cf. p. 19 If. 

cf. p. 202. 

-&e little, few, cf. p. 200. 

add, make more, cf. p. 196 f. 

reach, he enough, 

suffice, he enough, 

be satisfied, have enough, 

he enough, 

correlative verbs anything at all, all, cf. pp. 183, 210. 
9) Repetition is employed to denote the correlative ideas one- 
other, cf. p. 140ff., each, every, cf. p. 152 ff., different, various, 
cf. p. 122. Special forms of this repetition are masc. and 
fern, of the same stem = all kinds of, cf. p. 154; sing, and 
pi. = many, cf. p. 190. 

10) The various constructions for the expression of the inde- 
finite subject, are also employed to express the ideas some, 
any, no in the subject, cf. p. 165, n. 3. 

11) The cognate accusative occasionally gives the force of 
something, cf. p. 172. 

220 Frank R. Blake, 

12) The partitive idea is expressed by placing a part in ap- 
position to the whole in the case of both, cf. p. 145f.; each, 
cf. p. 149f.; some, any, no, cf. p. 177; many, cf. p. 190. 
In a number of cases there is no formal expression of the 

indefinite pronominal idea, it being simply indicated by the 

construction. The chief cases are, viz., 

a) self in subject of sentence, cf. p. 123. 

b) smh modified by a dependent clause, &c., cf. pp. 131, 128. 

c) other in contrasts, cf. p. 132. 

in connection with prepositions meaning 'except, be- 
sides', cf. p. 136. 

d) both in apposition to two nouns or pronouns, cf. p. 144. 

e) either, neither, cf. p. 147f. 

f) every with numerals, cf. pp. 155, 156. 

g) some, any, no used absolutely, cf. p. 165f. 

used attributively in connection with prepo- 
sitions meaning 'except, besides', cf. p. 183. 
in comparisons of equality, cf. p. 185. 
h) much, many in comparisons of equality, cf. p. 193. 
i) more, less, cf. pp. 195, 200. 
j) too little, cf. p. 203. 

Several of these indefinite pronominal ideas may be em- 
phasized or strengthened in various ways, viz., 
both, by 

"JIT, nn! 'together', "inij t^? 'as one', cf. p. 147. 
some, any, no by 

to 'all', cf. p. 180ff.; nn^l 'one', cf. p. 182; ^nj-Jb)3 'small- 
great', * jn 31B 'good evil', * cf. p. 1 82 f. ; infinitive absolute, 
cf. p. 183. 
all by repetition of to, cf. p. 206, 211; by nn^ Bhfl?, Vnj Jbg, 1 

IH-m 1 jnng-TiBtov pirn-mi]?, 1 njgp,' cf. p. 211; 

by "NT, \^yi 'together', cf. p. 211. 

1 These correlatives occur in a variety of combinations. With regard 
to ^vn top the connectives may be, 
IjnjB (Gen. 19, 11; I Sam. 5, 9; 30, 2; 19; II Ki. 23, 2; 25, 26; Esth. 1, 5; 

20; II Ch. 15, 13; 34, 30: in II Ki. 23, 2; II Oh. 15, 13 h precedes }K> 

ivithout special force; in Esth. 1, 5; 20 with dative force). 
D 3 (Dt. 1, 17; I Ch. 26, 13; II Ch. 31, 15). 
-1- (I Sam. 25, 36; I Ki. 22, 31; Jer. 16, 6: Job 3, 19; II Ch. 18, 30; 

36, 18). 

1.S (Num. 22, 18; I Sam. 22, 15; 20, 2). 
237 (Ps. 104, 25; 115, 13). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 

much, many by 1'XQ 'very', cf. p. 192: )1DH 'multitude', cf. p. 192f. 
little, few by 1J>|0 ''little', cf. p. 200. 

Sometimes these pronominal expressions, tho they have, of 
course, a certain indefiniteness of meaning, are grammatically 
definite, and are treated as such. These definite indefinites 
are, viz., many of the indefinite demonstratives, the superlative 
indefinite cardinals most, least, the comprehensive indefinite 
cardinal all, the indefinite ordinals. Same and self are often 
expressed by definite pronouns, personal and demonstrative, 
cf. pp. 118f., 123ff. "ing other may take the article in the sense 
of the other, JH 'friend' and HK 'brother' are made grammatically 
definite by the suffix in the sense of 'another man'; the correla- 
tives 11 and "Otf may take the article, cf. p. 137; intt, ^^ W 
in the sense of other regularly take the article. Both expressed 
by D^ is definite both when used absolutely and when used 
attributively, cf. p. 145 ff. t^K each, every is occasionally treated 
as definite, cf. p. 156; similarly, h$ every, cf. pp. 158, 160; every 
is sometimes expressed by the article itself, cf. p. 154f. Most, 
least are definite by virtue of being superlatives, cf. pp. 197 f., 200 f. 
fe all may take the article, cf. pp. 203 f., 205, or suffix, cf. p. 
207 ff., and may also be treated as definite when it stands without 

The two adjectives may be used 

in indefinite singular (Gen. 19, 11; I Sam. 5, 9; &c; fern. Num. 22, 18). 

in indefinite plural (Jer. 16, 6; fern-. Ps. 104, 25). 

in definite singular (all exs. under D 5; I Sam. 30, 19; II Ch. 18, 30). 

in definite plural (Ps. 115, 13; II Ch. 36, 18). 
They are used attributively 

with noun repeated with each (I Sam. 20, 2). 

with one noun (I Sam. 22, 15; 25, 36; Ps. 104, 25; II Ch. 36, 18). 
^Vtt may stand first (Jer. 16, 6; Esth. 1 ; 5; 20; II Ch. 31, 15; 34, 30; 36, 18). 

With regard to pt iXJi, the connectives are 
Tjn ]B (Gen. 19, 4; Jos. 6, 21; Esth. 3, 13). 
1 (Is. 20, 4; Jer. 51, 22; Lam. 2, 21). 

The plural is used only in Is. 20, 4; the feminine and definite forms 
apparently not at all; p precedes in Jer. 51, 22). 

"With regard to in SIB, the following combinations occur, viz., 
ma IK sn (Gen. 24, 50). 
run IN naiB (Num. 24, 13). 
sn 1i> aiBB (Gen. 31, 24; 29). 
aiB in pifil? (II Sam. 13, 22). 

pinK jwtn and pim a-np take article and are connected by 1. For 
similar correlative expressions with meanings somewhat like the above 
cf. Ed. Konig, Syntax, p. 30. 

Frank E. Blake, 

the article, cf, p. 209 f. The indefinite ordinals are grammatically 
definite in most cases, cf. pp. 213215. 

The pronominally used words in the list above (p. 215 ff.) 
which are found with the article when used pronominally 
are, viz., 

D") indef. definite article, cf. p. 172f. 
inij-cf. p. 137ff. 

ftoike other, cf. p. 132f.; the next, cf. p. 213f. 
]T\n the last, cf. p. 215. 

Ufaeach, cf. p. 156; indef. definite article, cf. p. 172 f. 
W-cf. pp. 160 f., 206. 
-\W-the rest, cf. p. 136. 

b-cf. pp. 158, 203 f. 

toy$the one small in quantity or number, cf. p. 199. 
njffto the next in rank, cf. p. 214. 
-\m-the other, rest, cf. p. 136. 
)the other, rest, cf. p. 136. 

'the one small in', cf. p. 199. 
21 the one great in quantity or number, cf. p. 191. 
*X0the other, cf. p. 132f.; the next, cf. p. 213f. 
]W$-the middle, cf. p. 214. 

The correlative adjectives fctti ]8p, &c., cf. p. 220, n. 
The nota accusativi f\$ may of course be employed with 
those pronouns standing with article, cf. above; with those 
expressed by the demonstratives HJ, r&K; and with those de- 
fined by a suffix, viz., n, ninij, fo, 21, Wi. D W- Jt is also 
found with several which are without any formal mark of 
determination, viz., 
& Num. 21, 9. 

to Gen. 9, 3. 
ngrat?-^3 Gen. 39, 23. 

With regard to the concord of the indefinite pronouns, 
some are practically adjectives and are varied for gender, viz., 
"7n^ in all meanings. 
in other, next. 

jnrw next. 

much, many. 


in all meanings. 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 223 


The correlative adjectives ^nj Jbj?, &c., cf. p. 220, n. 
All of these except # have also plural forms, masculine 
and feminine (1HN only masc.); moreover, tDJJJ? occurs in the 
masculine plural, viz., DNSJJp. 

Some are pronouns or nouns which have a special feminine 
form, viz., 

nr n 

_ as correlatives, cf. p. 137 ff. 

DTlt? &o/i, cf. p. 145 ff. 

In the expressions for such the demonstrative or personal 
pronoun after 5 usually agrees with the gender and numher 
of the noun referred to. The suffixes after all agree in gender 
and number with the noun to which they refer. For the 
concord of D\J# and its suffix with its antecedent, cf. p. 145. 
A verb whose subject is absolute such, agrees in gender and 
number with the demonstrative or personal pronoun after ?, 
riv> being treated as feminine, cf. p. 129. A verb whose sub- 
ject is tS^K one, each, or absolute ^i all, every may stand either 
in the singular or plural masculine, cf. pp. 148, 149, 158, 
203 f. For the concord of a verb whose subject contains attri- 
butive b!3 cf. pp. 180, 213. The correlative one in the expressions 
meaning one other, D^ + suffix both, and t^H, H$K each may 
stand in apposition to a plural noun or pronoun, or an equi- 
valent copulative expression. The constructions in which a 
singular refers to each individual of a plural (cf. p. 157) are 
of a similar character. 

The feminine form is used for the neuter in n|#3 'such 
things 5 (treated as feminine), ntfr^J, firb| 'all this', 'in all 
this', cf. pp. 129, 206. 

It has been stated that the indefinite pronouns lie midway 
between the demonstratives and the numerals. The close 
relation between the demonstratives proper, and the indefinite 
demonstratives is shown by the use of the former in the 
sense of same, cf. pp. 118, 119, such, cf. p. 128f v and the 
correlatives one other, some some, cf. p. 137ff. 

The fact that the plural of :n may stand before its noun 

224 Frank E. Blake, 

is probably due to the analogy of the closely allied cardinal 
numerals, cf. p. 188. 

'Some', 'any', 'no' and 'a certain' modifying a singular noun 
are not sharply distinguished from simple indetermination (i. e. 
the indefinite article), cf. pp. 162, 163 and n., 171. 'Some', 'any', 
'no' as subject are not sharply distinguished from the indefinite 
personal pronoun (they, man, on), cf. p. 165, n. 3. 

Among themselves the various categories of indefinites are 
not separated by any hard and fast boundary line. Same and 
self may both be expressed by personal pronouns, cf. pp. 118ff., 
123ff.; by DXJJ, cf. pp. 121f., 128; so and so, such and such may 
be expressed by simple such, cf. p. 162; and by nn&$ 'a certain', 
cf. p. 162; the correlative one and each are both expressed by in!*, 
or by t^N, which often wavers between the two meanings, cf. pp. 
137 ff., 148 ff., 151 ; the ideas each and every are often not kept dist- 
inct, cf. pp. 148 158; the negative of each, every falls together 
with no, none, cf. p. 177; oilier and more in the sense of 'in addition 
to' are both expressed by Tip, cf. pp. 133f., 195; repetition 
of words employed originally to denote the correlatives one 
other, cf. p. 140ft 7 ., passes over on the one hand to the mean- 
ing of each, cf. p. 152 ff., and on the other to that of different, 
cf. p. 122; ^ means both all and every, and the constructions 
of the two are at times confused, cf. pp. 159, 160, 206, n., 
209; certain and some, any, no are often expressed in the 
same way, cf. pp. 162ff., 168 173, 176f.; 3*3 means not only 
much, but also, a large quantity being considered as sufficing, 
enough, cf. pp. 187 f., 201; and 3*1 'abundance 7 in a few cases 
means practically all, cf. pp. 189, 211. 

Each of the different constructions for rendering the same 
idea usually express only a certain phase of the idea, or the idea 
under certain conditions. For example the demonstratives 
and personal pronouns mean 'same' in the sense of 'the one 
just mentioned' while "in means 'one and the same, identical'; 
1iy means 'other, in addition to', "inK means 'other, different', 
IV means 'other, second'; P'K and in denote 'each 7 absolute 
and partitive, repetition denotes attributive 'each', &c., &c. 

Not infrequently, however, the different constructions for 
the same idea interchange just as do the constructions for 
different ideas. For example Kin may mean 'one and the 
same' (Job 3, 19); 1HK may be used for 'it? (cf. p. 132); a re- 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 

peated noun followed by a singular referring to it may be 
used very much as BW 'each' (II Ki. 17, 29); &c. 

Sometimes two of these constructions are used together, viz., 
such )3 and inbl, p. 132. 
other "ing and liy, p. 134. 

one other reciprocal verb and correlatives, p. 143 f. 
each, every article + other constructions, p. 156f. 

repetition + other constructions, p. 156f. 
^1 + other constructions, p. 161. 
some, any, no indef. definite article and other constructions, 

p. 173. 

indef. participle and partitive p, p. 175. 
B^K, in + partitive p, 1, p. 176f. 
much, many ]1on and 11, p. 192f. 
-11 and 11^, p. 193. 
H and ll*?, p. 194. 

more fp 11 and other constructions, p. 196f. 
all hi before and after noun, p. 206. 

*?! + in B^KI, nxp&, p. 211. 

^1 + correlative adjectives, p. 211. 

Occasionally we can trace by means of intermediate stages 
the shift from one construction or category to another, viz., 
from 'same 7 to copula, p. 118, n. 117. 
from n note ace. to HS 'that, same', p. 122, n. 
from IflK + noun (ace.) = 'same' to IfiK + def. noun (any case) 

= 'same' in later Hebrew, p. 122, n. 
from 1^ 'in heart, mind' to 1$ 'self, p. 127 and n. 
from extens. repetition to intens. repetition, p. 142, n. at end. 
from vn BMK 'one other' to VTJK W& 'one another', p. 151. 
from 'a certain' to indef. article, p. 163, n. 
from possess, b to partitive h, p. 177, n. 2. 
from interrogatives to indefinites, p. 180 and n. 
Of. also the half pronominal nouns in the list p. 215 if. viz., 
IPI, TII, ii, "113, p&ty. 

Moreover, when the pronominal idea is expressed by a word 
that is ordinarily a noun, the nominal idea is always latent 
in the word used pronominally, and ready to emerge when- 
ever the mind of the user becomes conscious of it. This is 
especially true of the words WX (and other words for 'man' 
used pronominally), ni|te, n, mn, V.1, Wl and the numerous 
nouns denoting nothing as an entity. Of., for example 

15 JAOS 34. 

226 Frank fi. Blake, 

t^-Gen. 24, 16; Ex. 34, 3; 24. 

*J$n-Ex. 2, 13; I Sam. 28, 17. 

IT-Prov. 11, 15; 20, 16; 27, 13. 
t^K tfn* I Sam. 2, 25. 

injn-tf'K-Ex. 11, 2; 33, 11; Jer. 31, 34; Ru. 4, 7. 
vn tf'N-Jo. 2, 8; Mai. 2, 10. 

Esth. 1, 22. 
-Jer. 10, 14; 51, 17. 
1 Jos. 8, 35. 

U$, &c.-Is. 40, 17; 23; 41, 12; 24; 29; 49, 4. 

Many of these indefinite pronominal categories are closely 
related to adverbs of quantity, the same word being often 
employed for both. The expressions for sucli are closely 
related to the adverbs H3, HD|, ]3 'thus, so', which are 
sometimes practically equivalent to suclr, njrj ISIS'is employed 
adverbially in Neh. 6, 4. Other in the sense of 'in addition 
to' is expressed by the adverb 11JJ 'still, yet', noiKi? something, 
&c. seems to be employed as an adverb in I Sam. 21, 3. The 
feminine of 21, (Ps. 62, 3; 78, 15; 89, 8: fQI Ps. 65, 10; 120, 6; 
123, 4), and also rQl.ri, (II Ki. 10, 18), are employed adverbially 
in the sense of 'much', tSJtt?, TJtt, and 1g|fi are both indefinite 
pronouns and adverbs; for examples of adverbial use cf. tayfc 
II Ki. 10, 18; Zech. 1, 15; Job 24, 24; Eu. 2, 7: TJH Job 36,2: 
1JJTD, p. 200. Adverbial 'too-much' is expressed by !"Gin in 
Ecc. 7, 16; 17. ta seems to be used adverbially in II Sam. 1, 
9; Hos. 14, 3; Ps. 39, 6; Job 27, 3. 

In comparisons containing 'much', 'more', (cf. p. 193197) 
some of the same constructions that are employed to denote a 
pronominal idea may be employed adverbially, e. g., 

'flipfc spflVjSfr 1JT$ 'in the way of thy testimonies I 

have rejoiced as much as in all riches' (Ps. 119, 14). 

rb fpft 'and he sinned more, again' (Ex. 9, 34; cf. Lev. 26, 18; 

II On. 28, 22). 

11V ^P1 S 1 'and they hated him still more' (Gen. : ) ,7, 5; 

cf. Ps. 78, ] 7). 
D'OlDtpfcp ini^n!! 'and they dig for it more than for hidden 

treasures' '(Job 3, 21; cf. 23, 12; 35, 11 Us; 42, 12; Ezk. 16, 

47; Ps. 19, 11 ; Cant. 1, 4; Ecc. 2, 9; 4, 2). 
Jttftp 113> ijtf>j5^ 'and I will be viler than this' (II Sam. 6, 22). 
D^t31 : nn-b-^ HIT ifepg DN^?!5 <and he found them ten times 

as [wise as] all the enchanters' (Dan. 1, 20). 

Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. -I'll 

Conclusion. 1 

The article just concluded is an exemplification of the em- 
ployment of a principle of syntactical study all too seldom applied. 
Such study is ordinarily carried on from the point of view of 
words and grammatical forms, the so-called formal method, 
and not by the so-called logical method, from the standpoint 
of the idea or grammatical category. 2 The formal method is 

1 In connection with this article it may not be amiss to give a list 
of some addenda and corrigenda to my former article on Comparative 
Syntax (cf. p. 117, n. 1), viz.: 

p. 141, note, add Roumanian to Indo-Eur. languages with post-positive 


p. 146, 1. 3, for gara-u read garra-u. 
p. 159, 1. 27, for N^Bh read xrtsh. 
p. 159, 11. 36, 37; p. 160, 1. 23 for sanal read Sannai. 
p. 161, 1. 8, for xronN read xnsnN. 
p. 162, 1. 22 f. change to In Modern Egyptian Arabic an adjective 

agreeing with a strong feminine plural or with a broken plural 

denoting persons is put in the masculine plural in m. 
p. 167, 1. 23, for ptfn read pBta. 
p. 167, 1. 30, insert sometimes before only. 
p. 168, 1. 4, for D'&ni read D'lsni. 
p. 181, 1. 28 for mazar l a read mazar&a. 
p. 184, 11. 10, 11, for matati read matati. 
p. 192, 1. 30, for ynand'l read maua'el. 
p. 192, 1. 37, D"t9?0 really occurs only as absolute pronoun, but it is quite 

probable that it was also employed attributively (cf. p. 198, above), 
p. 194, 1. 36, for j*-\ 'aharun read j^-T 'aharu. 
p. 195, 1. 4, for pns read pHN. 

p. 195, 1. 9, for y**\ read f3. 

p. 195, 1. 9, for 'aharun read 'aharu* 

p. 195, 1. 10, for ^\ read j$\. 

p. 195, 1. 10, for 7-'a//arw read 'l-'aharu. 

p. 195, 1. 18, for priK read pins. 

p. 200, 1. 5 n& ^ is not a good example, because it has only the mean- 
ing 'as much as a sheep', (so Lev. 5, 7; 12, 8); the meaning 'enough 
for a sheep', however, is a perfectly possible one (cf. p. 201, above). 

p. 209, 11. 26, 27, cancel "in the case of those numerals that are without 
suffix M". 

p. 259. note, for no rv6nKi nijrsp read rv6n*0 nwsp no. 

p. 267, 1. 11 for jocket read jacket. 
In the present article, besides the discussion of the attributive use of 

these pronominal ideas in general, cf. the notes on pp. 119, 120, 121, 

122, 139, 145, 157, 160, 1G2, 163, 172, 206. 208, 220 ff. 

2 For a discussion of these two methods of syntactical inquiry, 
cf. G. von der Gabelentz, Die Sprachivissenschaft ... 2., verm, und 

2*28 Frank R. Blake. Indefinite Pronominal Ideas in Hebrew. 

in its way, of course, just as important and valuable as the 
logical, but as ideas are after all the ultimate things in lang- 
uage, it is evident that any study of a language from the 
logical point of view will get closer to the heart and genius 
of that language than one conducted along formal lines. 

It is to be hoped that this method of syntactical inquiry 
will be followed more frequently in the future. Such investi- 
gations in the Semitic field can not fail to add largely to our 
knowledge of Semitic languages in general and of the Bible 
in particular, and to reduce greatly the amount of time required 
to gain a knowledge of any of these tongues. 

verb. Aufl. herausg. von Dr. A. Graf von der Schulenburg, Leipzig. 
1901, pp. 85, 86; H. Sweet, The Practical Study of Languages, N. Y. 
1900, pp. 125, 126; and my Comp. Syn. Noun and Mod., p. 135. 

Addenda: To list p. 215 ff. add a\ 3-3 so much, cf. p. 194 f.: te in 
all, cf. p. 212 f. 

To p. 219, (3) add Dual = few, cf. p. 198 f. 

To p. 210, 1. 21 add Omitting verbal constructions (cf. p. 209), - the 
indefinite pronominal ideas used absolutely are represented ; regularly by 
pronominal words ; by a pronominal construction, cf. p. 165 ff. ; by an ad- 
verb, cf. pp. 131 f., 133 f., 195: used attributively they are rendered; 
regularly by a pronominal adjective or appositive ; by the indefinite state 
of the noun, cf. p. 218, and dual, cf. pp. 145, 198 f.; by the article, cf. 
p. 219; by repetition, cf. p. 219; by a construct, cf. pp. 121, 122, 125 f., 
128, 146 f., 158 If., 189, 198, 202, 205 f.; by a genitive (prepositional phrase, 
p. 189), cf. pp. 162, 179, 198, 214, 215; by an adverb, cf. pp. 131 f., 133 f., 
195: used partitively they are expressed ; regularly by pronominal words 
with JB or a, rarely with b (cf. p. 177); by pronoun + genitive, cf. pp. 
135 f., 176, 179, 197 f., 205 ff.; by a singular (dual, p. 145 f.) referring to 
a plural antecedent, cf. pp. 149f., 157 f., 177, 190; by a plural followed 
by an exception, cf. p. 177 f. 

To p. 223 add For double subject indicating self, and for concord 
of B1 self as subject, cf. p. 125 f. A verb with p before subject agrees 
with subject, cf. p. 173 ff. 

To p. 126 end add For the chief combinations of these pronominal 
ideas with each other and with other ideas, cf. pp. 130, 131, 134f., 136; 
147, 151, 159 f., 160 f. f 161; 164 f.; 177 f., 178 f., 179 f., 183 f., 185; 193 ff.; 
200; 195198, 200 f.; 203; 204 f.; 206 f., 207 ff., 212. 

Atharvaprdyascittani. 1 Vorwort und Einleitung von 
Professor JULIUS YON NEGELEIN, University of Kb'nigs- 


Als Prof. Gr. M. Boiling, jetzt in Baltimore tatig, gemein- 
schaftlich mit mir die Atharvaparisista zu bearbeiten be- 
schlofi, fiel ihm der Anfang dieses Werkes, mir das 37. und 
die folgenden Kapitel als spezielles Arbeitsgebiet zu. Die 
damit in meinen engsten Interessenkreis geriickten ,,Samucca- 
yaprdyascittdrii", der erste der genannten Abschnitte, boten 
angesichts der Altertiimlichkeit ihrer Sprache und ihres In- 
halts einen geeigneten Ausgangspunkt fiir weitere Studien auf 
dem Gebiete der Suhneliteratur, innerhalb welcher sich ihrer- 
seits wiederum die ^Atharvaprdyascittdni" ais altestes und ihres 
Inbalts sowie ihrer Zugehorigkeit zum Atharvaveda wegen be- 
sonders bemerkenswertes Produkt abhoben. Obgleich bereits in 
Boehtlingk's Worterbuch nicht ganz unberiicksichtigt geblieben 
und von Prof. W. Caland eingehend untersucht (WZKM. 18. 
197 ff.), waren sie bisher dem "Wortlaut wie dem Gesamtinhalt 
nach unbekannt. Ich verarbeitete folgende Manuskripte, die 
mir bereits im Jahre 1907 zuganglich geworden waren und die 
ich in den Noten der Edition mit Buchstaben bezeichnet habe: 

A: Ms. des Ind. Office, Cat. Eggeling 526 A. 

B: Haug'sches Ms. (Miinchen) Nr. 62. 

C: Anhang zu dem vorigen, von anderer Hand geschrieben. 

D: Berliner Ms. 

Am verhaltnismafiig wertvollsten war Ms. A. Es scheint D 
naher zu stehen als BC. Im tibrigen kann man von Hand- 
schriften#n<$pew nicht reden. Die Mss. stehen sich sehr nahe, 
sind recht jung und haben die meisten Fehler und Auslassungen 
vollig gemeinschaftlich. Die sprachliche Korruption hatte bei 

i Text, notes, and indices were published in the preceding volume, 
33, 121 and 217. 

16 JAOS 34. 

230 Julius von Negelein, 

ihnen in den Prosa- wie in den Verspartien einen so hohen 
G-rad erreicht, dafi ich zeitweilig an der Losung meiner Auf- 
gabe vollig verzweifelte und die Hoffnung, einen irgendwie 
lesbaren Text zu rekonstruieren. bald als unerfiillbar aufgab. 
Nur darauf mufite es ankommen, die einigermafien verstand- 
lichen Partien so zu geben, wie die letzten Abschreibergenera- 
tionen sie aufgefafit haben konnten, und inhaltlich zu retten, 
was zu retten war. Gern will ich zugeben, daI5 Texte, wie 
der vorliegende, an der aufiersten Grenze der Edierbarkeit 
stehen. Dafiir verlange ich auch meinerseits das Zugestand- 
nis, daft mit dem tiberlieferten Material nichts Besseres ge- 
leistet werden konnte. Nicht dies konnte mein Bestreben sein, 
ein durch tausendjahrigen Abschreiberunverstand getriibtes 
Textbild archaisierend aufzuputzen, sondern das alteste Er- 
zeugnis eines wichtigen Gebietes der altindischen Religions- 
literatur in der iiberlieferten Form zuganglich zu machen und 
seine sachliche Bewertung und Verarbeitung anzubahnen. 

Um diesem Zwecke zu dienen, suchte ich nach weiteren 
Paralleltexten auf dem ungeheuren, noch vollig der Erforschung 
harrenden Gebiete der Prayascitta-Literatur. Hier erregten 
die .Z?ra/iwaprayascittani, zunachst schon ihres auf die Athar- 
van-Schule hindeutenden Titels wegen, meine Aufmerksamkeit. 
Sie sind in einem zu Benares unter Nr. 152 bewahrten Uni- 
kum durch die Freundlichkeit des India Office, dessen aufier- 
ordentlicher Liberalitat ich auch bei dieser Arbeit die ganze 
Studienmoglichkeit verdanke, mir zuganglich geworden. Trotz 
ihres sehr erheblichen Umfanges (117 Blatter) beschlofi ich, 
sie zu kopieren. Sie lohnten diese Miihe durch oft wortliche 
Wiedergabe von Partien der Ath. Pray, und waren mir um 
so wertvoller, als sie in ihrem Comm. den Text wiederholten, 
diesen also bisweilen mehrfach gab en. A Her dings ist er hier 
wie dort liberaus stark entstellt. Das Ms. gehort trotz seines 
verhaltnismaftig hohen Alters (350 Jahre) zu den sorglosest 
geschriebenen und verderbtesten, die mir jemals vorgekommen 
sind; es ist aufierdem durch Wurmfrafi zerstort. Die Frage- 
zeichen meiner Zitate desselben stehen hinter Aksara's, die 
schlecht lesbar waren; bei Ausrufezeichen vermute ich grobe 
Fliichtigkeiten oder Auslassungen des Schreibers. Auf meine 
Kopie, die ich abermals mit dem Original verglich, habe ich 
gleichwohl um so grofiere Sorgfalt verwendet, als der Zustand 
des kostbaren Unikums dessen baldige Auflosung befiirchten 

Ath arvaprdyascittan i. 231 

liefi. Im iibrigen lehrte mich gerade dieser Text, dessen auch 
nur ganz ungefahres Yerstandnis eine harte Arbeit voraus- 
setzen miifite, dafi es vielleicht geratener sei, sich mit jungerem 
und desbalb klarer iiberliefertem Material zu beschaftigen. 
YYer die Eigenart der indischen Ritualliteratur, in konserva- 
tivster Weise das Alte, kaum in neuem Gewande, sondern 
lediglich in bequemerer Form und dadurch leicbter verstand- 
lich gemacht, zu geben, kennt, wird mein Bestreben billigen. 
Die von mir verwerteten Agnihotraprayascittani der Apastam- 
bas (Ind. Off. 154c) und die in dem Sammelbande Nr. 1572 
des Ind. Off. enthaltenen Texte bewahrheiteten die Yermutung, 
daft sich altes Gut, durcb klarere und ausfiibrlicbere Sprach- 
form wertvoller geworden, in diesen jiingeren Literaturprodukten 
erhalten babe. Ich mufite sie desbalb planmafiig heranziehen 
und brauchte kaum einen einzigen Passus, den sie boten, un- 
beriicksicbtigt zu lassen. Natiirlich handelt es sicb bei ihnen 
um Rohmaterial, das icb ungeebnet gab, wie icb es fand. 

Meinen Weg vorwarts zu geben, ware mir kaum moglich 
gewesen, kaum hatte icb es yermocbt, das sacblich Zusammen- 
gehb'rige uberall aneinanderzureihen, wenn mir nicht Bloom- 
fields ausgezeicbnete Concordance zur Hilfe gekommen ware. 
Bisweilen benutzte ich sie, um von der im Texte zitierten 
Mantra -Partie aus die sacblich zugehorigen Prosa - Stellen 
der gedruckten Parallelen zu ermitteln, zuweilen zur Fest- 
stellung des Mantras selbst, wenn dessen fiirchterliche Kor- 
ruption seine Identifizierung auf anderem Wege unmoglich 
machte, aber immer. ohne dafi sie jemals durch eigene 
Schuld versagt hatte. Wir konnen in ihr ein Musterwerk 
philologischer Prazisionsarbeit sehen. 

Ein zweiter Umstand war es, der mir in auflerordentlichem 
Mafie zu Hilfe kam. Unser Text streift in vielen Partien 
die verwickeltesten Fragen des Rituals, dessen Beherrschung 
die Sonderarbeit eines halben Lebens voraussetzt. Mit den 
einschlagigen Texten keineswegs unbekannt, ware mir die 
Losung vieler sich bier bietender Probleme, die Kenntnis einer 
gro&en Zahl von Einzeltatsachen, gleichwohl verschlossen ge- 
blieben, wenn sich Herr Prof. W^ Caland nicht gutigst bereit 
erklart hatte, die zweite, teilweise auch die dritte Korrektur 
des Satzes zu lesen. Er hat mich dabei vor einer Reihe von 
MiCgriffen bewahrt standen ihm doch genaue Kopien des 
Textes zur Yerfugung und durch seine freundlichen Rat- 

232 Julius von Negelein, 

schlage den Wert der Arbeit erheblich gefordert. Ihm fiir 
seine im Interesse der Wissenschaft geleistete tatige Anteil- 
nahme zu danken, ist mir Pflicht und Freude. Endlich hat 
Herr Prof. E. Sieg bei dieser ebensowenig wie bei fruheren 
Arbeiten die Miihe gescheut, am Lesen der Korrekturen sicli 
zu beteiligen und dabei viele Einzelheiten zu bessern. 

Was die Wiedergabe des Textes anlangt, so verfuhr ich 
auch diesmal so konservativ wie moglich. Die Prosapartien 
desselben geben das Bild der Handscliriften getreu wieder; 
die Mantra sind mit den Paralleltexten verglichen, aber nicht 
auf Grund der Fassung dieser umgestaltet worden. Analoge 
Stellen sind zwar von mir in den Anmerkungen zitiert, doch 
habe ich mir darin grofie Beschrankung auferlegt, weil ver- 
mittelst Bloomfields Concordance das Zusammengehorige leicht 
gefunden werden kann, ich es deshalb verschniahen muftte, 
auf Grund dieses Werkes eine Scheingelehrsamkeit zu ent- 
falten, welche die Schatzung der Verdienste anderer beein- 
trachtigen konnte. Wer immer . auf dem einschlagigen Gebiete 
gearbeitet hat, wird die sehr grofie Summe von Miihe, die ich 
auf eine jahrelang gepflegte und wahrend mancher Schickungen 
geforderte Arbeit verwandt habe, ohnehin zu wiirdigen wissen. 
Diese Sorgfalt wiirde Sache und Autor lacherlich erscheinen 
lassen, wenn ihr nicht der Wert des behandelten Gegenstandes 
entsprache, der nach des Verfassers reifstem Urteil sie recht- 
fertigt und erheischt: durch den Urwald der auGerordent- 
lich umfangreichen und religionsgeschichtlich so wichtigen 
Literatur der Siihnehandlungen ist jetzt der erste Pfad ge- 
schlagen, der zweifellos nichts weniger als gerade und eben 
ist, aber hier und da weite Blicke gestattet und den spateren 
Generationen das Nachriicken erleichtert. Wie sollten wir 
eine Gruppe von Ideen und Lehren der Vergessenheit anheim- 
fallen lassen, die, wenngleich in der durch die Weite der Zeit- 
fernen verklingenden Rede eines engherzigen Priestertums 
verkiindet, die fruheste Kunde von dem Sir eben des Menschen- 
lierzens nacli Erlosung uns vermitteln? 

Ich werde den beschrittenen Weg weiter verfolgen. Die 
gegenwartig vorliegende Arbeit ist die Erfiillung meines im 
,,Traumschliissel" S. 121 Anm. 1 gegebenen Yersprechens. Sie 
soil mit der Ankiindigung einer Bearbeitung der altesten 
astrologisclien Literatur Indiens, auf die ich seit Jahren als 
auf eine sehr wichtige Gruppe religioser Dokumente mein 

Atharvaprayascittdni. 233 

Augenmerk gerichtet habe, schliefoen. Auch auf diesem Gebiet 
liegt, wie wir sehen werden, das Interessanteste und Beste in 
den Atharvaparisista wie in einem groften Thesaurus verborgen. 
Je mehr der Kreis der tatigen Mitarbeiter auf unserem 
Forschungsgebiete zusammenschmilzt, um so mehr ist es unsere 
Pflicht, sich des Ideenschatzes bewufit zu bleiben, dessen strenge 
Wahrung und Ausgestaltung der Pflege des Sanskritstudiums 
allein sein Recht zu geben vermag, und die Einwirkung eines 
in flacher Routine sich selbstgeniigsam ergehenden Virtuosen- 
tums auszuschalten, das unter dem Alleinanspruch auf auRere 
Exaktheit nur fehlgreifende inner e Hohlheit verbirgt. 


Das Sanskritwort fur Suhne, heifit in den altesten Texten 
praya^citti. Nur selten kommt daneben in den Samhita's und 
Brahmana's die erst der spiiteren Literatur gelaufige Form 
prayascitta (s. A. Weber, Omina und Portenta 3 Anm. zu 
S. 318; vgl. auch Petersb. Wb.) vor. Eine spielende Ety- 
mologic des Wortes gibt z. B. Katy. Sr. S. 25. 1. 2. Daselbst be- 
fiadet sich auch eine Aufierung iiber die Gelegenheit der An- 
wendbarkeit der Siihne: sie soil vollzogen werden bei einem 
,,MiO>griff im Ritual" (karmopapate cf. Ath. Pray. 1. 1: vidhya- 
paradhe). Ihrer Spezies nach gehort sie zu den Zweckopfern 
(cf. Asv. Pray. Ib: prayascittani naimittika- karma- vis" esa abhi- 
dhlyante). Dem Begriffsinhalt nach ist prayascitta, wie Stenzler 
(,,On the Hindou doctrine of expiation" Rep. Proc. 2 Congr. 
of Orientalists. Ldn. 1874. S. 23) richtig bemerkt, in altester 
Zeit gleich pratikara, d. h. ,,Abwehrmittel", wobei zu erwagen 
ist, daS dem Menschen friiherer Zeitlaufte selbst Naturvor- 
gange, auf die wir tatsachlich keinen Einflufi haben, als ab- 
wehrbar galten. Spater glaubte man zum mindesten durch 
geschickte Handgriffe, die in abermals jiingerer Zeit in den 
Kodex der sakralen Handlungen aufgenommen wurden und 
deshalb von einem Gebet begleitet werden mufiten, die ver- 
hangnisvollen Folgen solcher Geschehnisse abwenden zu konnen. 
Diese Vorgange selbst werden dann zum Omen. Demgemiift 
versuchte man bei sehr vielen Volkern der Erde die Sonnen- 
finsterms durch Larm zu verscheuchen; spater vollzog man 
Opfer, um die bosen Folgen, welche man von ihr fiirchtete, 
wie z. B. die Zerstorung des durch sie heimgesuchten Reiches, 
zu bannen; abermals spater begleitete man diese Opfer mit 

234 Julius von Negelein, 

Gebeten, die allmahlich zu dessen notwendigem Bestandteil 
wurden; endlich sah man in dem Naturvorgang den Ausdruck 
des Zorns einer Gottheit, welclie besanftigt werden muftte. 
Als Beispiel hierfiir nenne ich den Mythus Taitt. Samh. 2. 1. 
4. 1, nach welchem die G otter dafiir, dafi die Sonne nicht 
scheint, eine Siihne erfinden; d. h.: die Himmlischen wollen 
nach altester Auffassung dadurch diese Naturerscheinung selbst, 
nacli spaterer deren Folgen bannen. Dem entspricht die Defi- 
nition des Konim. zu Ap. Sr. S. 9. 1. 1: ,,Siihne nennt man eine 
heilige Handlung, die dazu dient, eine Schadigung zu eat- 
fernen" (dosanirharanartham karma prayascittam). Eine be- 
sondere Beachtung kam den beim OpJ'er auftretenden Omina 
zu. Stand dieses doch in unmittelbarstem Bezuge zur Gott- 
heit oder der unpersonlich gedachten Schicksalsmacht. Die 
Anzahl der Siihne verlangenden Moglichkeiten, welche hierbei 
zu Tatsachen werden konnten, war, wie der Schlufi der Ath. 
Pray, lehrt, unermefilich grofi. Eine Eeihe besonders liaufig 
tviederkehrender Zwischenfalle aber wurde kodifiziert. Des- 
halb stehen den bekannten Wahrzeichen die unbekannten, nicht 
in den heiligen Schriften erwahnten, gegenliber. Kesava zu 
Kaus. S. (s. Bloomfields Ed. p. 372) sagt deshalb sehr klar: 
yad granthe na pathyate tat sarvam anajnatam ity ucyate: 
vgl. Comm. zu Ap. Sr. S. 14. 17. 1 zur Erklarung von anajnata: 
asrutani visesa-prayascittani yatra dosanam so 'vijnata-prayas- 
cittah somah | etad uktain bhavati | purusa-pramada-"lasya- 
"dibhis tatra prayaso bhavanty eva 'nye 'nye dosah na ca te 
sarve sruta-prayascitta-visesa eva bhavanti | vicitratvat tesam | 
tasmad adrsta-dosa-vighata-'rtha eta ahutir juhot! 'ti (vvobei 
die Zuriickfiihrung der jBitualfehler auf die psychologischen 
Momente der Fahrlassigkeit und Traglieit bemerkenswert ist). 
Die Besorgnis, neben den erkennbaren Mifigrift'en moglicher- 
weise unerkennbare, verborgen bleibende und deshalb doppelt 
gefahrliche Fehler begangen zu haben, fiihrt in alien heid- 
nischen Kulten zu jener charakteristischen Furchtempfindung, 
der die ,,unbekannte Gottheit" der Paulinischen Araeopag- 
Rede das Dasein verdankt. Daher die fast heimisch an- 
mutende Formel des Siihnegebetes. ,,Erlose mich von dem 
Bosen, was ich unwissentlich und was ich wissentlich getan 
habe" so heiftt es mehrfach, z. B. Ap. Sr. S. 6. 1. 7 (cf. Bloom- 
fields Concordance); ganz ahnlich sagt schon Ath. V. 6. 115. 
12, wo auch von der im Traum begangenen Siinde geredet 

Atliarvaprayascittani. 235 

wird. Sie 1st kerne ,,Gedankensunde", am allerwenigsten ge- 
schlechtlicher Art, wie moderne christliche Weltauffassung sie 
unterschieben konnte, sondeTn ,,Tatsimde", denn der Traum 
gait als eine zweite Wirklichkeit, dessen befleckende Yer- 
felilungen als leiblicher Makel an dem Erwachten haften blieben 
und mit Wasser oder Lehtn abgewaschen wurden. Der 
Charakter jenes ,,Nichtwissens" als einer rituellen Unerfahren- 
heit zeigt sich besonders deutlich in Ath. V. 6. 119. 3: ana- 
janan nianasa yacamano yat tatrai 'no apa tat suvami; d. h.: 
wenn ich, ohne [das richtige Gebet] zu kennen, nur im stillen 
[dem Sinne, nicht dem Wortlaut nach] die Gottheit anflehe . . . 
In alien Fallen solcher Gebete an die unbekannte Macht 
pflegte man sich auf die Yyahrti-Formel zu beschranken, die 
in drei Lauten Himmel, Luftraum und Erde umfassen sollte. 
Deshalb heifit es Katy. Sr. S. 25. 1. 4: wo keine besondere 
Anweisung gegeben ist, finde das Grofie-Yyahrti-Opfer statt, 
Der Yergleich dieser Stelle mit Ath. Pray. Anm. 1139; Sankh. Sr. 
S. 3. 21. 6; Ap. Sr. S. 14. 32. 7; ferner dem korrupten anajnata 
von Ath. Pray. 4. 1 Text S. 36 Z. 4 und dem inhaltlich sehr klaren 
Passus von Agn. Pray. Ib in Ath. Pray. Anm. 6 ergibt zur 
Evidenz die vollige Identitat zwischen dem ,,unbekannten" und 
,,nicht kodifizierten" Omen. 

Tiber den Umfang der Siihne-bediirftigen Yerfehlungen der 
Opferpraxis unterrichten uns Asv. Pray. Ib; s. Ath. Pray. 
Anm. 2; dort wird von der Moglichkeit, einen Opferbestand- 
teil durch einen anderen zu ersetzen, also von der so wichtigen 
Substitutionshandlung, gesprochen, und dabei als zur heiligen 
Handlung gehorig, also dem menschlichen Irrtum unterworfen, 
genannt: das Opfermaterial, die Gegend und Zeit seiner Yoll- 
ziehung, der Opferlohn, die Priester und die Gattin. Tat- 
sachlich konnen wir aus unseren Texten den Umstand belegen, 
daft an jede einzelne dieser Eventualitaten gedacht ist. 

Der Grad von Sorgfalt, welchen man dem Erlernen und 
Ausgestalten dieses Gebietes zuwandte, war keinesfalls geringer, 
als die Miihe, mit der man das weltliche Recht pflegte und aus- 
baute (cf. Komm. zu Ap. Sr. S. 9. 1. 1). Ja, es scheint, als ob der 
junge Brahmanenschuler als Studiosus utriusque iuris auch in 
diesem Punkte die Kirche iiber den Staat stellen sollte, denn 
fur die alteste Zeit gilt dies kaum zum mindesten die 
Lehre von der Reirilialtung, die auch im Opfer eine so grofie 
Rolle spielt und im profanen Leben angesichts der bestiindigen 

236 Julius von Negelein, 

Moglichkeit, mit Yertretern niederer, befleckender Kasten in 
Beriihrung zu kommen, von aufierster Wichtigkeit war, rnufite 
ihm schon zu Anfang in Fleisch und Blut iibergehen. Agni- 
purana 153. 12 heifit es: ,,Sobald der Lehrer den Schiller auf- 
genommen hat, moge er ihn zunaclist in [den Bestimmungen 
iiber die] Reinhaltung unterrichten . . ." Allerdings scheinen 
die umstandlichen Suhnezeremonien innerhalb und aufierhalb 
des Opferkreises in ihrer ganzen Ausdehnung erst dem reiferen 
Jiinger beigebracht worden zu sein. Dementsprechend sagt 
Chambers 650 Bl. 3: vicarya dharmasastrani prayascittam pra- 
kalpayet; d. h. w erst wenn man die Kechtsbiicher studiert hat, 
soil man die Lehre von der Siihne durchnehmen." TVie weit 
weltliches und geistliches Recht sich erganzten oder ablosten, 
wird sich schwerlich entscheiden lassen, weil hier die Autoritat 
des Fiirsten, die natiirlich in den verschiedenen Laudern und 
Zeiten sehr verschieden war, den Ausschlag gab. Auch sind 
die uns diesbeziiglich unterrichtenden Quellen trotz ihrer ge- 
legentlichen Fingerzeige nicht immer vertrauenswiirdig. Be- 
richten sie doch von brahmanischem Standpunkt aus haufig 
das den Priestern Genehme als wirJdich Vorliandenes. Grleich- 
wohl ist hervorzuheben, dafi, angesichts der ungewohnlichen 
Harte der ,,Kirchenstrafen", ihre Bevorzugung oft keinen 
Vorteil bot, und dafi (vgl. Agnip. 170. 30 ff.) die Verletzung der 
religiosen Pflichten beim Bralimanen bisweilen am schwersten 
bestraft wurde. Sehr interessant ist in dieser Hinsicht ibid. 
168. 1: Der Eegent moge denjenigen Mannern, welche die 
BuGe nicht [freiwillig] vollziehen, sie auferlegen. Moge ein 
solcher Mensch wollen oder nicht der festgesetzten BuGe 
soil er nicht entgehen (prayascittam krtam caret). Der 
Verstoft gegen das Eitual schadigte den Staat zwar nicht 
unmittelbar, aber um so schwerer Staat und Familie mittel- 
bar. Ein Miftgrin 7 bei den grofien Opfern konnte nach ortho- 
doxer Auffassung dem Lande den Untergang bringen. Dies 
war namentlich bei dem Entweichen des Opferrosses im Asva- 
medha (dem Pferdeopfer) der Fall. Doch schon das blofie 
Qmfallen des Pfostens, an welchen das geweihte Tier vor der 
Schlachtung gebunden wurde, hatte nach der Auffassung der 
Glaubigen furchterliche Folgen. Der umgefallene Stossel im 
Morser wird zum Donnerkeil, der die Yerwandten erschlagt 
(Ath. Par. 37. 1. 1). Wenn ein Yogel, der Fleisch im Schnabel 
hat, sich auf den Opferplatz herabstiirzt, soil man den Yers 

Atharvaprayascittani. 237 

sprechen: ,,Welcber furchtbare Donnerkeil, von Gott ge- 
schleudert, uns ereilte . . . u (Kaus. S. 129). Kleine Yergehen 
oder Versehen machen oft das ganze Opfer nichtig und seine 
Wiederkolung notwendig (Ath. Pray. Anm. 257). Ein klas- 
siscbes Beispiel fur diese Verau&erlichung der religiosen Ideen 
und kultischen Formen ist die halb ergotzliche Erzablung von 
dem wabrend einer heiligen Handlung mit unterlaufenen, ver- 
bangnisvollen Akzentfehler, der in dem Verse Rgveda 1. 32. 6. 
bei dem Worte indrasatruh aus: ,,dem, dessen iiberlegener 
Feind Indra ist," einen ,,Besieger Indras" machte und damit 
den Segen des Opfers in einen Flucb verkehrte, eine Be- 
gebenheit, die seit alter Zeit oft dazu benutzt wird, die Not- 
wendigkeit der richtigen Akzentbetonungen zu lehren. 

Solche Auswiichse sind natiirlicb verhaltnismafiig jiingeren 
Datums. Daft man aber bereits dem ersten aller Opfer Wabr- 
zeicben entnabm, lebrt uns die Kain- und Abel-Legende; dies 
bestatigt auf indiscbem Boden das Vorbandensein offenbar 
alter Fragmente, wie Atb. Paris. 37. 9. 1, 11. 1., die vom Er- 
loscken des Hocbzeitsfeuers als einem Omen kiinden, wabrend 
der gleicbe Text in 70 c. 23 5 von der Beobacbtung sakraler 
Feuer spricht. Von einer eigentlicben Geschiclite der Siibne- 
bandlungen auf dem Gebiete der Vedatexte zu reden, ver- 
bietet uns deren Kasuistik, ferner die Moglicbkeit der Ab- 
biingigkeit der einzelnen Texte voneinander und des Ver- 
scbweigens vieler Einzelbeiten, die unsere Auffassung bestimmend 
verandern konnten. Auf der einen Seite seben wir bereits im 
Ait. Brabm. ziemlicb wunderliche und entlegene Falle gestreift, 
wie z. B. in 7. 9: ya abitagnir yadi Mr any am nasyet . . .; auf 
der andern Seite scbeinen nocb die Ath. Paris, eine ganze 
Kette von Einzelbeiten, die in unseren Atb. Pray, umstandlicb 
differenziert werden, zusammenzufassen, so z. B., wenn das 
Atb. Paris. 45. 2b. 4 des Falles gedenkt: yasya 'gnihotradheny- 
adi vyapadyeta . . . Das eben erwabnte Beispiel des Ausgehens 
eines Opferfeuers ist fiir die Umstandlicbkeit und Gewissen- 
baftigkeit, mit welcber die alten Priester den scbwerfalligen 
Opferapparat im Kreise berumdrebten, bezeicbnend: wenn- 
gleicb bierbei die Schulmeinungen im einzelnen auseinander- 
gingen, scbeinen sie sicb docb in dem bauptsacblicbsten Ideen- 
gang zusammenzufinden, indem sie namlicb, von der Tatsacbe 
ausgebend, daft das Garhapatya-Feuer als Stammfeuer in Brand 
erhalten bleiben soil, es bei seinem unvermuteten Erloscben 

238 Julius von Negelein, 

,,aus seinem eigenen MutterschoR" von neuem sich heraus ent- 
wickeln lassen (Ath. Pray. Anm. 79), wahrend sie das Ahavanlya- 
Feuer als ,,das zu Entflammende" bei seinem vorzeitigen Er- 
loschen nicht durch Quirlen, sondern durch Ubertragung aus 
dem Garhapatya abermals ins Leben rufen. Der Suhne- 
prozeB abmt also den vorgeschriebenen Opferverlauf angstlich 
nach. Allerdings soil man nach Taitt. Brahm. 1. 4. 7. 2 in dem 
letzteren Falle das Agmdhra-Feuer zur Neuerzeugung benutzen; 
wenn dieses erloschen sollte, es aus dem Garhapatya nehmen; 
das letztere aber notigenfalls durch Quirlen wiederbeleben. 
Um derartige Umstandlichkeiten zu verstehen, mufi man sich 
erinnern, dafi das Opfer als ein von der Gottheit geoffenbartes 
Naturphanomen angesehen, also jeder Veranderlichkeit entriickt 
gedacht wurde; dafi mithin die Aufgabe der Priester im Falle 
eines Mifilingens bei demselben darin bestehen mufite, das alte 
Gleis wieder zu gewinnen. Darin liegt eines der wesentlichsten 
psychologischen Motive aller Suhnehandlungen innerhalb, ja 
selbst aufierhalb des Opferkreises. 

Von der grofiten Wichtigkeit ist es, die Suhnezeremonien 
so schnell als moglicli darzubringen ; ,,der richtige Zeitpunkt fur 
die Siihnehandlungen liegt dicht hinter dem ominosen Yorgang" 
Agn. Pray. Ib in Ath. Pray. Anm. 6; vgl. Katy. Sr. S. 25. 1. 1: 
karmo-'papate prayascittam tatkalam; Asv. Pray. Ib: prayas- 
cittani nimitta - 'nantaram kartavyani. Vernachlassigt man 
beim Opfervollzug versehentlich das bose Wahrzeichen, so soil 
man eingreifen, sobald man sich der Unterlassungssiinde er- 
innert, resp. des Irr turns gewahr wird (s. Ath. Pray. Anm. 760). 
Je schneller man handelt, urn so grofier ist die Leichtigkeit 
des Loskaufs durch die Suhnezeremonie. Namentlich ist es 
wichtig, ob die Yernachlassigung dem Hauptopfer voraus liegt 
oder umgekehrt (Katy. Sr. S. 25. 5. 16: smarane pradhana- 
yagat purvam smrtva . . . vgl. Ath. Pray. Anm. 257): wer seine 
Spende mit verunreinigter Opferspeise dargebracht hat, soil, 
wenn dies vor dem samistayajus (Schlufiopferspruch) geschehen 
ist, lediglich eine ,,Neuopferung" mit Schmelzbutter vornehmen; 
wenn nachher, das Opfer von Anfang an vollig wiederholen. 

Die Frage der Schuld des Opferveranstalters, wie sie dem 
modernen Dogma der Willensfreiheit entwachst, wird nirgends 
erortert. Nur der Enderfolg, die nackte Tatsache des Yor- 
handenseins des rituellen Mifigriffs, entscheidet; die ihn ver- 
ursachende Oesinnung des Opferveranstalters wird zwar bis- 

Atharvaprayascittani. 239 

weilen angedeutet, aber nirgends fiir die moralische Beurteilung 
des Falles in Betracht gezogen. Es ist mithin gleichgiltig, 
ob der der Siihne bediirftige VerstoR aus ,,menschlicher" oder 
,,gottlicher" Falirldssigkeit (Ath. Pray. Anm. 249; sogar bei 
dern Entweichen des Opferpferdes sind beide Mb'glichkeiten 
gegeben: Anm. 1110), aus Verwirrtheit (bhrantya) oder Zer- 
streutheit (vismaranat) resultiert, ob Vorsatz oder Fahrlassig- 
keit vorliegt, wie ja auch im profanen Recht zwischen Mord, 
Totschlag uncl fahrlassiger Totung kein Unterschied konstruiert 
wurde. Selbst die Verzogerung oder Verschiebung des Opfers 
durch unvorhersehbare Umstande und hohere Gewalt durch 
Revolution, Krieg; durch Ausgehen des notigen Opfermaterials ; 
durch den Tod des. Veranstalters - - begriindeten keine Aus- 
nahme im Sinne dieser Lehre. Zwischen Vergehen und unbeab- 
siclitigtem Mifigriff macht selbst die alte Sprache keinen Unter- 
schied. Beide heifien apacara (cf. z. B. Katy. Sr. S. 25. 5. 13, 27 ff.). 
Wenngleich also, wie wir sahen, eine psychologische Be- 
wertung des sukneerheischenden Mifigriffs nicht statthatte, so 
wurden im Vollzug der Siihnezeremonie gewisse Empfindungen, 
die wir mit bona fides und mala fides im romisch-rechtlichen 
Sinne bezeichnen konnen, geradezu als Zaubermittel angesehen 
und fiir den Enderfolg der Siihnehandlung in Frage gezogen. 
Um ein Beispiel zu geben, sei folgendes erwahnt: wenn ein 
Regentropfen in den Opfertrank fallt und ihn dadurch ver- 
mehrt, so gilt dieses als ein boses Omen, denn das himmlische 
NaB ist ungeweiht, mufi also dem geweihten Opferkreise fern- 
bleiben. Nach Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 2. 10 schadet aber der auf 
die (bereits in den Opferloffel gegossene) Agnihotra-Spende 
fallende Eegen dieser und dem Opfer selbst garnichts, wenn 
der den Ritus Vollzieliende sicli dabei denkt: ,,Yon oben kam 
zu mir der [Regen als der himmlische] Soma herab; der Gott 
hat mich gestarkt; niein Gliicksstand wird zunehmen." Als 
Beispiel fur die mala fides diene folgende Einzelheit: Ich nehme 
an, das Opferfeld sei durch das profanierende Eindringen eines 
Hundes in zwei Teile ,.zerrissen u worden. Hier greifen Zauber- 
mittel volkstumlicher Art in den Opferritus ein. Dadurch, 
dafi man namlich die beiden durch jenes Dazwischentreten 
entweihten Opferteile (etwa: zwei heilige Feuer) miteinander 
vermittelst eines aus Asche oder "Wasser gebildeten ,,Fadens- 
verbindet,j^zc7ji/ f man gewissermaden das zerrissene Opfergewebe 
(Ath. Pray. Anm. 64, Text zu Anm. 811). Nun rat jedoch der vor- 

240 Julius von Negelein, 

sichtige Verfasser von Sat, Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 4folg. YOU der An- 
wendung von Asclie ab, well sich ein boswilliger Zuschauer oder 
Priester unter ihr die [aus dem Leichenbrande herriihrende] Asche 
des Opferveranstalters denken konnte. 1st dies aber erst einmal 
der Fall gewesen, so liegt nach jenem Autor die Gefahr sebr 
nahe, dafi ein solcher ,,frommer Wunsch" in Erfullung gehen 
konnte. Auch hier begegnen uns im fremden Gewande volks- 
tiimliche Yorstellungen der nachstliegendsten und greifbarsten 
Art. Psychologisch interessant sind Stellen wie Katy. Sr. 
S. 25. 5. 26 f.; 25. 9. 3. Wenn man zuviel Opfermaterial er- 
griffen hat, soil man das Uberschiissige gleichwohl zum Opfer 
verwenden, und zwar ,,um die Befleckung zu verhiiten, die durch 
einen abirrenden Wunsch anderenfalls hervorgerufen wiirde" 
(mithya-samkalpa-dosa-parijihirsaya resp. samkalpa-dosa-pari- 
haraya). Das kann doch nurheitien: damit der Priester nicht 
auf den schlechten Gedanken kommt, das uberschtissige Opfer- 
gut in die eigene Tasche zu bringen, weil dadurch der heiligen 
Handlung geschadet wiirde. Mit dieser vorsichtigen Andeutung 
ist das einzige, allenfalls ethiscli za nennende Element des Siihne- 
opfers, dem es im iibrigen an den Begriffen von Schuld und Suhne, 
von schlechtem Gewissen und Keue so ganzlich fehlt, erwahnt. 
Was die Notwtndiglceit des Vollzuges der Siihnehandlungen 
anlangt, so wird sie, wenn es sich um unwichtige Einzelheiten 
handelt, bisweilen allgemein verneint; in eben diesen Fallen 
bisweilen von einzdnen Autoritaten bestritten oder ganz all- 
gemein nur fiir Opfervollzieher, welclie religiose Uberangstlidi- 
keit zeigen, zugegeben. Beispielsweise schadet eine Krahe, 
welche sich zwar in den Opferbezirk drangt, aber alsbald 
wieder von dannen fliegt, der heiligen Handlung ebensowenig 
als die Zufalligkeit des Herabfallens der Opferstreu (Ath. 
Pray. 4. 1) oder das nur stellenweise Anbrennen des Opfer- 
kuchens (Ath. Pray. Anm. 653). Der freigeistigen Richtung, 
welche eine Hauptquelle des Satapathabrahmana so deutlich 
kennzeichnet, entspricht es, daft selbst das Omen der eben er- 
wahnten ,,0pferzerreifiung" nur eine ,,Loskaufszeremonie" (nis- 
krti) und eine Spende (isti) erheischt. Nach noch liberalerer, 
eben dort erwahnter Auffassung soil man auf das Eindringen 
fremder Dinge oder lebender Wesen in keinem Falle, selbst 
dann nicht achten, wenn eine ganze Schar (grama) es veriibte l 

1 Eine Ausnahme machte ihrer Natur nach die kultische bahispavamana- 
Zeremonie, bei welcher samtliche Beteiligten, in geduckter Haltung sich 

Atharvaprayascittdni. 241 

(Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 2 folg.). - - Von der Opfersubstanz wird 
in der gleichen Quelle gesagt, dafi sie, falls sie verunreinigt 
sei, nach einigen Autoritaten gegen reine ausgetauscht werden 
miisse, nach anderen nicht. Es kommt in diesem Falle auf 
die Beurteilung der strittigen Vorfrage an, ob die Gutter, 
denen sie vorgesetzt wird, vor unsauberer Speise Ekel emp- 
finden, was manche Autoritaten verneinen (Sat. Brahm. 12. 
4. 2. 2). 1 Das psychologische Moment der religiosen Uber- 
angstlichkeit wird endlich bei der Losung der Frage der Opfer- 
notwendigheit in Stellen wie Sat. Brah. 12. 4. 3. 4 5, 4. 2 in 
die Wagschale geworfen; nur so kann ich die dortige Wen- 
dung: ,,yady u asya hrdayam vy eva likhet" verstehen. End- 
lich haben Schulen und Textgruppen iiber diese Frage ver- 
schieden gedacht (s. Ath. Pray. Anm. 856 und ibid. 4. 1). 
Durchaus ist aber festzuhalten, dafi die Anzahl dieser nach 
irgendeiner Bichtung hin strittigen Punkte beziiglich ihrer Zahl 
wie ihrer Bedeutung hinter der festgefiigten Gruppe der seit 
uralters durchaus unbestrittenen Falle vollig zurucktritt. Der 
grofie Bau der Suhnehandlungen konnte wohl gewisse Aus- 
kleidungen oder Verzierungen erfahren, sein Plan und Funda- 
ment aber standen unerschiitterlich fest. 

Welches war die leitende Idee seines Grundrisses? Es war 
die Lehre von der Notwendigkeit der restitutio in integrum. 
dem Bewufitsein entwachsen, dafi das beim Opfer Ausgefallene 
riachgeholt, das bei der Darbringung Mi&gliickte in korrekter 
Form aufs neue der Gottheit angeboten werden musse. Dem- 
entsprechend heifit es z. B. Ath. Pray. 2. 4: ,,Die Opfer- 
kuh Irullt. Was ist daftir die Siihne? Nun, sie briillt, weil 
sie des Opferveranstalters Hunger und Durst ansagen will. 
Darum soil man ihr Heu geben. Das ist daftir die Siihne." 
Yielfach miissen analogen Uberlegungen Yorschriften ent- 

fortbewegten. Wenn die Kette durch Eindringlinge zerrissen wurde, 
waren stets strenge Suhnen (Neuwahl eines Priesters und Opfergeschenke, 
die urspriinglich angeblich in der Austeilung der ganzen Habe bestanden 
haben sollen [sarvavedasadaksiria; s. Ath. Pray. 6. 5]) nohvendig. 

i Auch in dieser Hinsicht glichen die Goiter zweifellos den sie for- 
menden Brahmanen. Sankh. Sr. S. 3. 20. 5 sagt: ,,[Nur] was ein Brah- 
mane aus Ekel nicht geniefien kann, ist mit dem Kennzeichen der Un- 
reinheit behaftet." Das heifit umgekehrt: ,,Unreme Speise darf ein 
Brahmane nicht geniefien." Andererseits wurde wiederum gelehrt: n dem 
Magen eines Brahmanen schadet nichts." Die gelehrte Kontro verse stritt 
also um Priester und Gotter in gleicher \Veise. 

242 Julius von Negelein, 

wachsen sein, wie z. B. die, dafi man die lierabgefallene Kohle 
des Opferbrandes wieder aufschiitten (ibid. 2. 6; cf. Anm. 667); 
das vorzeitig erloschene heilige Feuer erneuern (6. 1); an Stelle 
der verlorengegangenen Friihmilch die Abendmilcb (oder um- 
gekehrt) in zwei Teilen opfern (Anm. 607); das eingebiifite 
samnayya durch neues Melken abermals gewinnen (Anm. 665); 
von dem angebrannten Opferkuchen das geniefibare Stuck 
darbringen (4. 1) oder diesen gegen einen gutgeratenen aus- 
tauschen (Anm, 653); an Stelle der besudelten Opferausriistung 
(Streu usw.) eine reine beschaffen (Anm. 646); das leek ge- 
wordene Opfergefafi durch ein festeres ersetzen (5. 5) soil. 
Diese Regeln sind mit einer bis ins kleinste gehenden Gewissen- 
baftigkeit ausgestaltet. Nach dem Komm. zu Ap. Sr. S. 14.. 26. 2 
moge man, wenn ein Opfergefafi platzt, die vorgeschriebenen 
Siibnezeremonien vollzieben und das Gefafi mit Bindemitteln 
(samdhanlya-dravyaih) haltbar warden lassen; falls es aber 
dennoch leckt (dharana-'samartbatve), es wieder dicbt macben; 
sollte aber das putabbrt- oder adhavanlya-Gefafi zerspringen, 
zuvor mit der sarvaprayascitta-Zeremonie opfern. Zu dem 
,,K6rper des Opfers" gehort aucb die Spendung des Priester- 
lohnes. Wer desbalb das Opferhonorar auszuteilen unterlafit, 
soil ,,reiches Land" (urvara samrddha) als siibnenden und 
ausgleichenden Gegenentgelt geben (Maitr. S. 1. 4. 13). 
Schon im alteren Ritual nebmen die Siibnezeremonien bis- 
weilen einen tbeatraliscben Anstrich an. Wenn iiber dem noch 
nicbt (aus dem Garhapatya-Feuer) herausgenommenen Ahava- 
niya-Feuer die Sonne untergebt, so soil man in westlicher 
Kicbtung mit einem Faden aus darbha-Gras ein Goldplatt- 
chen befestigen; tritt das Analoge beim Sonnenaufgang ein, 
in b'stlicber Bichtung auf gleiche Art eine silberne Scbeibe 
aufhangen (Atb. Pray. 1. 2); -- Sat. Brabm. 12. 4. 4. 67 lafit 
keinen Zweifel dariiber, dafi in dem Gold stuck die Sonne, in 
dem Silberstiick der Mond dargestellt ist, welche, wenn sie in 
Wirklicbkeit scbon untergegangen sind, iiber dem Opfer wenig- 
stens in effigie dasteben sollen, um nocb solange zu scbeinen, 
als sie der Priester fiir die korrekte Yollziehung seiner Hand- 
lung braucht. Bisweilen treten Renovatio oder Iteratio des 
Opfers neben die Siibnezeremonie, welcbe letztere dann in einer 
Handlung der Abstinenz besteben kann. Wenn z. B. der Haus- 
herr die morgendliche Vollziehung des Agnibotra-Opfers nicbt 
rechtzeitig vorgenommen bat, so moge er den Tag iiber samt 

Aihanaprayascittani. 243 

seiner Gattin schweigend (auch der Bruch der Schweigepflicht 
verlangt Siihne: Ath. Pray. Anm. 749) und fastend, die Reib- 
holzer in den Handen haltend, dasitzen, des Abends aber das 
versaumte Opfer nachholen, indem er die Milch zweier Kiihe 
darbringt (Ath. Pray. 4. 4). Auch zur Zeit von Viehseuchen 
wird, wie es scheint, die den Gottern gespendete Milchmenge 
verdoppelt (ibid. Anm. 754). 

Als Lauterungsmittel verunreinigter Opfersubstanzen und 
Opfergerate gait, soweit es dafiir anwendbar war, in erster 
Linie das Wasser. Es diirfte unter ihm bereits in altester 
Zeit, wie nachweislich in jungerer, zunachst d-SisJliefJende Wasser 
verstanden worden sein (cf. Agnip. 156. 9: suddham .nadigatam 
toyam punyam tadvat prasaritam). Dafi es ,,das Heilmittel 
des Opfers" war, lehrt Ap. r. S. 14. 21. 2 in einem alten Zitat: 
,,apah prajapateh prana yajnasya bhesajam". Ahnlich sagt 
Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 5: ,,yad vai yajnasya ristam yad asantam 
apo vai tasya sarvasya santih." Danach ist also das Wasser 
,,das Suhnemittel fiir alles". Neben dem Wasser ist Lehm 
moglich. Ein Zitat zu Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 6. 1 lehrt: 

yavan na 'paity amedhya-'ktad 

gandho lepas ca tat-krtah | 

tavan mrd vari va "deyam 

sarvasu dravya-suddhisu || 

Die Sauberung der Opfer-Instrumente usw. erfolgt mit der 
Hand (Ath. Pray. Anm. 614). 

Wir sehen, dafi bei den heiligen Handlungen der Begriff 
der physischen Reiiiheit eine sehr grofie Rolle spielt. Von 
hier aus hatte der Weg zur Forderung einer ethischen Rein- 
heit gefunden werden konnen; aber er ist niemals zielbewufit 
betreten worden. Yielmehr blieb der Brahmanismus stets in 
der Beobachtung altester Religionsvorschriften, wie sie auf 
Grund unklarer, uranfanglicher Ideen in der Menschheit auf- 
zutreten pflegen, stecken. Zwar stellte er (vermutlich seit 
iiltester Zeit) an den opfernden Brahmanen weitgehende An- 
forderungen in bezug auf sittliche Haltung und Familien- 
zugehorigkeit, auch auf korperliche Reinheit; ferner diirfte er 
bei dem Opferveranstalter, der die Priester dingte und lohnte, 
eine gewisse Rechtlichkeit vorausgesetzt haben; zum minde- 
sten durfte der Opferherr keiner Todsunde schuldig gewesen 
sein. Denn mit dem auf ihr stehenden, sozialen Boykott 
(pari + varj) war naturgemafi auch die Opferunfahigkeit ver- 

244 Julius von Negelein, 

bunden. Im iibrigen aber wiinschten die Priester als ein- 
zige Tugend bei ihrem Brotgeber nur eine: Freigebigkeit in 
der Austeilung der Opferlohne. War die Forderung der 
sittlidien Lauterkeit sebr wenig rigoros gestellt, so war es die 
der physischen urn so mehr. Hier lafit sich ein interessanter 
Gegensatz zwischen vedischer und avestischer Auffassung fest- 
stellen. Die Parsenreligion verehrte die Naturelemente als 
heilig und suchte sie vor Verunreinigung zu beschiitzen; die 
vedischen Opfervorschriften konstruierten einen raumlich genau 
festgelegten Bezirk der Heiligkeit und Reinheit, dem gegen- 
iiber die ganze Aufienwelt als befleckt gait. Der ganze Opfer- 
raum war ein geweihter Kreis fur sich, jeder Einbruch in 
ilm eine Sunde, wenn er von Menschen\ eine Siihne bediirf- 
tige, ominose Handlung, wenn er von Tieren oder Gegensttinden 
(Wagen) veriibt wurde. Drang Schmutz oder Unreinheit irgend- 
welcher Art, wozu namentlich aucb alle Ausscheidungen des 
menschlichen und tierischen Korpers gerechnet wurden, in das 
Opfermaterial ein, d. b.: wurde damit die Opfersubstanz oder 
das Opferwerkzeug ,(im weitesten Sinne des Wortes) befleckt, 
so mufite die anfangliche Reinheit des geweihten Bezirkes 
durch Zeremonien wieder hergestellt werden. Die Tatsache 
des Geweihtseins als solche, welche die Frucht einer bestimmten 
rituellen Handlung (diksa) war, gab den Ausschlag iiber die 
Heiligkeit oder Unheiligkeit des Eindringlings. Nur so ver- 
stehen wir es, dafi selbst die Naturelemente als Unheilsstifter 
angesehen werden konnten. Die Luft war es, wenn sie Fliegen 
oder anderes kleines Ungeziefer auf die Opferspeise trug; 
das Wasser, indem es in Form trtiben Schmutzes oder korper- 
licher Ausscheidungen den beiligen Kreis befleckte; doch selbst 
die Trane, ja sogar der Regentropfen verursachte die gleiche 
Wirkung;* das Feuer, das beiligste Element der Parsen- 

1 Man unterschied ferner zwischen dem ,,getrunkenen" und ,,un- 
getrunkenen" Soma und verbot die Mischung beider. Unter dem letzteren 
war das zwar geweihte aber noch unberuhrte, unter dem ersteren das bis 
auf die im Somabecher zuriickgebliebene Neige genossene Getrank, oder 
vielmehr diese Neige selbst zu verstehen (vgl. z. B. Ath. Pray. 6. 6; Tandya 
^. 9. 8). Ubrigens bedurfte es bei der durch solche Vermischung oder 
auf andere Art erzielten Verunreinigung des Somas keineswegs eines Er- 
satzes durch gleichartigen Stoff. Vielmehr erreichte man eine Lauterung 
beispielsweise durch das Hineinwerfen eines Goldstiickes in den Soma- 
trester (6ankh. ^r. S. 13. 6. 1). Gold gilt, wie uberall, so auch hier, als 
heilig, lauternd und unveranderlich (unsterblich). 

Atharvaprayascittdni. 245 

religion, indem es als profaner Gehilfe des Menschen bei dessen 
Kulturarbeit, oder als sein gefahrlicher Feind (Haus-, Dorf-, 
Waldfeuer) sich mit dem Opferfeuer vermischte (cf. Sat. Brahm. 
12. 4. 4. 2; Komm. zu Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. 7), sogar wenn es als 
Blitzfeuer sich auf das letztere herabstiirzte (Ath. Pray. 2. 7; 
ibid. Anm. 290); endlich die Erde, indem sie mit dem durch 
menschliche Fahrlassigkeit auf sie herniedergefallenen fliissigen 
oder festen Opfergut in Zusammenhang kam (Ath. Pray. Anm. 
711; 1146) (weshalb auch im spateren Opferritual alles als 
unrein gilt, was mit dem Fufi [Agnipur. 173. 32] beriihrt wurde, 
und sogar der Kontakt des Mundes mit dem Schuh [Agnipur. 
170. 39: upanaham amedhyam ca yasya samsprsate mukham 
mrttika-gomaye tatra paficagavyam ca sodhanam] verboten war). 
Der Entweihung von aufien stand die von innen gegeniiber. 
Sie war namentlich dadurch moglich, dafi entweder absolut 
oder reiativ unreine Menschen oder Gegenstande beim Opfer 
irgendwelche versehentliche Yerwendung fanden. Zu der ersteren 
Gruppe gehorten (da Mitglieder der unreinen Kasten im all- 
gemeinen ohnehin ferngehalten wurden und von verworfenen 
Tieren das gleiche gait; hier kamen Mifigriffe wohl aufterst 
selten vor), vor allem gewisse Pflanzen und deren Prpdukte, 
namentlich solche, welche saure, herbe, salzige, bittere, scharfe 
oder narkotische Ingredienzien lieferten, wie z. B. die Zwiebel 
(s. Ath. Pray. Anm. 614; vgl. meinen ,,Traumschlussel", S. 129 
und 346), aber auch das zu Zwecken der Zauberei verwandte 
Holz unheiliger Baume u. a. m.; der relativen Unreinheit aber 
waren alle Substanzen preisgegeben, welche durch Yerunreini- 
gung, Zersetzung, Yerwesung, unzweckmaBige Behandlung usw. 
ihre ,,natiirliche Beschaffenheit" verandern konnten. Opfer- 
unwiirdig war deshalb jede schmutzige, sauer gewordene, ge- 
ronnene, gegohrene, zersetzte, faulige, .angebrannte Speise. 
Was die Entweihung des Opferbezirks durch Tiere anlangt, 
so war sie in mehr oder minder hohem Grade durch alle 
nicht op/erfahigen Lebewesen zu befiirchten. Da aber als 
opferfahig (nach strengster Auffassung) nur fiinf Haustiere 
in Betracht kamen, war damit eine starke Quelle aberglaubi- 
scher Furcht angeschlagen. Als besonders gefahrlich galten 
nach Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 4 (cf. Ath. Pray. Anm. 63) das wilde 
Schwein, das wilde Schaf, der (herrenlose) Hund samt seinen 
nachsten Yerwandten (Hyane, Schakal, Fuchs: ^vapada), ferner 
namentlich auch die dem Erdboden und deshalb dem Reiche 

17 JAOS 34. 

246 Julius von Negelein, 

der Nacbt angehorigen kleineren Wesen, wie etwa Maus 
und Ameise, deren Erdaufwiirfe mit den Spenden verunreinigten 
Opfergutes bedacht wurden (Ath. Pray. 4. 3), weil sie dessen 
unheilvolle Befleckung ins Reich der Nacht hineinziehen sollten 
(cf. Anm. 664; 7412). Von Vogeln geborten zu den Send- 
boten der Todesgottheiten, und galten deshalb als besonders 
ominos, namentlich die sehr gefurcbtete, weil von Leichenresten 
lebende, Kralie (Anm. 818) und deren Verwandte: der Rabe, 
Geier usw. Wenn diese Tiere einen Teil des Opferleibes zu 
verzehren versuchten, betrachtete man dessen Entheiligung als 
ungewobnlicb schwer und der Siihne bediirftig. 

Als unrein, verunreinigend und unfabig der beiligen Hand- 
lung irgendwie beizuwohnen, galten endlicb Tiere und Men- 
scben unter gewissen Zustanden ibrer pbysiologiscben Be- 
scbaffenbeit, namentlicb scbwangere "Wesen * (a. Traumschliissel, 
S. 172folg.) und solcbe, die Zwillinge geboren batten, ferner 
die Gattin des Opferveranstalters, wenn sie sicb in der Men- 
struation oder innerbalb eines gewissen Zeitabscbnittes nacb 
ibrer Entbindung befand. 2 

Wir seben, dafi einerseits die Opfer-Veranstalter und -Teil- 
nebmer, andererseits die leblosen Glieder des grofien Opfer- 
leibes eine grofie Anzabl von Bedingungen erfullen muMen, 
wenn sie als wiirdig gelten sollten, zur Gottbeit in Beziehungen 
zu bleiben. Entspracben sie den traditionellen Anforderungen 
nicbt, so wurden sie sofort ausgeschaltet. Nur ein unbeab- 
sichtigter Mifigriff oder unabwendbare aufiere Einflusse konnten 

1 Selbst der in rituellen Angelegenheiten selir liberals Buddha erklart 
im 12 ten Sutta des Majjhima Mkaya, er iibe Askese, indem er nichts 
annehme : weder von einer Schwangeren, noch von einer Saugenden, noch 
von einer, die zu einem Mann gegangen ist, noch von einer Schmutzigen. 
Hier spricht allerdings der buddhistische Ekel vor dem Weibe als 
solchem und die monchische Lehre von der Unreinheit der Geburt be- 
reits mit. 

2 Vgl. z. B. Ath. Pray. Anm. 684; s. auch Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 9 
(=Kath. 35. 18): ,,Die Halfte des Opfers geht namlich demjenigen ver- 
loren, dessen Gattin am Tage des Geliibdes [infolge ihrer Unreinheit] uu- 
antastbar ist. Er moge sie entfernen und [dann erst] opfern. [Damit 
er aber] mit dem ganzen Opfer opfert, soil er nach demselben sie herbei- 
rufen und sagen: ,,Der bin ich; die bist du; der Himmel ich; die Erde 
du; Saman ich; Re du; komm, wir wollen uns vereinigen . . . um kraftige 
Sohne zu erzeugen." In der Mitte [der Zeremonie] ruft er sie; das ist 
dafiir die Siihne." 

Atharvaprdyascittani. 247 

ihnen die Moglichkeit einer vorubergehenden Verwendung beim 
Opfer geben. 

Ganz anders verhielt es sich um den Gebrauch, respektive 
die Anteilnahme der gleichen Sachen oder Personen in dem 
der gottesdienstlichen Handlung antipodisch gegeniiberstehen- 
den unheiligen Zauber, der gerade beim Siihneopfer, mag es 
selbstandig auftreten oder nur eine bestimmte Zerenionie inner- 
halb eines Opferturnus darstellen, eine grofie Rolle spielt. In 
der speziellen Yerwendung und Behandlung gewisser, sonst 
vom Opfer ausgeschlossener Tiere oder Gegenstande als Opfer- 
gaben eroffnet sich uns der eigentliche Charakter des Siihne- 
opfers, wie es uns, noch neben oder gegenuber dem eigentlichen 
Gotterdienste stehend, in der Religionsgeschichte entgegentritt. 
"Wahrend namlicb in dem eigentlichen Gotterltultus das Opfer- 
tier zur Gottheit in die engste Beziehung kam, mit ihr identi- 
fiziert und sein geheiligter Leib zum Besitztum der Opfer- 
versammlung durch gemeinschaftlichen Fleisch- und Blutgenufi 
gemacht wurde, belud man in dem als unheilig betrachteten, 
von der Stammesgemeinschaft gefiirchteten Suhneopfer das ge- 
weihte Tier, welches, als Eeprasentant des zur magischen 
Totung auserseherien Feindes fiir verdammt und fluchbeladen 
wie fluchspendend gait, mit allem Makel, den man durch die 
Siihnehandlung vernichten wollte. Selbstandige rituelle Hand- 
lungen dieser Art finden sich im vedischen Brahmanismus 
kaum, um so mehr in den dem Sivaismus zustrebenden Rudra- 
kultischen Begehungen. In den alteren Texten spielt die Frage 
nach dem Verbleib des menschlichen, tierischen oder sach- 
lichen Unheilstifters, den man durch das Suhneopfer vernichten 
wollte, naturgemafi eine geringere Kolle, da es ja vor allem 
darauf ankommen mu&te, die durch den Storer verursachten 
Unterbrechungen der heiligen Handlungen moglichst abzu- 
kiirzen, weil anderenfalls angesichts der Massenhaftigkeit der- 
artiger unliebsamer Zwischenfalle der ganze Opfervollzug ge- 
fahrdet werden konnte. Wir konnen deshalb auf die Frage, 
was mit dem einzelnen ominosen Objekt geschah, in vielen 
Fallen keine Antwort erteilen, 1 miissen ferner festhalten, dali 
nur die dlteste Zeit die grausame Folgerung der volligen 

i Unzweifelhaft 1st es, dafi man gefahrliche Dinge vorzugsweise ins 
Wasser warf. Der Spruch ,,Ins Meer schicke ich dich" begleitet diesen 
Yorgang sehr haufig; s. Ath. Pray. Anra. 724. 

248 Julius von Negelein, 

physischen Vernichtung des Unheilstifters zog, in jtingerer aber 
an deren Stelle die Aussetzung, das Wegschenken an die 
Priester, trat. Wenn gar ein Gegenstand, etwa durch Ver- 
unreinigung, nur lialbwegs opferuntauglich gemacht worden war, 
so wahlte man den jesuitischen Ausweg, ihn unter Umstanden, 
z. B. wenn er aus schmutzig gewordener Milch bestand, auf 
heifie Asche zu giefien; da diese vermoge ihrer Warme das 
Feuer reprasentieren konnte, gait die ihr gespendete Milch 
als geopfert; da sie keine Flammen zeigte, als ungeopfert 
(Ath. Pray. 1. 3; Erklarung nach Sat. Brahm. 12. 4 2. 2). 
Immerhin konnen wir die Totung der menschlichen und tie- 
rischen Zwillinge als unheildrohender Erscheinungen teils 
nachweisen (cf. Traumschliissel S. 258 Anm. 1), teils wahr- 
scheinlich machen. Als uralte Opfergabe an die Priester 
fin den wir (falls der Text richtig ist, z. B. in Ath. Pray. 
5. 5) das Zwillinge gebarende Mutterwesen von Mensch und 
Tier, namentlich aber von der beim Agnihotra notwendigen 
Opferkuh. Diese war integrierender Bestandteil eines grund- 
legend wichtigen, unaufhorlich erneut vollzogenen Bitus. Ihre 
Opferunreinheit hatte deshalb ein weit hoheres Gewicht als 
der gelegentliche Einbruch von storenden Elementen, wie z. B. 
hindurchlaufenden Hunden, "Wildschweinen, Mausen usw. (die 
man wohl einfach wegjagte) in den Opferbezirk. Darum ver- 
stehen wir es, wenn alle Eventualitaten des Verhaltens der 
Agnihotra-Kuh aufs sorgfaltigste erwogen wurden, und die das 
Unheil, welches sie heraufbeschworen konnten, abwehrenden 
Spriiche ihrem Wortlaut nach der Gelegenheit ihrer Rezitation 
genau angepafit waren, was im allgemeinen im Verhaltnis 
zwischen Mantra und Opferhandlung keineswegs immer der 
Fall ist. "Wie man bei den heidnisch-germanischen Volkern 
das Pferd aufs genaueste beobachtete, ja die rege Damonologie 
jener Stamme in jeder Bewegung dieses, in den sakralen Dienst 
gestellten Tieres eine moglicherweise wichtige religiose Tat- 
sache sah, so erging sich der Inder in der Betrachtung be- 
deutsam erscheinender Momente im korperlichen und psychi- 
schen Gebahren der Kuh, deren Milch die Opferspeise zu der 
wichtigsten kultischen Zeremonie lieferte; eben darum ent- 
ledigte er sich dieses Wesens, wenn die von ihm zu dem 
Opferzwecke hergegebene Milch beispielsweise Uutig war (Sat. 
Brahm. 12. 4. 2. 1); darum schenkte er es an einen Brahmanen, 
dem er voraussichtlich nicht wieder begegnen wiirde (yam 

Atharvaftrayascittdni. 249 

anabhigamisyan manyeta), weg, wenn es sich (angeblich aus 
Furcht) wahrend des Agnihotras niedergesetzt hatte (ibid. 
12. 4. 1. 9). 

Die eigentliclie Heimstatte kultischer Verrichtungen dieser 
(chthonischen) Art war begreiflicherweise das Totenritual. 
Was immer mit dem Yerstorbenen ia leiblicber Beriihrung 
gestanden hatte, verfiel der Yernichtung. Dazu gehorten 
namentlicli die SpeisegefaBe des profanen und des Opfer- 
gebrauches. In altester Zeit, da die religiosen Ideen noch 
ihre yolle Kraft bewahrt batten, wurde das ganze Gerat des 
Verstorbenen zweifellos zerscblagen oder ins Wasser geworfen. 
Erst als spater neb en den irdenen (mrnmaya) und den steinernen 
(asmamaya) Gefafien die kostbaren metallenen aufkamen, er- 
regten diese die Habgier der Brahmanen, deren gesunder Kon- 
stitution ihre Benutzung nicht schadete (vgl. hierzu Ath. Pray. 
3. 7 ; Sat. Brahm. 12. 5. 2. 14; Katy. &r. S. 25. 7. 323). Erinnert 
sei an die genau analoge Handlungsweise bei den Hebraern 
und wohl Semiten iiberhaupt: das irdene GefaG, in dem das 
Siihnopfer gekocht wurde, muIHe zerbrochen werden; ebenso 
das durch den Eintritt von Ungeziefer verunreinigte Opfer- 
geschirr (R. Smith, Religion der Semiten, Ubers., Freiburg 
1899, S. 116). 

Die altindischen Ritualbiicher haben in dem Namen und der 
Gestalt der Gottheit ,,Nirrti", ,,Yernichtung", die wichtige Tat- 
sache aufbewahrt, dafi eine fruhe Yergangenheit sich die unheil- 
bringende Schicksalsmacht, der viele Siihnopfer urspriinglich vor- 
nehmlich galten, keines wegs korperlich vorgestellt hat. Erst spater, 
als die Siihneriten in die kanonischen Biicher eingereiht und 
dem Gottersystem des Brahmanismus gefiigig gemacht worden 
waren, teilte man sie einer devata, d. h. rituellen Opfergottheit, zu. 
Dafi bei vielen derartigen Anlassen nur ein einzelner Gott des 
indischen Pantheons in Frage kommen konnte, in anderen Fallen 
allerdings die vage Spekulation nach dem geeigneten Objekt der 
Yerehrung sich umzusehen hatte, ergab sich dann von selbst. 
Sogar an pedantischen Differenzierungen fehlte es nicht: wenn 
beispielsweise das Opferfeuer durch einen MiBgriff beleidigt 
war, so begnugte man sich nicht, den Agni als solchen zu 
versohnen, sondern forschte nach dessen spezieller Manifesta- 
tion als Agni Yivici, Agni uci usw. War die Pflicht der 
Unterscheidung zwischen weltlichen und heiligen Feuern ver- 
nachlassigt, so wurde Agni Yivici (,,der Unterscheidende") durch 

250 Julius von Negelein, 

Spenden besanftigt. Dagegen sollte Agni Suci (,,der Lautere") 
bei der ominosen Vereinigung des Opferfeuers mit einem 
Leichenbrande beistehen (cf. Ath. Pray. 2. 7. = 5. 4; Anm. 863). 
Dem Agni Yratabhrt (,,das Geliibde wahrend") gilt (ibid. 5. 4) 
die den Bruch des Opfergeliibdes siihnende Spende, falls sie 
nicht dem Yratapati (,,dem Herrn des Geliibdes", also einer 
eigens fiir diesen Zweck konstruierten Gottheit) dargebracht 
wird (ibid. Anm. 863). Yayu wird immer verehrt, wo es sich 
um das Yieh, das Opfertier, handelt (z. B. 5. 5). Wenn das 
Agnihotra fiir einen auf der Reise Verstorbenen veranstaltet 
wird, soil man des Prajapati (,,des Herrn der Geschopfe", einer 
Zeugungsgottheit) gedenken (Anm. 318). 1st das bedrohliche 
Wahrzeichen nicht kodifiziert, so sucht man den richtigen 
Gott zu erhaschen, indem man ihrer mb'glichst viele aufzahlt 
(6. 9): ,,dem Agni heil! dem Opfer heil! Dem Brahman heil! 
dem Yisnu heil! dem Prajapati heil! der Anumati heil! dem 
Agni Svistakrt heil!" Dazu kommen in diesem Falle noch 
die Lieder, welche mit ,,den Indra als Retter" und ,,mit deren 
Hilfe" beginnen, sowie die Yerse, die Yisnu-Yaruna zur Gott- 
heit haben. 

Solche Lieder waren ein integrierender Bestandteil der Opfer- 
handlung. Im indischen Ritual, wie es der Yeda lehrt, gibt 
es keine Manipulation, die nicht von einem gesprochenen oder 
nur im Geiste memorierten Gebete begleitet worden ware, 
dessen falsches oder liickenhaftes Hersagen, dessen Auslassung 
oder Rezitation an unzugehoriger Stelle deshalb gesiihnt wer- 
den muGte (cf. z. B. Ath. Pray. 6. 5). Offenbar hatte der 
Zauberspruch urspriinglich zu dem Unheil abwehrenden Ritus 
den engsten sachlichen und verbalen Bezug; er unterstutzte 
dessen magische Gewalt; das Wort, die heilige Rede, wie der 
Yeda sie gibt, sind der ,,Donnerkeil", der aus des Brahmanen 
Munde fallt. Da, wo der rezitierte Spruch die heilige Hand- 
lung erlauternd begleitet, um den drohenden Fluch abzuwenden 
und in Segen zu verkehren, liegen sicherlich die altesten und 
wichtigsten .Zeremonien vor. In solchen Fallen wenden sich 
die Mantras unmittelbar an den Trager der unheilbringenden 
Schicksalsmacht. Sie bitten ihn in Yersen oder einer offen- 
bar dem hochsten Altertum angehorigen Prosa um Schonung 
des Lebens, der Familie, des Besitzstandes des Opferveran- 
stalters. Sturzt beispielsweise der Opferpfahl nieder, so flehen 
sie ihn an, Frau und Kinder, Haus und Hof des Opfer- 

Atharvaprdyascittdni. 251 

herrn zu bewahren. Fallt eine Kohle vom Opferfeuer herab, 
so wiinschen sie, diese moge weder das Opfer, noch dessen 
Veranstalter, weder seine Gattin, noch die amtierenden Priester 
schadigen, was zu furchten ist, je nachdem sie nach Norden 
oder Stiden, nach Osten oder Westen fallt. Fur jede dieser 
Moglichkeiten wird eine eigne Fassung des Zauberspruchs 
bereit gehalten. Die meist an Aufterlichkeiten sich haltende, 
einem hohlen Schematismus das Wort gebende Genauigkeit, 
welche im indischen Geistesleben fast iiberall hervortritt, ist 
an solchen Differenzierungen von inhaltlich gleichlautenden 
Zauberspruchen gut beobachtbar. Zu den Urzeiten der Ver- 
ehrung mit magischem Leben ausgestattet geglaubter konkreter 
Dinge steigen wir herab, wenn wir horen, wie eben diese 
niederfallende Kohle, die bereits die Opferstreu in Brand ver- 
setzt hat, einem Machthaber ahnlich angeredet wird: ,,Ver- 
ehrung sei dir, wo du kommst; Verehrung, wo du voriiber- 
gehst; Verehrung, wo du niedersitzest." Ein wunderbares 
Band wird zwischen diesseits und jenseits gezogen, und da- 
durch dem harmlosen Naturvorgang eine symbolische, ge- 
wissermafien kosmische Bedeutung gegeben, wenn bei der 
Zeremonie des Zurucklegens jener Brandkohle der Spruch 
ertont: ,,Aus der Unheilsgottin (Nirrti) Schofie nehme ich das 
Opfer; das stelle ich zu den Gottern hin, da ich ein Wissen- 
der bin." Es folgen kurze Gebete um reiche Nachkommen- 
schaft, langes Leben und Schutz bei den Gottern. - - Yon 
grower Altertiimlichkeit ist der Spruch, den der Priester zu 
dem Opferfladen sprechen soil, falls dieser etwa plotzlich 
emporschnellt. Nachdem der Kuchen auf die Opferstreu 
zuriickgestellt worden ist, rezitiert der Sprecher: ,,Warum 
schnellst du empor? warum bist du in die Hohe gesprungen? 
Versiihnt durch die Siihne komme hierher. Unschadlich, opfer- 
fahig geworden, setze dich auf diesen Sitz! Nicht richte 
Schaden an, o Gott . . .!" 

Der Zauberspruch im Verein mit der von ihm begleiteten 
zeremoniellen Handlung ergibt den Korper der Suhneseremonie. 
DaG er bereits friih kanonisch festgelegte Formen annahm, 
erwahnten wir. Wo dies nicht der Fall war, namlich bei 
den ,,unbekannten Omina 4 ', behalf man .sich mit dunkeln 
Zauberworten (s. unten S. 262); anderenfalls aber gestaltete 
man allmahlich die Zeremonien zu selbstandigen, komplizierten 
Opfern aus, deren beispielsweise ein spaterer, zu dem Atharva- 

252 Julius von Negelein, 

veda gehoriger Text nicht weniger als 30 aufz^hlt. Manche 
von ihnen lassen eine gewisse Naivitat und Sinnfalligkeit nicht 
vermissen, so z. B. die pathikrtl (,,pfad-ebnende Siihne"). Ihren 
Namen zu erklaren, dient Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 4. 1: agnir vai 
pathikrt patham apineta sa evai 'nam yajiiapatham apinayati; 
,,Agni ist der Pfadfmder; er fiihrt auf die rechten Wege; er 
fiihrt ihn (den Opferherrn) auch auf den [rechten] Opferpfad." 
Dementsprechend wird die Pathikrtl angewendet, wo etwas ,,aus 
dem rechten Gleis gekommen" ist; zunachst also, wenn etwa 
ein Wagen aus der rechten Bahn lief und daim zwischen zwei 
Opferfeuer eindrang (Ap. r. S. 14. 31. 2); ferner, im iibertragenen 
Sinne, wo Zeit und Ort der heiligen Handlung den Yorschriften 
nicht entsprechen (Ath. Pray. Anm. 825; 845); also, bei Opfer- 
entgleisungen; daher auch, wenn ein angelegtes Feuer ausgeht 
(Ath. Pray. 5. 3; cf. Anm. 826). ,,Vom Wege her (patho 'nti- 
kat; in spiel ender Etymologic zu pathikrtl) soil er die darbha- 
Graser nehmen; ein Wagen ist dafiir der Opferlohn; immer 
dient bei der pathikrtl ein Wagen ztim Opferlohn." Eine 
kindliche Ideenassoziation reiht hier Wagen und Pfad; Pfad 
und Feuer; Feuer und Agni; Agni und den Opferpfad (= den 
richtigen Weg zu opfern) aneinander und lafit selbst die An- 
forderungen der nur selten mit geringen Honoraren sich be- 
scheidenden Priester in mafiigen Grenzen bleiben. Andere 
Beispiele der Ath. Pray, lehren, dafi man bei dem [rituell un- 
erlaubten, zeitlichen und raumlichen] Zusammenfall verschie- 
dener Suhnezeremonien die Vaivici (,,die Differ enzierende") 
zuerst vollziehen soil (Ath. Pray. 5. 5); daft die Varum dem 
Wassergott zu Ehren darzubringen sei, weil dieser die ver- 
dorbenen Teile des Opfers aufnimmt (ibid. Anm. 729). Je 
nach der gerade gegebenen Gelegenheit wendet man sich an 
gewisse, fur sie ausersehene Gotter. Dem Mitra und Surya 
wird ein Brei dargebracht, wenn die Sonne iiber dem noch 
nicht begonnenen Agnihotra-Opfer aufgeht (ibid. 4. 4); dem 
Mitra resp. Varuna bei anderen Yersaumnissen des richtigen 
Zeitpunktes dieses Bitus ein Fladen geopfert; dem Agni, der 
dann iibrigens mit dem jedesmal betroffenen Attribut zu ver- 
ehren ist, eine ahnliche Speise geweiht (ibid. Anm. 276). Wenn 
die Agnihotra- Milch beim Kochen iiberlauft, soil man die 
Yisnu-Yaruna-Yerse sprechen; denn was beim Opfer verletzt 
ist, gehort dem Yisnu; was in Unordnung geraten, dem Yaruna 
(ibid. 1. 5). Uberhaupt kehren manche Yerse bei sachlich 

Afharvaprayascittdni. 253 

zwar sehr verschiedenen, aber zueinander in gewisser Ana- 
logie stehenden Gelegenheiten wieder. So dient der mit 
,,33 Faden" (Taitt. Samh. 1. 5. 10. 4) beginnende Vers dazu, durch 
einen Zauber den zerrissenen Giirtel des Opferherrn und seiner 
Gattin wiederum zu schliefien; sodann aber auch, das durch 
Mifigriffe im Bitus zerrissene Opfer-,,Gewebe" zusammenzu- 
ziehen (ibid. Anm. 877). Er soil nach Saiikh. r. S. 13. 12. 13 
sogar angewendet werden, wenn das mahavira-Gefaft platzt. - 
JBei allem, was gespalten, aufgeplatzt, verderbt ist (es handelt 
sich bier wobl in erster Linie um OpfergefaRe: Ath. Pray. 6. 5), 
soil man die Formel anwenden: ,,Zuriick komme zu mir die 

Im speziellen Modus der Vollziebung der Stibnezeremonien 
laftt sich eine gewisse Folgerichtigkeit nicht verkennen. Bei 
dem Verlust des Samnayya beispielsweise, einer aus siifier und' 
saurer Milch gemischten Opferspeise, soil die zu Grunde ge- 
gangene Substanz durch Melken wieder ersetzt werden. Geht 
bei einer Libation von Quark (amiksa) etwas verloren, so hat 
der analogen Opfersubstanz wegen das Analoge zu geschehen 
(Ath. Pray. Anm. 665). 

Das Uranfangliche solcher Ideen und Formen tritt in vielen 
Einzelheiten der Suhneriten hervor. Die Forderung der Keusch- 
heit und Speiseeinschrankung beim Opfer (cf. Agnipur. 173. 39) 
resp. des volligen Fastens gehort zu den alten, so haufig sich 
im Kultus vorfindenden Abstinenzvorschriften. Die strenge 
Weihe des unantastbaren, fiir profane Wesen unerreichbaren 
Opferkreises, das liber den Priestern und ihren Manipula- 
tionen schwebende w Tabu", kehren bei niederen Volkern 
wieder. Dieses Tabu lastet nach uranfanglichen Ideen auf 
der menstruierten oder jung entbundenen Frau; es verleiht 
besondere Fruchtbarkeit der Milchkuh des Agnihotras, sowie 
den Opfertieren, wenn diese ein abnormes Verhalten zeigen, 
namentlich wenn sie aus Furcht davonlaufen, sich schutteln, 
Kot und Urin lassen; aber auch bisweilen, wenn sie sich inner- 
halb des Opferturnus begatten (vgl. Bloomfields Concordance 
unter: yasmad bhlta udaprosta ff.). Und abermals werden 
kindliche Assoziationen, deren Trager noch nicht zwischen 
den Eeichen des menschlichen, tierischen und pflanzlichen 
Lebens zu unterscheiden gelernt haben, wach, wenn der Priester 
nach Sankh. Sr. S. 3. 20. 2 die Agnihotra-Kuh, welche sich 
niedergesetzt hat, zum Aufstehen mit einem frischen, griinen 

254 Julius von Negelein, 

Reifi [ardradanda] veranlassen soil. Ein verdorrtes Holz wurde 
Ungliick bringen, wie man nach deutschem Aberglauben nie- 
manden, besonders junge Menschen nicht, mit trockenen Reisern, 
Besen, Ruten usw. beruhren oder schlagen soil. 

Manche altertumliche Einzelheit zeigt sich endlich noch in 
dem Anspruch auf Opferlohn und dessen spezieller Eigenart; 
s. Maitr. Samh. 1. 4. 13 (vgl. Ath. Pray. 6. 2: samidham krsnam 
dadyad | vaso-yugam dhenum va ||). 

Das Opfer war, der orthodoxen Lehre nach, unveranderlich ; 
tatsachlich aber liefien sich gewisse Umgestaltungen, die all- 
mahlich Vereinfachungen bewirkten, nicht vermeiden. Die 
grofie Sorgfalt, mit der die Substitute der Opferelemente auf- 
gezahlt und besprochen werden, ist ein klarer Beweis fiir die 
soziale Wichtigkeit der Siihnopfer und die so oft beobacht- 
bare, zu dem theoretischen Rigorismus der Priester in fast 
ergotzlichem Widerspruch stehende Anpassungsfahigkeit ihrer 

Nach der zusammenfassenden, Ath. Pray. Anm. 6 zitierten, 
Stelle konnte das Opfermaterial (im weitesten Sinne) einer Stell- 
vertretung unterliegen. Dazu gehorte in erster Linie der Soma. 
Oft kam es vor, dafi er durch Diebstahl oder Yerderbnis ab- 
handen kam. Dann sollte man ihn nehmen, woher er am nach- 
sten zu bekommen war (Ath. Pray. 6. 4). Die Pflanze, deren Saft 
ihn darstellte, wurde aber wahrscheinlich allmahlich ausgerottet. 
An ihre Stelle trat dann im Notfall das putika-Grewachs (s. Pet. 
Wb. puti, putika, putika; vgl. Mim. im Komm. zu Taitt. Brahm. 
1. 181 nach Pet. Wb. unter pratinidhi: soma-'bhave bhavet 
putividhin | pratinidhav uta; Ap. r. S. 14. 24. 12: soma-'bhave 
putikan abhisunuyat; cf. aber Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 6. 1, 3, wo der 
Komm. 1. c. von rofe#fl-trna-'grani spricht. Tandya 9. 5. 4 wird 
der Soma zum putika-Gewachs in ein mythologisches Abhangig- 
keitsverhaltnis gebracht; s. hierzu Ath. Pray. 6. 4); im Falle 
von dessen Unbeschaffbarkeit wurde auch hierin scheinen 
sich die meisten Autoritaten ziemlich einig gewesen zu sein l 
das Arjuna genannte Substitut angewendet; s. Komm. zu Sankh. 
Sr. S. 13. 6. 3: die we^bliihenden Arjuna - Schosse ; dagegen 
nach Tandya 9. 5. 7 die Iraunen A.-Sprossen; dies wird 1. c. 
mythologisch begriindet: ,,Indra erschlug den Vrtra; da flofi 

1 Dagegen sagt Taitt. Brahm. 1. 4. 7. 5: yasya krltam [somam] apa- 
hareyur adarams ca phalgunani ca 'bhisunuyat. 

Atliarvaprayascittani. 255 

Soma aus seiner Nase; der wurde zu den frraMtmspigen Arjuna- 
Sprossen; [auch] aus dem gespaltenen omentum (vapa) [floft 
Soma]; der wurde zu den ro-rispigen Arjuna-Sprossen; man soil 
nun die 6raMtt-rispigen Arjuna-Sprossen pressen; denn sie stellen 
brahman dar; ganz offensichtlich preftt [der Priester in ihnen] 
den Soma." Nach dem Komm. 1. c. hat namlich brahman die 
[braune] Bodenfarbe. Nach Komm. zu Tandya 9. 5. 3 sind die 
arjunani: syamalani trnani, was dazu passen wurde. (Brahm. 
Pray, in Ath. Pray. Anm. 1016 scheinen ebenfalls dem auf dem 
Himavant wachsenden rotliclien Soma gegeniiber den dem Muja- 
vant-Berge entsprossenen Iraunen Soma den Vorzug zu geben, 
so daft die braune Farbe bei dem Gewachse, das den Opfertrank 
lieferte, und alien seinen Substituteri bevorzugt worden ware). 
Kath. 34. 3 erwahnt als Soma-Substitute die arjunani loliita- 
tulani; daneben aber auch die arju fcafr/jrw-tulani; vgl. auch 
Boehtlingks Wb. unter arjuna; s. Ath. Pray. 6. 4; ibid. Anm. 
1019. Manche Texte, wie z. B. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 24. 12, nennen 
die Arjuna-Pflanze nicht, sondern machen folgende Gewachse 
sich gegenseitig zu Stellvertretern: soma-putika-Sdara-sveta- 
tulani phalgunani; auch Sat. Brahm. 4. 5. 10. 4 erwahnen die 
adaras, wenngleich in etwas anderer Reihenfolge, denn sie 
nennen hintereinander als Ersatz fiir Soma die plialgundni 
(bei denen sie zwischen rot- und ro^fc/i-bliihenden unterscheiden 
und den letzteren den Vorzug 'geben: ,,esa vai somasya nyango 
yad aruna-puspani phalgunani" [nyanga ein gutes Wort fiir 
Substitut !], wahrend Ap. Sr. S. 14. 24. 12 die mit tueijSen Buscheln 
bliihenden phalguna-Schossen hervorhebt), und erwahnen als 
deren gegenseitige Stellvertreter: syenahrta, ddardh; aruna- 
durvah; endlich nennen Katy. Sr. S. 25. 12. 19: syenahrta, pu- 
tika, adara, arunadurva, haritakusa als gegenseitige Substitute. 
Wir sehen also, daft gewisse Pflanzen, wie das (vielleicht in 
anderen Namen von Soma-Substituten wiederkehrende) Arjuna- 
und ferner das Putika-Kraut als Ersatz fur die heilige Pflanze 
die weiteste Yerbreitung genossen, wahrend der Wert anderer 
Stellvertretungen bezweifelt oder wenigstens verschieden hoch 
angeschlagen wurde; daft ferner samtliche Stellvertreter den 
mit Buscheln (Rispen) versehenen Gras-Arten oder doch klei- 
neren Gewachsen mit saftigen Stengeln angehorten; daft die 
meisten Stellvertreter auf Bergen wuchsen; ihre Bliitendolden 
verschiedene Farben trugen, von denen bald der braunen, 
bald der rotlichen oder weiften Varietat, wahrscheinlich aber 

256 Julius von Negelein, 

(vgl. Ath. Pray. Anm. 1016 und Anm. 1019 miteinander) ur- 
spriinglich der braunen Farbe der Yorzug gegeben wurde; 
und endlich, dafi jedes saftige Gewachs im Notfall als Soma 
gelten durfte. So nennt Komm. zu Ap. Sr. S. 14. 24. 12f. 
als solche Stellvertreter: yah kas cau 'sadhih kslrinir aruna- 
durvah kusan va haritan iti vajasaneyakam apy antato vrlhi- 
yavan, lafit also alle Gewachse mit Milchsaft gelten und hebt 
unter ihnen das rotliche Fennichgras und die gelblich bliihen- 
den kusa-Graser hervor, nennt ferner als letzte Substitute 
Reis und Gerste und greift damit offenbar auf Sat. Brahm. 
4. 5. 10. 5folg. zuriick. Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 6. 3 nennt die kusa- 
Halme in diesem Zusammenhange, Brahm. Pray, in Ath. Pray. 
Anm. 1019 aber beliebige Waldkrauter, das darbha-Gras an 
der Spitze. 

So wenig als die Opfersubstanz war das sie zum Himmel 
tragende, auf rituellem Wege durch Reibung zw'eier Holzer 
aneinander zu entziindende Feuer uberall zur Stelle; deshalb 
mufi bisweilen ein profaner Agni den aus seinem Versteck 
nicht heryortretenden liimmlisclien Opfervermittler ersetzen. 
Es war gleichgiltig, wolier man ihn nahm (Ath. Pray. 5. 2). 
In dessen Ermangelung sollte man in die rechte Hand eines 
Brahmanen; wenn auch diese Eventualitat nicht gegeben war, 
in das rechte Ohr einer Ziege opfern. (Manche Texte, wie z. B. 
Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. Iff., nennen die Ziege zuerst; so auch Ap. 
Sr. S. 9. 3. 7 ff.) Als letzte Stellvertreter sind endlich noch Gras- 
biischel, Wasser, Gold angegeben. Offenbar kameii diese Be- 
stimmungen namentlich dem auf der Eeise, resp. auf der Fluent 
vor dem Feinde oder gar im Sterben befindlichen Brahmanen 
entgegen, der das unumganglich notwendige Opfer in irgend- 
einer, den Umstanden angepalken Form darzubringen gedachte. 
Die Yerwendung der Substitute des heiligen Feuers hatte deren 
Ausschaltung fur den profanen Gebrauch zur Folge. Dies 
gait fur die alteste Zeit zweifellos bei alien Stellvertretern, 
also auch dem Brahmanen. Unsere Texte freilich nehmen 
den letzteren aus, wenn sie, wie Ath. Pray. 5. 2 oder Katy. 
Sr. S. 25.4. 9 10, seine Veraclitung verbieten. Daft die hier 
in Frage kommende Wendung na paricahstta tatsachlich so 
gedeutet werden mufi, lehrt nicht nur die ttberlieferung, sou- 
dern auch indirekt Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. 3 mit seinem Yerbot, 
den Brahmanen, der als Stellvertreter des Opferfeuers gegolten 
hat, von seiner Wolmung fern zu halten: vasatyai na 'parun- 

Atharvaprayascittdni. 2 5 7 

dliyat; Komm.: tad-dhaste hutavan purusah svagrhe nivasa- 
'rtham agatam brahmanam napariharet \ tad-parihare svaklyara 
agnim bhagarahitam kuryat | . Aber eben die Tatsache, daB 
das dem Brahmanen gegeniiber doppelt selbstverstandliche 
Yerbot der Verachtung seiner Person und der Mi&achtung 
des geheiligten Gastrechts hier besonders betont wird, lafit 
den SchluG zu, dafi in altester Zeit der Verkehr mit ihm und 
seine Aufnahme als Gastfreund unter den obwaltenden Vor- 
bedingungen verboten war. Als Stellvertreter des Siihneopfer- 
feuers war er eben verfehmt. Dies ist nach den Apastamba-Be- 
stimmungen, die der Komm. zu Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. 6 * zitiert, den 
Vorschriften des Alekhana zufolge lebenslang, nach Asmarathya 
nur ein Jahr hindurch der Fall. Da die Ath. Pray, nur die 
letztgenannte Autoritat zitieren, diirften sie auf dem weniger 
rigorosen Standpunkt stehen, entsprechend dem Grundsatz: 
,,r/as Jdhr ist der Siihnezeitpunkt fur alles" (Tandy a 9. 8. 13); 
diirften also das iiber s^mtliche Substitute des Opferfeuers 
verhangte Tabu nach Ablauf eines Jahres als aufgehoben be- 
trachten. Dann konnte man dem Brahmanen wieder begegnen 
resp. ihn besuchen; von der Ziege die Milch geniefien; auf den 
benutzten Gras- (darbha- oder kusa- [s. Ath. Pray. Anm. 804]) 
Biischeln wieder sitzen; die Fiifie mit dem betreffenden Wasser 
waschen; 2 das sakrosankte Goldplattchen wieder tragen. - 
Man fragt sich nun, warum gerade diese Dinge das Opfer- 
feuer vertreten konnen. Dariiber unterrichtet uns beispiels- 
weise der Komm. zu Taitt. Br&hm. a. a. 0.: die Ziege (kann 
es sein), denn sie gehort zu Agni (ist feuerhaltig: agneyl). 
Agni und die (weibliche) Ziege kamen namlich bei der Schop- 
fung zu gleicher Zeit aus Prajapatis Munde. Deshalb sind 
sie miteinander verwandt; der Brahmane, denn er ist Agni 
vaisv&narah (diese Idee, nach der gerade der Priester das 
lebendige Feuer sei, resp. dies in seinem Leibe tragen und 
durch den Mund ausstromen lassen konne, ist die Grundlage 

1 Lies jedoch daselbst (Ausg. der Bibl. Ind. B. 3 S. 448 Z. 10) : ty aha 

2 Hier ist die Lesart der Ath. Pray, zweifellos besser als die von 
Taitt. Brahm . 3. 7. 3. 5, welches an entsprechender Stelle liest: apas tu 
na paricaksTta, also: er soil die Wasser nicht verachten. Die Begriindung 
des Komm. 1. c. lehrt, daG es sich nicht um einen jiingeren Textfehler 
handeln kann. Zur Verachtung der Wasser lag selbstverstandlich ebenso- 
wenig Grund vor, als zu der des Brahmanen. 

258 Julius von Negelein, 

des bekannten, viel erorterten Mythus Sat. Brahm. 1. 4. 1. 
10 ff.); die Grasluschel, denn sie sind feuerhaltig ; Wasser, 
denn, seit Agni (als Blitzfeuer) sich in die (Wolken-) Wasser 
fliichtete, traten damit alle Gotter in dasselbe ein; alle Gotter 
sind namlich in Agni verborgen; endlich das Gold, wahr- 
scheinlich weil es als der mannliche Same des Gottes, der es 
schmilzt und alsdann ausscheidet, angesehen wurde. Zweifellos 
sind in diesen Erklarungen Dichtung und Wahrheit miteinander 
vermengt. Was den Brahmanen anlangt, so ist es sicher, 
daG die Opferung in seine rechte Hand eine Sclietikung bedeutet. 
Wir wissen (s. oben S. 241 Anm. 1), dafi der Priester das 
Schlimmste vertragen konnte und dafi die Entaufterung eines 
Gegenstandes zu seinen Gunsten als mit der Verniclitung des 
betreffenden Objekts identiscb angesehen wurde. Die Ziege 
hatte wohl tatsachlich zu den Feuergottheiten in mythologischer 
Beziehung gestanden. Dafi man ihr rechtes Olir dazu mifi- 
brauchte, die Statte einer solchen Spende zu werden, wird 
dadurch verstandlich, dafi dessen Inneres ziemlich geraumig 
und aufnahmefahig ist. Die darbha- oder foda-Graser wurden, 
weil man sie beim Opfer verwandte, als heilig verehrt; auch 
haben die zur Opferstreu benutzten Halme manche Libation 
eines ungeschickten Priesters aufgetrunken. Das Wasser ent- 
fiibrte alles Unreine oder Verfebmte, also auch die Siihn- 
opferspeise. Wenig interessant sind die z. B. vom Komm. 
zu Taitt. Brahm. a. a. 0. gegebenen Begrundungen der Tabu- 
Bestimmungen. Wenn jener Kommentar beispielsweise davon 
spricht, man solle den Brahmanen, der bei dem Opfervollzieher 
wohnen will, nicht daran verhindern (pariharet), so ist die 
Begriindung dafiir sachlich wie formal unmoglich: wenn man 
dies tate [und dadurch so ist doch wohl zu erganzen 
den obdachsuchenden Brahmanen um sein Gastgeschenk 
brachte], so wurde 'man den Agni [der seine Stelle vertritt] 
der Spende berauben. Die Wasser solle man nicht ver- 
schmahen, sonst wurde man die Spende verschmahen, die in 
den Wassern ist. Auf die heiligen Graser solle man sich 
nicht setzen; denn dann setzte man sich auf die Opferspende 
selbst usw. Der in den rituellen Schriften vorherrschende, 
fiir die Opferpraxis so aufierordentlich wichtige Gedanke der 
Moglichkeit einer Stellvertretung ist also von den j linger en 
Exegeten nicht mehr richtig gewiirdigt worden. Eine wie 
ungeheure religionsgeschichtliche Bedeutung er hat diese 


Idee des Austausches gegen Gleiches, * allmahlich gegen Oering- 
wertigeres, ist die Grundlage der im christlichen Dogma seinen 
Hohepunkt findenden Siihnopfertheorie darauf sei nur an- 
deutend hingewiesen. 

Seltsam mutet es uns an, dafi unsere Texte so haufig von 
der Stellvertretung des Soma, aber kaum von der anderer 
Fliissigkeiten, wie namentlich der Milch, oder auch von der 
Substitution eines Tieres durch ein anderes reden. Die Milch 
war und ist in manchen Monaten des indischen Jahres sehr 
knapp vorhanden. Man behalf sich dann zweifellos mit Ver- 
diinnungen derselben durch Wasser oder wandte geschmolzene 
Opferbutter nach dem Grundsatz: ,,Schmelzbutter und Milch 
vertreten sich gegenseitig" (Atlj. Pray. Anm. 6) an. Da iibrigens 
eigentliche Butter in solchen teuren Zeiten um so schwerer 
zu haben war, benannte man ahnliche, wahrscheinlich vor allem 
brennbare, Substanzen mit der en Namen (s. Peterb. Wb. u. 
ajya 2). Anders stand es um den Ersatz der eimelnen Opfer- 
tiere durcheinander. Dafi man bei jenen glanzvollen, sakri- 
fikalen Handlungen, zu denen etwa das Rofiopfer gehorte, das 
zur Weihe allein berechtigte Tier jemals durch ein anderes 
ersetzt hatte, ist wohl kaum anzunehmen. Im Gegenteil horen 
wir wiederholt davon, dafi man so lange in der Tierwelt suchte, 
bis man das mit alien vorgeschriebenen Merkmalen versehene 
Roli endlich fand. Auch sagen uns die Texte, daft bei dessen 
Verluste das Aufierste aufgeboten wurde, das bereits geweihte 
Tier wiederzueiiangen. Wenn darum das Opferrofi iiber die 
Landesgrenze lief, so setzten ihm zahlreiche (100 oder 400) 
Reiter nach. Das kam einer Invasion gleich und war fiir den 
jungen Fiirsten, der bald nach der Thronbesteigung dieses 
Opfer darbringen wollte, sicherlich ein sehnlichst gewiinschter 
Kriegsgrund. Ganz anders verhielt es sich um die be- 
scheidenen Darbringungen einzelner. Dafi man zwar ein Schaf 
statt eines Ziegenbockes opfern konnte, diese Handlung aber 
in der Weise vornehmen sollte, dafi immer das theoretisch 
vorhandene, weil vorgeschriebene Tier, dem praktisch dar- 

1 ankh. Sr. S. 3. 20. 910 . . . yat samanyatamam manyeta tat prati- 
nidadhyat; esa pratinidhinam dharmah | allerdings kann es sich hier nur 
um ,,begrifflich" oder etymologisch (-aja von aj, daher agni-) Nachst- 
liegendes handeln, denn ein Brahmane sieht dem Opferfeuer, ein Schaf 
dem Ziegenbock kaum sehr ahnlich. 

260 Julius von Negelein, 

gebrachten, des ersteren Stelle vertretenden gegeniiber, als ge- 
opfert gelten soil, lehrt z. B. Sankh. Sr. S. 3. 20. 11. 

Von alien Substitutionen waren die der Opfermasse sicher- 
lich die haufigsten. Wenn aber Asv. Pray. Ib lehren: mu- 
khya-'bhave pratinidher upadanam | yatha dravya-desa-kala- 
daksina - rtvik - patnipramukhanam mukhyanam abhave bau- 
dhayana - "dy - ukta[n] yatbo - 'cita - pratinidhm adaya karma 
karyam II, so ist unter dravya jeder konkrete Opferbestandteil 
zu verstehen. Die meisten unter ihnen, wie z. B. die Eeib- 
holzer, die Opferstreu, die Uinzaunung, konnten 1 leicbt durcb 
gleicbwertige ersetzt werden. Scbwerer gelang dies bei den 
PreRsteinen, die den Somatrank aus den Stengeln gewinnen, 
in die Kufe laufen liefien. Waren sie zerplatzt, so behalf 
man sicb im Notfall mit einem Stock aus palasa-Holz u. a. m. 
Die Substitution von Menschen erwies sicb als notwendig, 
wenn beispielsweise ein Priester erkrankte, 1 wenn die G-attin 
zeitweilig unrein war, wenn der Hausherr dahinsiechte oder 
starb. Im letzteren Falle mufite er durch seinen Sohn, Bruder 
oder sonstigen Verwandten ersetzt werden (Atb. Pray. 3. 9; 
6. 7; cf. at. Brahm. 12. 5. 2. 15: atbai 'tarn abutim juhoti putro 
va bhrata va yo va 'nyo brahmanah syS,t). Die Stellvertretung 
von Gegenden wurde vorgenommen, wenn Falle eben dieser 
Art sicb ereigneten. Sobald es dem rituell lebenden Inder 
nicht moglich war, die heimische Opferstatte zu erreichen, 
trat an deren Platz irgendein beliebiger Ort (yatrai 'va 'sma 
a^asanam jositam syat: Sat. Brabm. 12. 5. 2. 1); ebenso bei 
Krieg und Revolution (vgl. Komm. zu Ap. Sr. S. 14. 32. 5). 
War unter solcben Umstanden selbst eine Verlegung der 
Opferstatte ausgescblossen und eine korrekte Opfervollziebung 
unmoglicb geworden, so griff zugleich ein abgekiirztes Yer- 
fahren platz: obne neues Opfermaterial berbeizuscbaffen, warf 
man, wo immer man sich befand, das gerade Yorbandene, 
mocbte es aus Tieren oder fliissigen Substanzen besteben, 
in die groGe holzerne Soma-Kufe und brachte dar, was 
man gerade besafi. Nacb einigen Autoritaten soil man in 
jedem Falle wenigstens den Soma heimlicb ausreifien [falls 
dies zuvor nicht geschehen ist]; denn er ist die Hauptsache 
beim Opfer. 

i Asv. Pray. 17b: catvara rtvijah | yat-samkhyaya rtvig-abhavas tat- 
samkhyaya vyahrti-homah | ajyabhaga-'nantaram karyah. | 

Atharvaprayasciitani. 261 

In solchen Yorschriften sehen wir bereits die Stelivertretung 
eines richtig dargebrachten Opfers durch em kleineres. Daran 
kniipft sich jener Prozefi an, der allmahlich zu den w Blitz- 
opfern" und den nur in Gedanken dargebrachten rituellen 
Handlungen fiihrte. Eine Mittelstufe reprasentierte die Dar- 
bringung der Somaopfer als ekaha, d. h.: als eiwtagiger Zere- 
monien. Dieser Ausweg wurde gewahlt, wenn man meinte, daft 
der Darbringer infolge von Krankheit oder Altersschwache vor- 
aussichtlich nur noch 24 Stunden lang leben konnte (Ath. 
Pray. 3. 9). Es war also fur alle Falle Vorsorge getroffen. 
Das scheinbar so starre Ritual palate sich den praktischen 
Bediirfnissen mit wunderbarer Geschmeidigkeit an. 

Diese Tatsache wird nur durch den Charakter der Opfer- 
priester verstandlich. Schwerlich sind Yolk und Priesterschaft 
in irgend einem Lande so vollig an Leib und Seele miteinander 
eins gewesen als in Indien; kaum irgendwo anders verstanden 
es die Priester in ahnlichem Mafie, die Yolksseele zu erfassen, 
ihren Bestrebungen und Instinkten Ausdruck zu geben. 

Dies gilt in ganz besonderem Grade von dem Brahman- 
Priester. Obgleich er bei der Yollziehung des Opfers keines- 
wegs unbeteiligt war (s. Ait. Brahm. 5. 34. 5 und "W. Calands 
Bemerkungen in dem Aufsatz ,,Uber das Yaitanasutra und 
die Stellung des Brahman", WZKM. 14, S. 122) und fast jede 
Handlung des ganzen Opfers mit anumantrana zu begleiten 
hatte, war seine Hauptfunktion bei letzterem eine iiberwachende. 
Er griff in dasselbe ein, wenn irgendeine Unregelmafiigkeit 
sich ereignet hatte, mufite also die Atharvaprayascittani, die 
,,Suhnezeremonien der Atharvanpriester" (wobei wir weit davon 
entfernt sind, seinen Katechismus mit dem korrupten Fragment, 
welches wir geben, irgendwie zu identifizieren) aufs genaueste 
gekannt und verstanden haben. Infolgedessen war er der 
selbstverstandliche und berufene Omina-Interpret, der gelehrte 
Kenner der drei Yeden, also der gesamten Opferwissenschaft 
uberhaupt, wie namentlich im speziellen des Ineinandergreifens 
der Rollen der einzelnen Priester und der korrekten Abwick- 
lung des komplizierten Yollzuges der einzelnen Zeremonien. 
Er mufite wissen, was zum Erfolge des Opfers wesentlich, was 
unwichtig war und auf dessen Endziel sein Augenmerk richten 
(s. Katy. Sr. S. 25. 14. 36: yad eva trayyai vidyayai sukram 
tena brahmatvam ; ibid. 38: vedatrayavihita - karmasamyogo 
brahmana eva). Sein spezieller Kanon, der Atharvaveda, gilt 

18 JAOS 34. 

262 Julius von Negelein, 

ihm als die Quintessenz aller Yeden: siehe die interessante 
Stelle Ath. Pray. 3. 4; cf. ibid. 4. 1, wonach dem Rgveda die 
erste Silbe der Vyahrti-Formel [bhuh], dem Yajurveda die 
zweite [bhuvah], dem Samaveda die dritte [svah] gilt, der 
Atharvaveda aber uberall in sein Recht tritt, wo es sich um 
nicht kodifizierte Omina handelt und infolgedessen sdmtliclie 
drei Silben gesprochen werden mussen. Besonders interessant 
ist es, daft in 4. 1 die Mss. AD (s. Anm. 639) diesen Passus, 
der spateren Schreibern offenbar unsympathisch war, aus- 
lassen, dafo aber Saiikh. Sr. S. 3. 21. 6 des Atharvaveda in 
diesem Zusammenhang gar nicht gedenkt, wenngleich es, un- 
seren Stellen analog, die Formel bhur bhuvah svah svaha bei 
unbekannten Bitualfehlern gesprochen werden la&t. Ebenso 
sagt Ap. Sr. S. 14. 32. 7: yadi samatah [yajnam bhresa agacchet] 
sarva [vyahrtlr] juhuyat. Es ist moglich, daft die Atharvan- 
Texte aus diesem ,,yadi samatah" erst ein yady atharvatah 
korrumpiert haben; die beherrschende Stellung des Atharva- 
veda als der Summe aller iibrigen wird dadurch nicht an- 
getastet. War doch der Brahman - Priester selbst in der 
Kegel oder der Yorschrift nach ein Mitglied der Atharvan- 
Geschlechter (s. Traumschlussel, S. 23 Anm. 1), ein mythischer 
Sprofi des ersten der Arzte. Dementsprechend wurde seine 
Aufgabe als medizinisclie aufgefafit (vgl. hierzu W. Caland und 
V. Henry, Agnistoma, vol. I, Pref. p. XI; Katy. Sr. S. 25. 14. 36: 
brahma vilistam samdadhati 'ti sruteh. Der Komm. zu Sankh. 
Sr. S. 3. 21. 1 verweist auf Kaus. brahm. 6. 12: yad vai yajnasya 
skhalitam vo 'Ibanam va bhavati brahmana eva tat prahus | 
tat sa trayya vidyaya bhisajyati 'ti; iibrigens betont der 
wichtige Komm. 1. c., dafi der Anspruch des brahman, als 
Arzt des Opfers zu gelten, keineswegs unbestritten ist); d. h.: 
er hatte n einzurenken u , was bei dem ,,0pferleibe" (der Opfer- 
platz st elite oftmals geometrisch den Leib eines Menschen 
oder Tieres dar) ,,verrenkt" war, 1 kurzum: er vollzog die Siihne- 
handlungen (cf. Katy. 25. 1. 6; Av, Pray. Ib: brahmavatsu 
karmasv isti-varjitani prayascittani brahma kuryat | itarany 
adhvaryv-adayah kuryur ity utsargah; vgl. Ath. Paris. 2. 2. 4). 

t Vgl. Brahm. Pray. (Einl.) Bl. 1 : yatha purusasyo 'tpanna-rasasya "yur- 
vedo dosapratikara(!) (ya) evam yajna-purusasya 'pi prayascittany ayur- 
veda-sthaniyani dosan samayanti | yatha purusasya vata-pitta-slesma-dosasya 
nimitta upadrava ayurvedo-'padistabhih pratikriyabhi[h] pratisamadhl- 
yaipte j evaqi vidhy-aparadhe (1. so statt: 'parapane) dosah pratipadyate. 

Atharvaprayasciitani. 263 

Dafi Vereinjachungen der Suhnezeremonien vorkamen, er- 
wahnten wir bereits. Der sarvaprayascitta-Ritus, spater zu 
einem blofien Butterguft in den Ahavanrya herabgesunken, 
diirfte in altester Zeit ein Ausdruck des Versuches gewesen 
sein, durch ein einfaches Mittel die komplizierten und viel- 
artigen Suhnehandlungen zu ersetzen. Die aufierst korrum- 
pierte, zweimal mit geringer Variation wiederholte Stelle Ath. 
Pray. 3. 8: ,,was immer an Ritualfehlern begangen wird, dafiir 
ist dies der vollige Ausgleich, die vollige Suhne", hat wahr- 
scheinlich urspriinglich zu dem vorerwahnten Passus 3. 4 = 
4. 1 gehort, welcher von der Pflicht redet, demjenigen der 
heiligen Feuer eine Spende zu bringen, das zu jenem der vier 
Veden gehort, bei dessen Yerwendung im Ritual gerade ein 
MiGgriff untergelaufen ist. Ich mochte also Ath. Pray. 3. 4 
zwischen die Worte: ity ahavanlya eva juhuyat und: atha dai- 
vatani die Stelle 3. 8: yat kim ca' vidhivihitam bis Srutir bha- 
vati einschieben. "Wenn dies richtig ist, so wlirde damit die 
vyahrti-Forniel als das Universalmittel gegen alle Mifigriffe 
bei der Rezitation von Vedastellen hervorgehoben werden. 
Stellen wie Katy. Sr. S. 25. 1. 14 machen es wahrscheinlich, daft 
die vyahrti-Formel und die sarvaprayascitta-Handlung mitein- 
ander kombiniert werden konnten. 

Mit alledem war in religios-sittlicher Hinsicht nichts ge- 
leistet. Der engherzige Glaube, daft die Priester das Opfer 
als Zauberinstrument in Bewegung setzen und in Gang halten 
nmlHen, um jeden beliebigen praktischen Erfolg zu erreichen, 
daft also blofte Manipulationen als ,,Gegenhandlungen" beiRitual- 
fehlern, die ebenfalls rein aufterlich aufgefadt wurden, geniigen 
konnten, verhinderte jede tiefere Einsicht in das Wesen der 
Siihne im religiosen Yollzuge. Auf diesem Wege war ein Fort- 
schritt iiberhaupt nicht zu erreichen. Wenn es dem indischen 
Volkstum oder doch gewissen Gruppen desselben gleichwohl 
gelang, einen solchen anzubahnen, so ist dies nur verstandlich, 
wenn man als Vorbedingung den Glauben an eine personliche 
Gottheit annimmt. Mit der Ausgestaltung der irdischen Herr- 
scherwurde reift die Idee der gottlichen Machtvollkommenheit 
heran. Wie der Konig bestimmt ist, zu richten und zu strafen, 
wie ihm kein Unlauterer nahen darf, so wird auch die Gott- 
heit richtend und strafend dargestellt. Sie ist heilig; nur 
Heilige diirfen ihr nahen. Selbst das Gewand des Priesters 
muft lauter und rein, sein Korper frei von Gebrechen, sein 

264 Julius von Negelein, 

Lebenswandel ohne Tadel sein (s. Traumschliissel S. 23 f.). Je 
mehr das Gewohnheitsrecht sich festigte und gewisse Verbote, 
spater sogar Normen schuf, die fur den Staatsbiirger mafi- 
gebend warden, um so hoher gestalteten sich auch die Anforde- 
rungen, deren Erfiillung zu Yorbedingungen fiir den Zutritt 
zu deni himmlischen Konige warden. Zweifellos haben die in 
Indien mehr als irgendwo anders hervortretenden Sekten das 
ihrige getan, um, weit ttber das Durchschnittsniveau der Yolks- 
moral hinaus, an den ihnen zugehorigen Glaubigen positive 
Anspruche zu stellen, anstatt sich mit der Innehaltung einzelner 
Gelubde, wie z.B. dem ,,Nicht-T6ten, ,,Nicht-Lugen", ,,Nicht- 
Unkeusch-leben", zu begniigen. Solche Sekten miissen es ge- 
wesen sein, welche die Gottesvorstellung raumlich und zeitlich 
ausdehnten, sie iiber den Platz des Opfers und den Zeitraum 
von dessen Yollziehung hinaus verallgemeinerten. Die Einzel- 
heiten dieses wichtigen Prozesses zu verfolgen, ist uns noch 
nicht gegeben. Doch durfen wir die Statuierung heiliger 
Statten (Badeplatze, Baume usw.) und heiliger Festtage als 
Ubergangsmomente desselben hinstellen. 

War der Zusammenschlufi von einzelnen, in religioser Hin- 
sicht besonders fein veranlagten Individuen einmal erreicht, 
und eine Steigerung, Komplizierung -und Differ enzierung des 
sozialen Instinkts, der spater als ,,Gewissen" eine metaphysische 
Ausdeutung bekam, 1 dadurch gewahrleistet, so mufite not- 
wendig auch der Begriff der Siihne eine vollige Yeranderung 
erfahren. Die Frage, ob das Opfer des einzelnen es war 
und blieb sehr lange das Hauptbindemittel zwischen Gott und 
Menschen der verehrten Gottheit genehm war, konnte nicht 
mehr von der Korrektheit der Yeranstaltung desselben ab- 
hangig gemacht werden; die sittliche Qualitcit des Opferers ent- 
schied dabei. DemgemaC* wurde das bei der heiligen Hand- 
lung sich zeigende Omen zum Zeugnis der Gottheit dafur, daR 
sie einen Sunder in der Nahe wisse und diesen warnen, resp. 
strafen wolle; mit anderen Worten: das Wahrzeichen gab dem 
religios beunruhigten Gewissen den sichtbaren Ausdruck. Wenn 
deshalb z. B. in dem Mythus von dem Iksvaku-Konige Try- 

1 Das ,)Herz u , das im altagyptischen Totengericht als Anklager gegen 
den Verstorbenen auftritt, ist mit ,,Gewissen" identisch. Das enorme 
Alter der agyptischen Kultur im Verein mit der extrem monarchischen 
Verfassung des Landes und dem ungewohnlichen Konservativismus von 
des sen sozialen Zustanden machen djese Erscheinung verstandlicli. 

Atharvaprayascittdni. 265 

aruna Traivrsna (JAOS. 18. 21 f.; s. Ortel, St. z. vgl. Litt. G. 8. 
114) der Mus, den die Iksvakus des Abends aufsetzten, erst 
am Morgen, und den sie des Morgens aufsetzten, erst am Abend 
gekocht war, so fiihrten sie dies Omen auf das Vergehen der 
Verunehrung eines Brahmanen zuriick. Es liegt hier die ver- 
tiefte Auffassung eines kodifizierten Siihnefalles vor, ahnlich 
demjenigen, den Ath. Pray. 1. 2 geben, wenn sie fragen: ,,wenn 
die Sonne in der Friihe aufgeht, ohne da das abendliche 
Agnihotra-Opfer dargebracht ware, was ist dafiir die Siihne?", 
und: ,,wenn des Abends die Sonne untergeht, ohne dafi das 
morgendliche Agnihotra-Opfer dargebracht ware, was ist dafiir 
die Suhne?" Unerheblich ist es fur diese Falle, ob etwa 
menschliche Fahrlassigkeit oder die mangelnde Mitwirkung 
des Feuergotts den Erfolg der Verspatung des Opfervollzugs 
veranlafit haben. Die Tatsache als solche bedarf des religiosen 
Ausgleichs, den sie in dltester Zeit, welche eine unpersonlich 
gedachte Schicksalsmacht als blind waltend verehrte, durch 
korrekte Wiederholung der verungliickten Zeremonie, injungerer 
Zeit aber nur dadurch finden konnte, dafi man den im Omen 
sich kundgebenden Zorn der Gottheit durch Handlungen be- 
sanftigte, die ein begangenes Unrecht, wie z. B. die Verun- 
ehrung eines Brahmanen, wieder gut machten. In jenem ,,For- 
schen nach der Siinde", das dieser ,,Restitutio in integrum" 
in hoherem Sinne notwendig vorausgehen mufite, liegt offenbar 
ein religioses Moment von grofier Bedeutung. Die letzten 
Etappen dieses weiten Weges werden endlich durch die Forde- 
rungen der Reue, welche alle BuRzeremonien iiberfliissig macht, 
und der Versenkung in das Wesen der Gottheit, z. B. des Visnu 
(Visnudhyana, haufiger Visnusmarana) , gekennzeichnet. Noch 
wertvoller als sie ist die Selbsterlosung durch sittliches Handeln. 
Eine schone Stelle des (hier allerdings vielleicht buddhistisch 
beeinfluCiten) Markandeyapurana sagt dariiber (vgl. Adbhuta- 
sagara S. 268): ,,Des Zurnens soil sich enihalten gegen alle 
Wesen, vielmehr soil Liebe iiben der Weise. Er vermeide un- 
wahre Rede und nicht minder Verleumdungen. Dem Gestirn- 
dienst moge obliegen bei alien Heimsuchungen der Volks- 
genosse. Dann gehen die Schrecknisse restlos zur Ruhe." 
Wie hier der Gestirndienst als kultische Verrichtung neben 
dem ethischen Postulat, so bleiben, anderen Vorschriften zu- 
folge, einfache Siihnehandlungen speziellster Art neben der 
Forderung der Yersenkung in das Wesen des all-Einen Gottes 

266 Julius von Negelein, 

noch bestelien (vgl. Anm. 126; 642); bisweilen warden jene beiden 
Momente nebeneinander genannt, so z. B. Agnipur. 174. 8: ,,in 
welchem Manne, der Stinde getan, Reue aufkeimt, dessen ein- 
zige und hochste Siihne 1st die Versenkung in das Wesen des 
Hari (Visnu)". Dieses intuitive Sich-Vereinigen mit der Gott- 
heit iiberhebt den Glaubigen selbst der Notwendigkeit des Ge- 
bets, das im ubrigen zweifellos um so mehr hervortreten mud, 
je weiter durch die Ausgestaltung der Gottheit zur Personlicli- 
Iteit der nackte Eitualismus zuriicktritt. Von derartigen Ge- 
beten sei zum Schlusse eine Probe gegeben, die leicht dadurch 
miftdeutet werden kb'nnte, dafi man sie der Sprache des modern- 
christlichen Gebetes naherte. Bei aufmerksamer Beobachtung 
empfindet man gar bald, dafi der Sprecher dieses Gebets ein 
echter Inder und Visnu-Anbeter ist, und dafi er mit einer 
in der Form und im Gehalt sich gleich deutlich hervorwagen- 
den Angstlichkeit alles ergreift und aufzahlt, was von Even- 
tualitaten an Siindenhandlungen kanonisiert war und seinem 
Gedachtnis infolgedessen irgendwie erreichbar erscheint. Agni- 
pur. 172 Vers6ff. lauten (wobei wir darauf aufmerksam machen, 
daG die tJbersetzung angesichts der grofien ITnsicherlieit und 
Korruptheit des Textes in vielen Einzelheiten anfechtbar ist) : 

6. Er, der [im Wachen] erscliaut, hinwegnimmt, was bose 
ist, im Traume aber erschaut, der Phantasie [das Bose ent- 
fuhrt], vor ihm [stehe ich] verneigt, vor Visnu, dem Upendra, 
dem Hari, dem ^Taar-Schopf-Ergreifer 1 des Leidens (des Bosen). 

7. Vor Visnu, dem Hochsten iiber dem Hochsten, verneige 
ich mich, der seine [hilfreiche] Hand mir von oben entgegen- 
streckt, wenn hier die ganze dreigestaltige Welt versunken 
ist tief in der Finsternis. 

12. Wenn ich am Vormittag, am Nachmittag, wenn um 
Mittag oder in der Nacht mit dem Korper, dem Geiste, dem 
Worte (d. h. mit Worten, Werken oder Gedanken) Boses ge- 
tan habe, [selbst] ohne mein Wissen, 

13. Wenn ich beim Essen, beim Schlafen, [oder] Gehen, 
beim Wachen, [oder] beim Stehen, heute Sunde begangen habe 
mit Werken, Gedanken oder Worten, 

16. Mag sie klein oder grofi sein, mag sie zu einer schlechteren 
Existenz oder in die Holle fiihren so moge dies alles zur Ruhe 
kommen (d. h. : Siihne finden) infolge der Nennung des Vasudeva. 

1 Versuch der Nachalimung eines "Wortspiels. 

Atharvaprdyascittdni. 267 


Der erste Blick auf unseren Text lehrt, dafi trotz der aufoer- 
ordentlich grofien Anzahl feststellbarer handschriftlicher Vari- 
anten an die Rekonstruktion des Archetypus in keiner Weise 
gedacht werden darf. Was uns als Brahm apr ay ascittani" 
iiberliefert wurde, ist vielmehr ein in einer der Abfassungszeit 
aller erreichbaren Manuskripte weit vorausliegenden Periode 
stark korrumpiertes Fragment, dessen offenherzige Aufierung: 
,,arthalopan nivrttih" (6. 8) (,,hier schliefien wir, weil der Sinn 
verloren gegangen ist") uns den Fingerzeig dafiir gibt, dafi 
friihe, tiefgehende Korruptelen den Verlust ganzer Textpartien, 
die unheilbare Wortentstellung vieler einzelnen Stellen zur 
Folge gebabt haben. Der Schlufi des eigentlichen Textes, die 
Worte 6. 9: sarvatra chedana-bhedana-' usw. machen einen 
kompendiosen Eindruck und legen den Verdacht nahe, als ob 
dem Schreiber des Archetypus darum zu tun gewesen ware, 
sich seine Arbeit durch Zusammenfassung vieler Einzel- 
heiten zu erleichtern. Wie scbwere Briiche sich in der 
Textfassung finden, lehrt zur Evidenz 4. 1, wo es durch Yer- 
gleichung mit einem Passus der Brahm. Pray. (s. Anm. 604) 
gelungen ist, eine Anzahl von Silben, mit welchen ein ge- 
dankenloser Kopist den Verlust des Kapitelanfangs aus- 
zubessern gedachte, auszuschalten und dadurch den Sinn, 
nicht den Wortlaut einer interessanten Stelle zu retten. Dafo 
eben diese Brahm. Pray, fiir eine E-ekonstruktion des Arche- 
typus Unschatzbares leisten konnen, lehrt z. B. ihre Erhaltung 
der richtigen Lesart ajam statt des torichten gajam unseres 
Textes (s. 6. 7. Text zu Anm. 1105). Oft gewinnen wir den 
Eindruck, als ob verschiedene Rezensionen unseres Textes in 
der gegebenen Fassung desselben nebeneinander auf bewahrt 
worden waren. So behandeln 2. 7 und 5. 4 die gleiche Gruppe 
von Fallen. Die Textfassung der ersteren beider Stellen mit 
ihrem brahmana-artigen Frage- und Antwortspiel ist hier die 
unzweifelhaft altere. Sie fiihrt auf eine Zeit zuriick, in wel- 
cher der Lehrer seines Schiilers auf dem hochwichtigen Ge- 
biete der Siihnehandlungen liegende Kenntnisse auf die Probe 
zu stellen pflegte, wahrend die Sprache von 5. 4 sich bereits 
dem Sutra- Stil nahert. Die in den Anmerkungen hervor- 
gehobenen sachlichen Abweichungen beider Stellen voneinander 
fiihren in diesem Falle offenbar nicht nur auf die Verschieden- 

268 Julius von Negdein, 

heit der zugrunde liegenden EezensioneD, sondern auch auf 
Abschreiber-Fliichtigkeiten zuriick. Als weitere Beispiele offen- 
barer Kompilation und Interpolation erwahne ich 2. 6 Anfang: 
atha yasya yupo virohed asamapte karmani . . . gegen 5. 6 An- 
fang: atha yasya 'hargane Visamapte yupo virohet . . .; ferner 
2.6: yat prayajesv ahutesu prag angarah skandet gegen 4. 1: 
prak prayajebhyo 'ngaram barhisy adhiskandet; 2. 9 Anfang: 
yasyo 'pakrtah pasuh prapatet . . . gegen 5. 5: upakrtas cet 
pasuh prapatet ... Der mit pratahsavanac cet kalaso vidlr- 
yeta beginnende Passus von 6. 4 wiederholt sich in der iiber- 
lieferten Fassung von 6. 6; beiden steht Taitt. Samh. 7. 5. 5. 2 
nahe. Hier ist die Anm. 1055 gegebene Stelle der Brahm. Pray, 
zur Textrekonstruktion von grofiem Wert; 6. 4 ist wohl nur 
ein korruptes Fragment davon. 

Was die Beziehungen unseres Textes zu den parallelen Quellen 
angeht, so wiirdigen unsere Anmerkungen die nahe Yerwandt- 
schaft mit den Brahmaprayascitidni zur Geniige. Beziiglich un- 
seres Ausgangspunktes fiir jede Vergleichung, der Atharvapari- 
sista, ist aber zu bemerken, dafi angesichts des geringen Um- 
fanges von Ath. Paris. 37 ein endgiltiges Urteil iiber den Grad 
der Abhangigkeit beider Texte voneinander nicht zu erreichen 
ist: immerhin bleibt es bemerkenswert, daft eine ganze Anzahl 
von dort genannten Einzelheiten sich in unserem Texte nicht 
wiederfindet So hat der interessante Fall Ath. Paris. 37. 1. 1 
(apahanyamane musalam patati; vgl. ibid. 37. 14. 1 ... upayamo 
hastat patet; s. auch meinen Traumschlussel S. 351) in den 
Ath. Pray, kein Analogon. Daft das Gleiche ebensowenig bei 
der eher dem Grhya-Ritual zugehorigen Einzelheit Ath. Paris, 
37. 11. 1 : yatrai 'tad vivaha-'gnir upasamyati . . . der Fall ist, bleibt 
leichter verstandlich. Natiirlich fehlt es auch an Uberein- 
stimmungen nicht. Hier sei der Ath. Pray. 6. 2 Text zu Anm. 
956: yady ukha . . . bhidyeta = Ath. PariS. 45. 2. 19 gedacht. 
Immerhin kann von irgendeinem naherliegenden textgeschicht- 
lichen Zusammenhange zwischen beiden Quellen nicht die Rede 
sein. Anders scheint es sich um das Yerhaltnis der Ath. 
Pray, zu dem Ap. Sr. S. zu verhalten. Hier liegt bei manchen 
Einzelheiten eine fast wortliche Ubereinstimmung vor, die wir 
kaum dem Zufall zuschreiben konnen. Den Ath. Pray. 5. 2: 
agnihotre ced anabhyuddhrte havisi va 'nirupte ^akunih syenah 
sva va 'ntarena vyaveyat . . . entspricht Ap. Sr. S. 9. 6. 11: 
yasya 'gnihotre 'dhisrite sva 'ntaragni dhavet. Den Ath. Pray. 

Atharvaprdyascittani. 269 

4. 2 ... ced ahuti-velayam patny analambhuka syat tarn apa- 
rudhya yajeta | steht Ap. Sr. S. 9. 2. 1 gegeniiber: yasya vratye 
'han patny analambhuka syat tarn aparudhya yajeta; den 
Ath. Pray. 4. 3: ... ced abhivarsen mitro janan yatayatl 'ti 
samidham adhaya 'nya(m) dugdhva punar juhuyat | entspricht 
fast wortlich Ap. Sr. S. 9. 2. 6: yasya 'gnihotram avavarsen 
mitro janan kalpayati prajanan . . . juhote 'ti tat krtva 'nyam 
dugdhva punar juhuyat. 

Was das Altersverhaltnis unseres Textes zu den inhaltlich 
gleichartigen Passus der Brahmana- und Sutra-Liter atur an- 
langt, so ist in der Beurteilung desselben die grofite Vorsicht 
geboten, da das Siihnewesen, wie beispielsweise das Ait. Brahm. 
lehrt, bereits in alter Zeit sehr kompliziert entwickelt war, so 
dafi wir eine Entstehungsgeschichte desselben nicht festlegen 
konnen, und dies zwar um so weniger, als das Fehlen von 
Einzelheiten nicht auf der en Unkenntnis von Seiten der Kom- 
pilatoren der^Texte zuriickgefiihrt zu werden braucht, und um- 
gekehrt das Vorhandensein solcher Einzelheiten in jenen Texten 
vielleicht spateren Interpolationen zu danken ware. Immerhin 
macht unser Text einen alteren Eindruck als beispielsweise 
das Ap. Sr. S. und das Sankh. Sr. S., wobei wir zunachst der 
in manchen Partien an den Brahmana-Stil anklingenden Sprache 
der Ath. Pray. Erwahnung tun, andererseits aber der in den 
genannten Sutren ganz allgemein hervortretenden starkeren 
Kasuistik gedenken, denen unsere Prayascittani, selbst wenn 
wir mit grofien Textverlusten rechnen, nichts gegeniiberzustellen 
haben. ^Nur einer Einzelheit sei bier gedacht: Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 
3. 23 schreibt, ganz analog Ath. Pray. 5. 5, vor, dafi, wenn beim 
Opfer das avadana zu Grunde gegangen ware, man Schmelz- 
butter an dessen Stelle setzen solle; doch differenziert der 
erstere Text gegeniiber dem letzteren seine Angaben dahin, 
daft man fur den Ausnahmefall, das Herz des Opfertiers sei ver- 
loren gegangen, ein anderes Tier opfern soil. 

Die Mantra-Fassungen lassen gesicherte Schliisse auf das 
Alter des Textes ebensowenig zu. Sie entstammen bisweilen 
der Paippalada-Rezension des Atharvaveda und waren in 
diesem Falle nicht immer zu verifizieren. Ein Stamm von 
ihnen hebt sich als alt und alien Schulen gemeinschaftlich 
hervor, so z. B. der die renitente Opferkuh zum G-enufi von 
Heu einladende Spruch: suyavasad bhagavati hi bhuya^; ferner 
die Mantras, welche ihr die Furcht vor Unheil austreiben 

270 Julius von Negelein, 

sollen usw. Andere Mantras ergehen sich in spielenden Wort- 
wiederholungen und scheinen dadurch ein etwas jiingeres Alter 
zu verraten. Sie treten in offenbarer literargeschichtlicher 
Abhangigkeit voneinander auf; so z. B.: vidyotate dyotata a ca 
dyotate, oder: hutasya ca 'hutasya ca 'hutasya hutasya ca pita- 
'pltasya somasya indragm pibatam sutam. In alien Fallen 
der erwahnten Arten entspricht der Inhalt der Mantras dem 
rituellen Vorgang. Dies ist aber bekanntlich keineswegs immer 
der Fall. Oft sind die begleitenden Spriiche weit hergeholt, 
oder iibertragen die empirische Opferhandlung auf das kosmische 
G-ebiet (vgl. oben S. 18 Anna. 2 den Yergleich von Mann und 
Weib mit Himmel und Erde). Fiir die Chronologic unseres 
Textes kann nur die Tatsache in Betracbt kommen, dafi 
manche Spriiche in der uns erhaltenen altesten Literatur nicht 
auffindbar waren, also jiingeren Datums sein konnten. Bei- 
spielsweise findet sich das Zitat: a 'ham yajnam dadhe . . . nach 
Bloomfield nur noch im AS.; Ap. S.; M. S. an je einer Stelle; 
andere Pratikas beschranken sich auf das Ap. S. oder das Kaus. S. 
Es ist allerdings wiederholt darauf hinzuweisen, daft das argu- 
mentum ex silentio hier unzuverliissiger ist als irgendwo anders. 
Einen weitaus gesicherteren Boden betreten wir, wenn wir 
zum Zwecke der Textkritik und Interpretation das Parallelen- 
material heranziehen. Natiirlich kann es sich fur uns auch 
hier nur um eine Yorarbeit handeln. Eine Erschopfung des 
gesamten Materials geht weit iiber das hinaus, was man von 
den Prolegomena zu einer Erstausgabe erwarten darf. 


[Wir haben, da die Abschnitte der Atharvapraya^cittani 
bisweilen eine recht erhebliche Lange besitzen, welche das 
Auffinden des jedesmal erwahnten Passus in der Druckaus- 
gabe verzogern wurde, durch die (stets an den Anfang der 
Zeilen gebrachten) Ziffern nicht nur auf den betreffenden 
Abschnitt, sondern auch auf die nachststehenden Indexnummern 
hingewiesen; es bezieht sich z. B. der Hinweis ,,4. 1. Text zu 
Anm. 608609" auf die S. 33 Z. 2 4 befindlichen Worte: 
ced apahareyuh sayamdoham dvaidham kytva."] 

Beispiele fur wortlichen Parallelismus. 

3. 13. Den langen und schwierigen Passus haben wir geben 
miissen, wie die Mss. ihn boten. Die Lesarten anderer 

Atliarvaprayascittani. 271 

Texte, wie z. B. des Kath., scheinen uns in dubio fast 
iiberall den Yorzug zu verdienen. So liest Rath. 34. 14 
z. B. statt vidhanam dlksayam: dhata diksayam; statt 
savita samdhlyamane 'ndho 'cheto: savita bhrtyamandho 
'cchetah; statt bhadro viciyamanah: rudro viciyamanah; 
statt udgrhyaman&yam: udvrhyamanayani ; statt ava- 
sadayati: asanna (zweiraal); statt yamo 'bhihitah: yamo 
'bhisutah; - Kath. a. a. O. und Taitt. Samh. 4. 4. 9 lesen 
gemeinschaftlich, zweifellos mit dem Archetypus der Ath. 
Pray., statt somakrayane: somakrayanyam | 

3. 6 Text zu Anm. 510512: cf. Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 1: etad 

vai jararnaryam sattram yad agnihotram. 
4.1 Anm. 661: jato (?) tatam tad apy aga des Zitats Brahm. 
Pray. 34a ist wohl korrumpiert aus: yato jatas tato 'py 
avam | 

4. 3 Anm. 714: Nach Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. 6 wird die Formel: 

w garbham sravantam agadam akah" im Falle des Uber- 
laufens der Agnihotra-Milch (Komm. erganzt: nach voraus- 
gegangenem Platzen der sthali) vorgeschrieben. 

6. 3 Text zu Anm. 979: vgl. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 29. 1: yadi camasam 
abhaksitam stotrena 'bhyupakuryat . . . Komm.: yady abha- 
ksite camasa-gana uttarasmai camasa-ganaya stotram upa- 

6. 3 Text zu Anm. 996folg.: vgl. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 25. 7; Tandja 9. 
9. 13: yadi grava 'pisiryate . . . dyutanasya marutasya 
samna stuyuh | ; Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 12. 3 : gravni dlrne vrtrasya 
tva svasathad isamana iti dyutanena marutena brahmana- 
cchamsine stuvate |; Kath. 35. 16: yasya grava 'piSlryate. 

6. 4 Text zu Anm. 1010-12 = Tamlya 9. 5. 1. 

6.4 Text zu Anm. 1016-18: yadi somam na vindeyuh . . . ar- 
junani 1018 wortlich gleich Tandya 9. 5. 3. 

6.4 Text zu Anm. 1019-20 pratahsavanac cet kalaso vidlryeta 
. . . vgl. Tandya 9. 6. 1 : yadi kalas"o dlryeta vasatkara- 
nidhanam brahmasama kuryat; Ap. Sr. S. 14. 25. 10 f.: yadi 
pratahsavane kalaso diryeta vaisnavisu sipivistavatlsv ity 
uktam (s. Ath. Pray. 6. 6 Text zu Anm. 1051 ff.); athai 
'kesam: yadi pratahsavane kalaso diryeta vasatkara-nidha- 
nam brahmasama kuryat; Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 12. 1: kalase 
dime vidhum dadranam iti vasatkara-nidhanena brahmana- 
cchamsine stuvate; vgl. Tandya 9. 6. 9 ; Kath. 34. 4, welches 
vollig mit den Ath. Pray, identisch ist. 

272 Julius von Negelein, 

Beispiele fiir die Mdglichkeit sachlicher Erklarungen durch 

2. 4 Anm. 182 zu Asv. Pray. 3b; vgl. Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 1. 12. 
2. 5 Anm. 197: vgl. Kaus. S. 123: yatrai 'tad vapam va havimsi 

va vayamsi .dvipada-catuspadam va 'bhimrsya 'vagacche- 

yur . . . 

2. 5 Anm. 203: vgl. Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 3. 5. 
2. 6 Anm. 240: Kath. 34. 2; Taitt. Brahm. 1. 4. 7. 1. 

2.6 Anm. 262: vgl. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 2. 6; Kath. 35. 18. 

2. 7. In samtlichen aufgezahlten Fallen der Vermischung zweier 1 
oder mehrerer Opferfeuer miteinander 1st stets die Frage 
nach deren Eeinheit resp. Unreinheit das Unterscheidungs- 
prinzip, wie dies z. B. der Komm. zu Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 3. 7 
deutlich ausspricht; vgl. dazu Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 4. 2 und 
ibid. 5: yasya 'gnayo 'medhyair agnibhih samsrjyeran . . . 
agnaye sucaye 'stakapalam purodasam nirvapet (dieser 
astakapalah purodasah wird als Siihneopfer uberall in den 
Ath. Pray, wie in den Paralleltexten festgehalten). 

2.7 Anm. 290: vgl. Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 4.4: yasya vaidyuto 
dahet . . . agnaye 'psumate 'stakapalam purodasam nir- 

2. 8 Anm. 326: cf. Ath. PariS. 22. 9. 1: yady arani jirne syatam 
. . . Unter den naste arani unseres Textes sind also offen- 
bar dbyenutzte Reibholzer zu verstehen. 

2. 9 Anm. 350: vgl. Sat. Brahm. 12. 4. 2. 5. 

2.9 Text zu Anm. 358: die Stelle klart sich vielleicht wort- 
lich und sachlich, wenn man Sat. Brahm. 12. 5. 2. 3: te ye 
tatah samtapad agnayo jayerams (tair enam daheyus tatha" 
"ha: tair eva dagdho bhavati na u pratyaksam iva) als 
urspriinglichen Text annimmt. Allerdings kann ich den 
Text von Anm. 359 gleichwohl nicht rekonstruieren. 

3.4 Text zu Anm. 466: vollig zerstort, inhaltlich zweifellos 
identisch mit Ap. Sr. S. 14. 32. 7: yady rkto yajnam bhresa 
&gacched . . . also: wenn infolge [der unzeitigen oder ver- 
worrenen Rezitation] der Rgvedaverse eine Verfehlung 
ins Opfer kommt. 

Hierbei 1st festzustellen, dali, wo immer von zwei Opferfeuern die 
Rede ist, stets nur garhapatya und ahavamya gemeint sind: Ap. r. 
S. 14. 31. 2. 

Atharvaprayascittani. 273 

3. 5 Text zu Anm. 478-486; fur mich vb'llig unverstandlich ; 
ich vermute aber in cittavyapatyur eine Korruption von 
vyapatad ity [asmarathyah]. 

3. 5 Text zu Anm. 490 wobl zu lesen: upacara-bhaksa-praya- 
scittis" ce 'ty | und zu iibersetzen: wie sollen [wenn der 
Opferherr stirbt] die [Opfer-] Handlungen des Opferver- 
anstalters ausgefuhrt werden, welche in Verehrung, Toten- 
speisung und Subnezeremonien bestehen? [Antwort:] Der 
Adlivaryu soil statt seiner den Pflicbten des Opferver- 
anstalters geniigen. 

3. 8: Der ganze Abschnitt Sat. Brahm. 12. 5. 1 handelt von dem 
Fall, dafi der Agnihotrin auf der Reise stirbt. Die ibid. 
16 erwogene Moglichkeit: ,,atha bai 'ke antarena 'gnlm^ 
citim citva tarn agnibhih samuposanti" scbeint in dem 
Passus unseres Textes: madhye 'gninam edhams citva . . 

3.8 Text zu Anm. 534: vrthagni scheint vollstandig gramagni 
in Sat. Brahm. 12. 5. 1. 14 zu entsprecben: tarn hai 'ke 
gramagnina dahanti. 

3.9 Anm. 561: vgl. dazu den inhaltlich vollig analogen Passus 
Sat. Brahm. 12. 5. 2. 1: marisyantam ced yajamanam man- 
yeta . . .; danach scheint von der Stellvertretung des Opfer- 
berrn durch seine Verwandten schon in dem Falle, dafi 
der erstere todlicli erkrankt^ die Rede zu sein. 

4. 1 Text zu Anm. 597-600: vgl. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 4ff.: osa- 
dhlr va etasya pasun payah pravi^ati | yasya havise vatsa 
apakrta dhayanti | 4 | tan yad duhy&t | yatayamna havisa 
yajeta | yan na duhyat | yajna-parur antariyat | vayavyan 
yavagun nirvapet | . . . || 5 || atho 'ttarasmai havise vatsan 
apakuryat | sai Va tatah prayascittih || ahnlich Kath. 
35. 17. 

4.1 Anm. 620: Nach Ap. Sr. S. 14. 28. 2 wird die Formel: 
w devam janam agan yajne" angewendet, wenn Soma oder 
havis herabfallt. 

5. 3 Anm. 821: cf. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 1; Kath. 35. 17. 

5. 3 Anm. 824: cf. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 2: sa yad udvayati 
vichittir eva 'sya sa | tarn prancam uddhrtya manaso 'pati- 
stheta | 

5. 3 Text zu Anm. 829folg.: vgl. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 3f.; Kath. 
35. 17. 

5. 3 Text zu Anm. 846-9: vgl. Gop. Brahm. 2. 1. 9: yasya havir 


Julius von 

niruptani purastac candrama abhyudiyat tarns tredha ta- 
ndulan vibhajed ye madhyamas tan agnaye datre 'staka- 
palan nirvaped ye stavisthas tan indraya pradatre dadhati 
carum ye ksodisthas tan visnave sipivistaya | 

5. 5 Anm. 889: vgl. Sankh. Sr. S. 13. 3. 2. 

5.6 Text zu Anni. 900: nabhihita offenbar identisch mit na hi 

te in Ap. Sr. S. 14. 29. 3. 
6. 1 Anm. 927: vgl. Saiikb. Sr. S. 3. 19. lOff. 

6. 1 Text zu Anm. 949: vgl. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 24. 3, 34. 1. 

6.2 Text zu Anm. 956: va des Textes ist aus "ma korrum- 
piert, wie Ap. Sr. S. 14. 33. 9 sehr wahrscheinlich macht 
(,,wenn ein ungebranntes ukha-Gefafi platzt . . ."). 

6. 3 Text zu Anm. 978: abhimrstasya ist, wie Sankb. Sr. S. 13. 12. 

10; Tandya 9. 9. 10 beweisen, aus avavrstasya korrumpiert. 
6.4 Text zu Anm. 999: lies wobl abhidagdbe; vgl. Sankb. Sr. S. 

13. 6. 7; Ap. Sr. S. 14. 25. 3. 
6. 4 Anm. 1001: zu Brabm. Pray. 95 a vgl. Kath. 35. 16, welches 

aber statt spar say eta\ spasayeta liest; cf. Ap. &r. S. 14. 

25. 1: spasayet. 

6.4 Anm. 1008: s. Kath. 35. 16. 

6.4 Text zu Anm. 1010-12: vgl. Tandya 9. 5. 1; Ap. Sr. S. 14. 

24.9; Taitt. Brabm. 1. 4. 7. 5. 
6.4 Text zu Anm. 1013folg. ; es ist etwa zu lesen: yadi kritam 

yo [mit Ms. A] nedisthah syat sa abrtya 'bhisicyo |; vgl. 

Tandya 9. 5. 2: yadi kritam yo 'nyo 'bhyasam syat; Ap. 

Sr. S. 14. 24. 10: yadi kritam [somam apahareyur] yo ne- 

disthi syat tata abvtya 'bbisunuyat. Sat. Brahm. 4. 5. 10. 1: 

yadi somam apabareyuh | vidbavate 'ccbate Hi bruyat sa 

yadi vindanti kim adriyeran yady u na vindanti tatra pr&- 

yascittih kriyate. 
6.4 Text zu Anm. 101516: cf. 6ankh. Sr. S. 13. 6. 2: soma- 

baraya somavikrayine va kinacid dadyat I. 
6.4 Anm. 1019 (vgl. Anm. 984) zu Brahm. Pray. 93 a: s. Ap. 

Sr. S. 14. 24. 7; vgL aucb Taitt. Brahm. 1. 4. 7. 4: yasya 

soma upadasyet suvarnam hiranyam dvedha vicbidya rjlse 

7 nyad adhunuyat | juhuyad anyat | 
6. 5 Text zu Anm. 1035 bahispavamanam bis vrniyad: vgl. Ap. 

Sr. S. 14. 26. 3. 
6. 5 Text zu Anm. 1036: yad udgata bis yajetai'*: vgl. Ap. 14. 

26. 4: yadi pratiharta [vicbidyeta] pasubhir yajamano vy- 
rdhyeta | sarvavedasani dadyat | 5: yady udgata yajnena 

Atliarvaprayascittani. 275 

yajamano vyrdhyeta | adaksinah sa yajiiah samsthapyah | 
die Textfassung der Ath. Pray, ist wohl durch Verande- 
rung, Auslassung und Korruption entstanden. 

6.5 Anm. 1046: vgl. Tandya 9. 9. 5: yasya narasamsa upa- 
vayati ... 6: yam adhvaryur antato graham grhniyat tasya 
"ptum (so zu lesen!) avanayet | Was unter einem nara- 
samsa-Becher zu verstehen ist, lehrt Komm. zu Ap. r. S. 
14. 28. 1: bhaksita-"pyayita camaso narasamsa ity uktam |. 

6. 6 Text zu Anm. 1051 ff. Daft der Text falsch sein muft, es sich 
vielmehr, wie in Brahm. Pray. 103 b (Anm. 1055), um das 
Ubrigbleibvn des Somas handelt, lehrt indirekt die Tatsache, 
dafi eine Wiederholung des bereits Ath. Pray. 6.4 vorkommen- 
denPassus: pratahsavanac cet kalaso vidiryeta . . . nicht zu 
erwarten ist, direkt der Text zu Anm. 1054 5, welcher von 
den Parallelen in den eben erwahnten Zusammenhang ge- 
bracht wird. Das Ubrigbleiben der Opferspeise gilt iiber- 
haupt als ein Ungltick: vi va etasya yajna rdhyate yasya 
havir atiricyate Taitt. Samh. 3. 4. 1. 1. Der Text zu Anm. 
1055 (hinter stuyuh) eroffnet offenbar eine Liicke; das 
folgende (in den Ath. Pray, verloren gegangene) Stuck ist 
etwa zu erganzen nach Tandya 9. 7. 1 (vgl. Taitt. Samh. 
7. 5. 5. 2; Taitt. Brahm. 1.4. 5. 14): yadi pratahsava- 
nat somo 'tiricyeta 5 sti somo ay am suta iti marutvatlsu 
gayatrena stuyuh ibid. 6: yadi madhyandinat savanad ati- 
ricyeta vanmaham asi surye J ty adityavatisu gaurivitena 
stuyuh | 9: yadi trtlyasavanad atiricyeta visnoh sipivista- 
vatisu gaurivitena stuyuh | 11: yadi ratrer atiricyeta visnoh 
sipivistavatisu brhata stuyur esa tu va atiricyata ity ahur 
yo ratrer atiricyata iti; s. im iibrigen auch Sankh. Sr. S. 
13. 7. 113, 9. 4. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 18. 2-15. 

6. 6 Text zu Anm. 10567. Statt parigrhmyat liest Taitt. 
Samh. 7. 5. 5. 1 in dem parallelen Passus charakteristisch : 
vrnkte; statt des korrupten na 'tiratrya: mahati ratriyai; 
ebenso Kath. 34. 4; Tandya 9.4.1: mahati ratreh; Ap. 
Sr. S. 14. 19. 1: maharatre. 

6.6 Text zu Anm. 1062: hinter madhyamdine lies nach Sankh. 
Sr. S. 13. 5. 6 als Erganzung eines dort offenbar ausge- 
fallenen Passus: jagatyai chandasa iti trtlyasavane. 

6.6 Text zu Anm. 1074 5 soil wohl statt: srotram ca 'svinau 
patam mit Ap. Sr. S. 14. 21. 4 heifien: Srotram ta asvinah 

276 Julius von Negelein, 

Beispiele fur inhaltlich zugehorige, erganzende Stellen. 

Zu 4. 1 Anm. 614 fiige hinzu: Sankh. Sr. S. 3. 20. 5: yad bra- 
hmano jugupsur na bhaksayed etad dustasya laksanam | . 

Zu 4. 1 Anm. 637 vgl. Agnipur. 170. 12: saranagatam pari- 
ty ajya vedam viplavya ca dvijah | samvatsaram yata-"haras 
tat papam apasedhati || 

Zu 4 2 Anm. 691 vgl. Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 2. 45; Katb. 35. 19: 
yadi purvasyam] ahutyam hutayam uttarahutih skandet . . . 
yatra vettha vanaspate devanam guhya namani . . . ga- 

Zu 4. 3 Text zu Anm. 703folg. vgl. Taitt. Brabm. 3. 7. 2. 1: 
yad anayatane ninayet | anayatanah syat | prajapatya rca 
valmika-vapayam avanayet | . . . tat krtva | anyam dugdbva 
punar hotavyam | . . . cf. Katb. 35. 18f.: yad anayatane 
ninayet \ . . . madbyamena parnena dyava-prtbivyaya rca 
'ntabparidhi ninayet | vgl. auch Taitt. Brabm. a. a. 0.: 
yad vibsyanena jubuyat | apraja apasur yajamanah syat | . 

4.3 zu den Worten (mantraskannam 734 ) ced abbivarset: vgl. 
Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 2. 3 folg. (Katb. 35. 19): yad ava- 
vrstena jubuyat | aparupam asya "tmam jayeta | kilaso va 
"syadaraso va 1 yat pratyeyat | yajnam vicbindyat | sa 
juhuyat | mitro janan kalpayati prajanan | . . . jubote 'ti 
mitrenai 'vai 'nat kalpayati | tat krtva | anyam dugdhva 
punar hotavyam | 

4.3 Text zu Anm. 739 ff.: vgl. Taitt. Brabm. 3. 7. 2. 2 [Katb. 
35. 19]: yat kitavapannena jubuyat | apraja apasur yaja- 
manab syat | 

5.2 Anm. 818 zu Brabm. Pray. 70 a: krsnah sakunir vgl. Ap. 
Sr. S. 14. 31. 1: yadi sadobavirdbanani krsnasakunir upary- 
upary atipatet paksabbyam adhunvana iva 'bbinislded va 
visnur vicakrama ity abutim jubuyat | yady uccaih paten 
na tad adriyeta | 

6.5 Anm. 1046: vgl. Katb. 35. 16: yasya dronakalasa upa- 
dasyati . . . 

6.6 Anm. 1049: cf. Agn. Pray. 9b: abutidvaya-sawsar^e Apa- 
stambokta-prayascittam | purva-'buter upary uttarabutim 
jubuyat tad a yatra vettha vanaspate . . . gamaye (RV. 5. 
5. 10) 'ti vanaspatyaya rca samidham adhaya (ha) ^esena 
tusnlm uttarabutim butva tato vrsnya te (1.: vrsnas te 
vrsnyam?) punar havir-utpattim krtva punar homah karyah | 

Atliarvaprayascittani. 277 

ekadesasamsarge idam prayascittam na bhavati | tatra 
sarva-prayascittam eva | ; vgl. auch Tandya 9. 9. 8, dessen 
Komm. pltdplta erklart: pitaesah somo 'pltena abhaksi- 
tena somena homartham asaditena va yadi samsr?to bha- 
vet . . ,; ,,antahparidhy angaran nirvartya" jenes Textes 
kehrt in den Brahm. Pray, an der zitierten Stelle in sehr 
korrupter Form wieder. Es ist dort etwa zu lesen: an- 
garan daksinafySm] apohya . . .; cf. Ap. Sr. S. 14. 30. 2. 

Beispiele fur sachliche Abweichungen sonst paralleler 


2.4 Text zu Anm. 173. Die Verwendung des Spruches: tvam 
agne vratapa asi ist im Asv. Sr. S. eine ganz andere: er 
dient dort dazu, der Geburt von Zwillingen die ominose 
Wirkung zu nehmen. 

4. 1 Text zu Anm. 606 ff.: s. indessen Taitt. Brahm. 3. 7. 1. 6f.: 
yasya sayam dugdham havir arttim archati | indraya vrihm 
nirupyo 'pavaset . . . | yat pratah syat tac chrtam kuryat || 
6 || athe 'tara aindrah purodasah syat | ; ferner Kath. 35. 
18, wo statt chrtam, wahrscheinlich nur verdruckt, chatam 

5. 6 Text zu Anm. 892. Den Spruch R. V. 3. 18. 2 wendet Ap. 

Sr. S. 14. 29. 3 an, wenn der Geweihte (diksita) sein semen 
virile wissentlich, sei es durch den Beischlaf, sei es auf 
andere Weise, verier en hat; cf. Anm. 863. 
6.3 Anm. 987: Kath. 35. 16 erwahnt die Moglichkeit: yasya 
camasa upadasyati . . . 

6. 5 Text zu Anm. 1032. Nach gankh. Sr. S, 13. 12. 13 soil 

die Formel: ya rte cid abhisrise angewandt werden, wenn 

das mahavira-Gefaft zerbricht. 
6. 7 Text zu Anm. 1105. Statt des im Archetypus vorgesehenen 

weifien Ziegenbocks soil nach Ap. Sr. S. 14. 24. 1 im 

gleichen Falle ein der Sonne geweihter, vielfarUger (bahu- 

rupa) Ziegenbock geopfert werden. 

Hochst auffallig ist es, dafi manche, im Suhneritual sehr 
haufig angewandten und diesem zugehorigen Spriiche, wie etwa 
trayastrimsat tantavo ye vitatnire (s. Bloomfields Cone.) in un- 
serem Texte fehlen. 

19 JAOS 34. 

The Consonants Z and Z in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic. 
By WILLIAM H. WORRELL, Professor in the Ken- 
nedy School of Missions, Hartford, Conn. 

Willmore, The Spoken Arabic of Egypt (London, 2nd ed. 
1905), throughout his grammar and explicitly on pp. xxvii 
and 19, recognizes the existence in modern Egyptian Arabic 
of the socalled emphatic consonant z. This is sometimes found 
to correspond to classical Jp or .k (without distinction); some- 
times it arises out of classical z under the influence of other 
sounds - associated with it in the same phonetic complex; see 
especially ^fpp. llff. Willmore is quite aware that Spitta, 
Grammatik des Ardbischen Vulgar dialektes vonAegypten (Leipzig, 
1880), p. 9 and throughout, quite as definitely denies the ex- 
istence of 2, either primary or secondary. Omitting the many 
guides and small grammars, which follow Spitta and yet have 
no claim to being the result of immediate personal observation 
of phonetic phenomena (e. g. Probst, Dirr, Thilenius), it is 
interesting to note that Vollers, a careful student of long re- 
sidence, in his Lehrbuch der Aegypto-ardbischen Umgangssprache 
(Cairo, 1890), takes the position of Spitta ( 1); while in his 
article in Z. D. M. G., XLI, 1887, pp. 365 ff. he does not 
(pp. 367, 368) go into the question which concerns us, being 
chiefly interested in the process by which the inter-dental 
became post-dental. ,0n p. 372 he comments on the change 
of t to t, and of s to s. The testimony of the Egyptian Spiro, 
An Arabic English Vocabulary (London, 1895), followed up 
with many propagandist publications, loses when one reflects 
that he has ever been the enthusiastic disciple of Spitta in 
every respect. 

Such different results from Willmore and Spitta, leaving the 
others out of account, as the followers of the latter, within so 
short a space of time, involving if accepted a reversal of the 

William H. Worrell, The Conson. Z and Z in Egypt. &c. 279 

natural course of phonetic development require if possible 
an explanation. 

Classical Arabic, as now pronounced in Cairo, exhibits three 
classes of consonants: (I) Light consonants, comprising those 
not hereafter mentioned. These have no effect upon the vow- 
els with which they are associated. The a-vowel retains its 
natural Arabic quality of a (English pat). (II) Medium con- 
sonants, comprising h h r (sometimes light) g q. These are 
accompanied by a-vowels of the quality of a (Engl. father), 
and by a sort of furtive a when followed by i-vowels. (Ill) 
Heavy consonants, comprising s d t z. These are accompanied 
by a- vowels of the quality of d (English father in the dialectic 
form burlesqued as fatvther), and by a sort of furtive d when 
followed by i-vowels. They do not appear to me to have any 
actual effect upon ^'-vowels or it-vowels themselves. The general 
rules here given are subject to wide fluctuations due, no doubt, 
to principles of syllable and sentence stress not yet clearly 
recognized. The consonants are not always grouped just as 
I have them. I have purposely not entered into the tangled 
questions of the tafhwi and imdle of the Arabic gramarians. 

In modern colloquial Arabic of Cairo the (III) consonants 
s d t, though frequently exchanged with the (I) consonants 
x d t, are recognized when they occur by two qualities: 1) The 
consonants themselves have a peculiar articulation (tip of the 
tongue between English s and western American r, as in 
whistling against the front teeth) and resonance. 2) The 
accompanying vowels are affected as in classical Arabic. The 
(III) consonant z on the other hand is easily confused with 
the (I) consonant z. The syllable za differs from za appar- 
ently only in a heavier quality of vowel. Spitta seems to have 
been correct in refusing to recognize the existence of the z 
with a; but he has overlooked the fact of a difference of vowel 
coloring. "Willmore seems to have taken the latter for a 
difference in the consonant. It would be more correct to say 
that za and za syllables differ. 

The discovery of Vollers (loc. cit.) |that the ^-sounds be- 
came stops, or ^-sounds (i. e. by organic shifting), in genuine 
colloquial words, but s-sounds (i. e. by acoustic error) in loan- 
words from the classical, furnishes the further result that 
really no genuine z was handed down in direct transmission 
to colloquial. Both J and became d in the latter. The 

280 William H. Worrell, 

J> and k of classical words were both heard and reproduced 
as ^/f-sounds; heavy or light according to circumstances. 

It is noticeable that "Willmore's vocabularies show z\ 1) with- 
out regard to whether the classical form has k J or z\ 2) 
generally in connection with a-vowels (but z also occurs with 
a- vowels); or 3) in connection with (III) consonants regardless 
of vowels; or 4) with (II) consonants (but Mfz has & in class- 
ical); or 5) in connection with ^-vowels (e. g. zftir classical 
g&r, only example given!) especially when the singular of the 
noun has an a-vowel; and 6) that the sound is of rare occur- 
rence in the language. With few exceptions, which may be 
slips on the part of Willmore, the words fall under (2). 

Turning now to general phonetics: It is a well attested fact 
that the influence of a vanished consonant upon its surviving 
vowel with which it was associated in the same syllable dy- 
namic or not may occur through the gradual weakening of 
this one of the two organically connected elements. Grand- 
gent, German and English Sounds (Boston, 1892), p. 9. men- 
tions the coronal character of the vowel a in northern 
English after which an r has been dropped. The tip of the 
tongue remains still turned back in the old r direction. Here 
succeeding generations have heard and copied a slight differ- 
ence in resonance in the vowel while the consonant became 
ever weaker, and was less and less noticed and copied. A 
somewhat different case, resulting from the acoustic error of 
an alien race, is the Turkish use of the letters h 7? . s d t z g q 
to indicate the presence of a "hard" vowel (a o u y} as opposed 
to the "light" vowels (e i 6 u), even in genuinely Turkish 
words. They never learned the pronunciation of the consonants 
themselves. See Miiller-Giese, Turkische Grammatik (Berlin, 
1889), p. 6. 

Modern Egyptian Arabic shows a marked tendency to pro- 
nounce a syllable throughout with the same sort of resonance, 
(thick or thin, heavy or light), and even to carry the influence 
beyond into a following syllable, provided that no light conso- 
nants intervene whose obscuration would lead to unintelligi- 
bility. Sometimes even this provision is disregarded. It is 
more correct to regard this not as the influence of the conso- 
nant, but as the general coloring of the syllable as a whole, 
which is the real unit of memory. The following examples 
from "Willmore, pp. llff., show that it is as often the vowel 

Tlie Conson. Z and Z in Eyypt. &c. 281 

as the consonant which seems to determine the resonance of 
the syllable. 

istanat for *istanat, istanat (is) 

tist for tist (ti) 

sot for sot (so) 

bariid for barud (ru) 

bulus for bulus (lu) but bulis with i. 

busta for busta (bu) 

usman for usman (u) 

The following are examples of psychical prolepsis: 
ismarr for ismarr (marr) but mismirr with i. 

turab for turab (rab) but turab with a. 

intazar for intazar (zar) 

ihtar for ihtar (ar). 

Syllables of this sort are said to be velarized; the back 
part of the tongue is slightly raised toward the position for u. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. - - By SAMUEL 
A. B.MEKCEB, Professor in Western Theological Semin- 
ary, Chicago. 

A malediction is the praying down of evil upon a person, 
and implies the desire or threat of evil declared either upon 
oath or in the most solemn manner. An oath is a solemn 
declaration made with a reverent appeal to the deity for the 
truth of what is affirmed; or, when used in law, it is an ap- 
peal, in verification of a statement made, to a superior sanction 
in such a form as exposes the person making the appeal to 
an indictment for perjury if the statement be false. A promis- 
sory oath is a solemn declaration of an intention to abide by 
a definite promise. There have been found many promissory, 
as well as direct oaths, in Cuneiform literature. To every oath 
there is joined either an expressed or an implied threat or 
malediction. If one swears that a thing is true when it is not 
he is liable to an indictment for perjury; and if one solemnly 
makes a promise and breaks it he must suffer the consequences. 
An oath, then, always carries with it a promise whether ex- 
pressed or understood; and, in Cuneiform literature, the pro- 
mise of punishment nearly always took the form of an implied 
or expressed malediction. The malediction is therefore closely 
connected with the oath. 

Sometimes in earlier, and often in later, Cuneiform inscriptions 
the promissory oath was replaced by a malediction. When a 
contract was made or a treaty concluded, a conditional male- 
diction could be pronounced on the offender instead of the 
oath. Hence, whenever we meet a malediction we are almost 
always sure that a contract expressed or implied is involved. 
The case of the special kind of malediction which is called a 
ban is not an exception to this rule, for it seems certain that 
a ban is the result of some form of disobedience which involved 
an implied promissory oath. The oath is, in fact, a malediction 

Samuel A. B. Mercer, The Malediction in Cuneiform &c. 283 

in embryo on offenders, and the malediction belongs to the 
oath just as punishment does to the breaking of the law. The 
malediction may in itself be looked upon as the sealing of a 
sworn contract or agreement. J Therefore I shall treat the 
malediction as a sequel to the oath. 2 Indeed, it may almost 
be termed a development of the oath, for, while, as we shall 
see later, the oath and malediction existed side by side in 
Cuneiform literature, yet, as time went on, the malediction 
became far more prominent than the oath, even in those con- 
tracts where an oath would be expected. 

Nothing proves the close relation between the malediction 
and the oath more thoroughly than the use of the two words 
mamitu and niS. 

The word mamitu comes from yama' which means primarily 
that which is pronounced, e. g. oath, malediction, ban. It has 
been shown in The Oath in Babylonian and Assyrian Literature 
that mamitu means "oath". Now, since an oath, in its essence, 
is a call upon the deity to punish the perjurer, it is, therefore, 
a conditional malediction, for if the oath is broken the deity 
will punish. Further, as we have already remarked, this con- 
ditional malediction often takes the place of the oath. It should 
be also noticed that nam-erim, the Sumerian equivalent of 
mamitu, originally meant "hostile destiny" (nam = Simtu = 
destiny; erim = hostile). Moreover, the idiograms dug and da 
which are often found in connection with sag-ba in oath for- 
mulae are equivalent to ardru, tamu, and mean, "condemn", 
"curse", "utter words of a curse". 3 

In an oath, mamitu acted as a taboo, making the covenant 
a sacred one, just as holiness did in Hebrew ritual. It thus 
became a concrete curse to those who swore wrongfully or 
broke their oath, because an oath was taken "under pain of 
the malediction (mamit)" 4 of the divine beings invoked. Poet- 

Compare Neh. 5, 12-13. 

2 See Mercer, The Oath in Babylonian and Assyrian Literature; also 
The Oath in Sumerian Inscriptions (JAOS XXXIII, Pt. 1) and The Oath 
in Babylonian Inscriptions of the time of the Hammurabi dynasty (AJSL 
XXIX, 2). 

a Compare the Hebrew n'jN which means both oath and curse. Compare 
also, as analogy, the Arabic <Jto\^ misfortune, which is a derivation of 
L5 which, in turn, is connected with mamitu.. 

* I R. 13 Col. V 12-16 (Tiglath-Pileser I). 

284 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

ically, we also find the word mamitu translated "malediction" 
or "curse" in the sense of an active pestilence or evil, e. g. 
ilu Naru . . mamit ina maJi-ri-Su ri-gim-8a Mma a-li-e, "the 
god Naru . . . the curse is before him, his (the curse's) cry is 
like that of a demon (alu). i Used in this poetical way the 
malediction was perhaps personified, for we read in a Semitic 
Samas-hymn: ilu $ama$ aS-8um ma-mit 8a ul-tu ume ma-a- 
du-ti arki-ia rak-su-ma Id patdru si-i-ta liul-lm u Id tdb $eri 
is-Sak-na, "0 Samas when the curse for many days is bound 
behind me and there is no deliverer, expulsion of the evil and 
of the sickness of the flesh is brought about (by thee)". 2 In 
another place we read that the "curse (it is) which falls upon 
a man like a demon". 3 Mamitu was also the "state of un- 
cleanness and sin, from which the sick man was to be freed", 4 
for a malediction always afflicted its victim with uncleanness 
and sin. 

Besides meaning oath nis also means malediction, e. g. ni-is 
samas u-sa-az-~ki-ru-su, "they let him pronounce the curse of 
Samas". 5 It should be noticed, however, in addition to what 
I have said on the word nis in my Oath in Babylonian and 
Assyrian Literature that the word was used as a particle. In 
later inscriptions the preposition ina often took its place. The 
particle nis, therefore, may be rendered "by" but only in 
connection with a word to swear in oath or to curse in male- 
diction. The Sumerian ^=m="in the name of" (as a par- 
ticle) in connection with words which express the pronounce- 
ment of an oath or malediction. Nis, like mamitu, was per- 
haps personified and meant the evil spirit (ni-is = Sumerian 

Zi, JT,, evil spirit) or demon who bans one, e. g. li-in-ni-is-si 

ma-mit li-ta-rid ni-su, may the Ban be sent away, may the 
curse be driven out ".6 It also, like mamitu, came to mean 
the sinful state resulting from the demon's attack. 

* IV R. 14, No. 2, obv. 1. 23-25 (Interlinear Bilingual Fragments). 

2 The text is in Bezold's Catalogue p. 1436; and also in Gray, The 
SamaS Religious Texts, pi. IV. Compare Del. HWB p. 565. 

3 IV R. 7, Col. I, 1. 1 (Tablet, partly bilingual). 

* Morgenstern, Doctrine of Sin, p. 42. 

* Muss-Arnolt, Diet. p. 278. 

6 Del. HWB p. 303 a, 470 b, 482 d. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 285 

That the malediction and the oath are closely related a com- 
parison of the two formulae found in contracts of the time of 
Sumu-la-el will show. They are Kohler und Ungnad, Ham- 
murabi's Gesetz Nos. 26 and 36. In KIT 26 the formula reads: 
nis ilu Samas ilu Marduk u Sumu-la-ilu sa avdt duppim annim 
unakaru. In KU 36 it reads: limun ilu Samas ilu Marduk u 
Sumu-la-ilum sa avdt duppim anim unakaru. In both cases 
the preferable rendering is: "curse of Samas etc. upon him 
who changes the contents of this tablet". A possible rendering 
is: w by Samas etc. (they swore) that they would (not) change 
the contents of this tablet". In any case limun is synonymous 
with nis, and the relationship between malediction and oath 
is established. 

It is evident from the above that the malediction and the oath 
served the same purpose and were, therefore, interchangeable. 
Both attempted to secure the preservation of an agreement 
or contract under penalty of punishment and curse. 

I. Maledictions found in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

There are in Cuneiform inscriptions three classes of litera- 
ture: poetical, historical, and legal and commercial. For con- 
venience sake, we shall refer to the last class as "contracts", 
to which also belong the codified laws of Hammurabi. While 
the many references to maledictions in poetical literature are 
valuable for a general discussion of the nature and ritual of 
the malediction, it is not possible on account of the very 
nature of poetical usage to treat them as examples of actually 
pronounced maledictions. Such references, then, will not be 
tabulated in the present study, but will be used in the general 
discussions. The same is true of the maledictions which occur 
in letters. It is different with the other two classes of litera- 
ture. All the expressed maledictions found in them will be 
tabulated and studied with a view to throwing light upon the 
custom of pronouncing maledictions in the different periods of 
the life of those peoples represented by Cuneiform inscriptions. 

1. Sumerian Period. 

1. Contracts. The paucity of Suraerian contract literature 
is probably the reason that no expressed oath formula has 
been found before the dynasty of Ur 2295 B. C. During that 

286 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

dynasty the oath formula was common. The malediction, 
however, is found, as we shall learn from an historical in- 
scription of the time of Eannatum king of Lagash c. 2900 
B. C., previous to the dynasty of Ur. There is evidence that 
the malediction was used also in contracts during the same 
period, e. g. in the reign of patesi Entemena of Lagas c. 2850 
B. C., for in a contract published by S. Langdon in ZA xxv, 
1-2, Sprechsaal, "Some Surnerian Contracts", pp. 205 ff., No. 4 
(RTC 16), the expression ud an-du dug-gdl-an ud-da dug-dug-na 
nig-erim ba gd-gd giS kaka ditg-dug-na-su gaz may be rendered: 
"when in future days complaint is made, provided that by the 
complaint evil is done, may such a one be slain by the sword 
for his words". At any rate, a very old tablet now in the 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, published by G-. A. 
Barton in The Museum Journal, Vol. Ill, No. 1, pp. 4ff., 
contains a contract in which the phrase SA-NE GIN, "their 
curse he established" certainly teaches us that in the earliest 
Sumerian periods (the contract is not dated, but because of 
its archaic script Barton places it among the very oldest of 
extant Sumerian inscriptions) the idea of malediction was 
known, and as we saw from the preceding example, was pro- 
bably expressed formally. As far as our records go, therefore, 
the malediction is found at an earlier period than the oath. 
Further, evidence is not lacking to show that both were in- 
timately connected in early as well as in late Cuneiform in- 
scriptions. As was shown above, both the malediction and the 
oath served the same purpose. And this is seen in very early 
contracts, e. g. in a contract published by S. Langdon in ZA 
xxv, 1-2, Sprechsaal, pp. 205 ff., No. 1 B 6, which is dated 
in the reign of Gimil-Sin, king of Ur, 2209-2203 B. C., the 
expression mu lugal-U in-pad galu gala nu gi-gi-da, "by the 
king the oath was taken man shall not bring suit against 
man", there is a prohibition which amounts to an implied 
conditional malediction. 

As it is not the object of this paper to collect implied male- 
dictions, this example will suffice. The fact that there are very 
few extant examples of maledictions in Sumerian contracts is 
due to the paucity of materials recovered. ' 

2. Historical Inscriptions. Whenever an inscription was set 
up it was usual to invoke the curse of different gods on any- 
one who in anyway would sin against its purpose and intention. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. j-Si 

These inscriptions related to treaties, building contracts, and 
agreements about other public works. Besides enumerating 
the deeds and qualities of the king who caused their publi- 
cation, these contracts contain maledictions invoking a curse 
on anyone who may in future mutilate or destroy them. In 
almost the whole range of Cuneiform literature such male- 
dictions are plentiful. It is also interesting to note in this 
connection that from the earliest time till the New Babylonian 
dynasty, when the malediction seems to disappear, blessings 
often occur in the same inscription side by side with the male- 
diction, and, in later times, even took its place. 

In the treaty of E-an-na-tum, king of Lagas (c. 2900 B. C., 
Thureau-Dangin, SAK pp. 10 ff.), which he made with the 
people of Gishu we find, together with the oath, a conditional 
malediction pronounced against any inhabitant of Gihu who 
may in the future alter the words of the treaty. In the oath, 
the king invokes the sus-gal ("net") of Enlil (Bel), of the 
goddess Ninharsag, of Enki (Ea), of Enzu (Sin), of Babbar 
(Samas), and of Ninki, and the sus-gal of the same deities 
will slay the person who in any way impairs the treaty. The 
malediction was conditional, but very definite. Over and over 
it is said: ud-da inim-ba su-ni-bal-e sa su$-gal (dingir) en-lil-la 
nam-e-na-ta-tar gis-HU ki an-ta Jie-Sus, "whoever in the future 
changes this word, may the great sus-gal of (such and such a 
deity), by which they have sworn, slay Gis-HTJ". Here six 
deities are invoked to curse; but, if we admit that in the oath 
by Enlil his son Ningirsu is included, then the number of the 
deities invoked in the oath would be seven, the holy number 
of swearing, and consequently the number in the malediction- 
formula would also be seven. 

The next malediction in chronological order is found in the 
reign of Sar-Gani-arri c. 2650 B. C. It is inscribed on a 
door socket (SAK 162 163), and reads: sa duppam su-a 
u-sa-za-ku-ni Hu Bel u Mu Samas u ttu Innina isde-su li-zu-hu 
u zera-su li-il-gu-tu, "whoever changes this inscription, may Bel, 
Samas, and Innina (Istar) remove his foundation and extermi- 
nate his seed". A second door socket (SAK 164-165) has the 
malediction: sa duppam su-a u-sa~za-ku-ni Hu bel u tfu bamaZ 
isde-su li-zu-ha u zera-su li-il-gu-da, "whoever changes this 
inscription, may Bel and Samas remove his foundation and 
exterminate his seed". 

288 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

Two maledictions represent the reign of Naram-Sin, the 
successor of Sar-Gani-Sarri. The first is found on a small 
stela (SAK pp. 166-167, Stela A) and reads: sa duppam sii-a 
u-sa-za-ltu-ni Hulnnina (broken here) li-zu-lm u zera-su li-il-gu-tu, 
"whoever changes this inscription may Innina (Istar) - 

remove and exterminate his seed. The second is 

on a statue of the king found at Susa (SAK 166 f.), the male- 
diction reads: sa duppam su-a n-sa-za-Jcu-ni (broken here) u 
ilu a-ga-de ki isde-su [i-zu-'ha u zera-su li-il-gu-da, "whoever 

changes this inscription may of Akkad remove his 

foundation and exterminate his seed". 

From the reign of Gudea patesi of Lagas c. 2450 B. C. 
there are many inscriptions. Among them none is hetter 
known than Statue B (SAK pp. 66 if.). In cols. 8 and 9 is 
found a conditional malediction invoked to operate against all 
or anyone who may in the future disturb in any way the statue 
which the king has set up. The formula is a very long one. 
The first deities invoked are Anu, Enlil, Ninharsag, Enki. 
The following are invoked to curse in specific ways: Enzu, 
Ningirsu, Nina, Nin-dar-a, Ga-tum-dug, Bau Innina, Babbar, 
Pa-sag, Gal-alim, DUN-sag-ga-na, Ninmarki, Dumuziabzu, Nin- 
giszida. The malediction is to be manifold, but does not 
contain the stereotyped -formula isde-su li-zu-lia u zera-su 
li-il-gu-da. A similar though shorter formula is found in- 
scribed on Statue C (SAK pp. 74ff.) of the same ruler. Only 
the goddess Innina (Istar) is invoked. The malediction formula 
of this inscription contains for the first time the technical 
word for curse, namely, nam-tar in the phrase nam-Jie-ma-tar-e. 
In the inscription on Statue E (SAK pp. 78 ff.) col. 9, there 
is a phrase which implies a threat and seems to take the place 
of the malediction. It is alan galu e-dingirba-u mu-du-a-kam 
M-gub-ba-bi galu nu-zig-zig sd-dug-bi galu la-ba-ni-lal-e, "the 
statue of the builder of the temple of Bau, its foundation may 
no one remove, may no one restrict its offering". There is a 
similar inscription on Statue K (SAK pp. 86 ff.) where deities 
are invoked. They are: Ningirsu, Bau, Galalim, DUN-sag-ga-na. 

An inscription (SAK pp. 170ff.), belonging to the reign of 
Lasirab, king of Gutiu, who reigned near about the period of 
the dynasty of Akkad, contains the usual malediction. The 
deities invoked are: the gods of Gutiu, Innina, and Sin. 

The stela of Seripul (SAK pp. 172-173) teaches us that 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 289 

Anu-bCmini, king of Lulubu, previous to the dynasty of TIr, 
erected a monument to himself and to his goddess Innina in 
the mountain, and thereon he inscribed a conditional male- 
diction on all who might in the future change the text. He 
invokes Anu and Antu, Bel and Belit, Immer and Innina, Sin 
and Samas (and others whose names are broken off). The text 
contains the interesting formula : ir-ra-dam li-mu-dam li-ru-ru-uv, 
"with an evil curse may they curse him". 

The stela of Sheichan (SAK pp. 172-173) belongs to about 
the same period as the above. Though poorly preserved it 
contains a malediction in which the deities Samas and Immer 
are invoked. 

There are several inscriptions belonging to rulers of Susa 
(SAK pp. 176ff.), contemporaneous with the dynasty of Ur, 
which contain maledictions. BA-SA-usinak patesi of Susa 
erected an alabaster statue and inscribed upon it a malediction 
on all who might in future change the text. The gods invoked 
are Susinak, Samas, Nariti, Nergal, and one whose name is 
broken off. Another inscription from the same reign invokes, 
in the malediction, Suginak, Innina, Narite, and Nergal; and 
still another invokes SuSinak and Samas, Bel and Enki, Innina 
and Sin, Ninharsag and Nati, all the gods. At about the 
same time we find an inscribed basin from the reign of a 
certain Idadu-Susinak which he made for the temple of his 
god Susinak. The deities invoked in the malediction are 
Susinak, Samas, Igtar, and Sin. They are asked to curse the 
offender "with an evil curse" (ar-ra-ta li-mu-dam li-ru-ru-su). 

In contracts of the Sumerian period there is sufficient evi- 
dence to show that maledictions were pronounced, but, as far 
as we can judge, no stereotyped formula was used and no 
specific gods were invoked, neither was the name of the king 
invoked, contrary to the practice in the oath formula. It will 
be remembered also that no specific god was invoked in the 
oaths of contracts of this period. 

The earliest historical inscription which contains a male- 
diction belongs to the dynasty of Ur. From that time on 
maledictions are quite frequently found, and a formula which 
may be considered more or less stereotyped occurs often. It 
is isde-su li-zu-lm u zera-su li-il-gu-tu, "may (the gods, who 
are mentioned) remove his foundation and exterminate his 

290 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

The deities invoked in maledictions in historical inscriptions 
of the Sumerian period, in order of occurrence are: 

Enlil (Bel), Ninharsag, Enki (Ea), Enzu (Sin), Babbar 

(Samas), Ninki~ (Istar?), Ningirsu (?). 
Bel, Samas, Innina (Istar). 
Bel, Samas. 
Innina (IStar). 

Anu, Enlil, Ninharsag, Enki, Enzu, Ningirsu, Nina (Es- 
hanna), Nindara, Ga-tum-dug (daughter of Anu), Bau, 
Innina, Babbar, Pasag, Galalim (son of Ningirsu), DUN- 
sag-ga-na (son of Ningirsu), Ninmarki (dgt. of Es-hanna), 
Dumu-zi-abzu, Nin-gis-zi-da (the patron god of Gudea). 

Ningirsu, Bau, Galalim, DUN-sag-ga-ra. 
Innina, Sin. 
Anu and Antu, Bel and Belit, Immer and Innina, Sin and 


Samas, Immer. 

Susinak (lord of Elam), Samas", Narudi, Nergal. 
SuSinak, Innina, Narudi, Nergal. 

Suinak, Samas', Bel, Enki, Innina, Sin, Ninharsag, Nati. 
Susinak, Samas', Istar, Sin. 

It will be noticed that the deities most frequently invoked 
in these maledictions are Samas, Itar, and Bel, and Susinak 
in Elam. The above maledictions represent inscriptions from 
Akkad, Lagas, Gutiu, Luluba, Susa, and one unknown place. 

2. Period of the First Babylonian Dynasty. 

1. Contracts. It is not till we reach the First Babylonian 
dynasty that we find the malediction sometimes definitely 
taking the place of the oath. Of course this might have been 
a common practice long before this dynasty, but as far as our 
sources go the first examples are found in contracts of the 
reign of Sumu-la-el c. 2218 B. C. KU 26 contains absolute 
proof (see above p.285f.) that in KU 36 we have a malediction 
as substitute for an oath. There limun takes the place of nis. 
From the same reign, namely, Sumu-la-el (for Sumu-el as 
merely a variant of Sumu-la-el, see Daiches, Alibdbylonisclie 
JRechtsurkunden, pp. 16-17), we have another example. This 
contract, KU 453, records the presentation of a temple by 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 291 

Nur-ilisu who promises not to make trouble about the priestly 
office of the temple. Whoever does so is to be cursed. The 
formula is: li-mu-un ttu Samas u Su-mu-ilum so, i-ra-ga-mu, 
"an enemy of Samas and Sumu-el is he who complains". There 
were seven witnesses to the contract. KU 371 is a sale con- 
tract and belongs to the reign of Ilumma-Ila, a prince con- 
temporaneous with Sumu-la-el. Instead of the usual oath, the 
malediction formula occurs. It reads: li-mu-un ifa Samas u 
An-ma-ni-la sa a-na a-va-ti-Zu i-tu-ru, "an enemy of Samas 
and Iluma-Ila (see Daiches, op. cit., pp. 33 ff., for a discussion 
of this name) is he who contests the agreement". The only 
other malediction formula found in contracts of the Hammurabi 


dynasty appears in KU 478, a contract about the presentation 
of a piece of land. It belongs to the reign of Ammi-saduga 
c. 1984 B. C. Here again the malediction takes the place of the 
oath. The phrase is: ha-at-tu sa Ku-uk-ka- nap na-se-ir i-na mu- 
uh-hi-su li'is-sa-ki-in, "may the fear of Kukka-naSir (theElamite 
king) be upon him" (compare the "fear of Isaac", Gen. 31 42). 

2. Historical Inscriptions. The only inscription of the First 
Babylonian dynasty, which may be said to belong to this 
class, and which contains a malediction, is the famous stela 
of the Hammurabi Code. In the Epilogue (Harper, The Code 
of Hammurabi, pp. 99 ff.) Hammurabi says: "if that man do 
not pay attention to my words which I have written upon my 
monument; if he forget my curse (ir-ri-ti-ia) and do not fear 

the curse of the god (ir-ri-it Hi) as for that man 

- whoever he may be, may the great god - 
curse (li-ru-ur) his fate".^ He then goes on to enumerate the 
various gods upon whom he calls to pronounce a malediction 
upon such as may in any way interfere with the stela. He 
carefully describes the attributes and activities of each deity 
invoked. The deities are: Bel, Belit, Ea, Samas (the blighting 
curse of Samas is referred to), Sin, Adad, Zamalmal, Istar, 
Nergal, Nintu, Ninkarrak, and, finally, the great gods of heaven 
and earth, and the Anunnaki. They are asked to curse with 
blighting curses. At the end Bel is again invoked. 

The deities invoked in contracts of the First Babylonian 
dynasty in order of occurrence are: 

Samas, Marduk, and the king (named). 

Samas and the king (named). This occurs twice. 

Kukka-nasir (the Elamite king). 

292 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

There is evident a stereotyped malediction formula in these 

contracts. It is: limun a, "curse of 

upon him who". Notice that Samas is the favourite god, and 
that the king is also often invoked (compare the usage in 
oath formulae of the same period, AJSL XXIX, 2). 

For the deities invoked in the Hammurabi inscription, the 
only text of that kind with a malediction, in this period, see 

3. From the Second to the Ninth Babylonian Dynasty. 

1. Contracts. The Second Babylonian or Kassite dynasty is 
represented by a property contract from the time of Adad- 
sumiddin c. 1240 B. C. (KB III 1 pp. 162-163). The deities 
invoked are: Anu, Bel, Ea, Sin, Samas, Ramnmn, Marduk, 
Nindimsu, Bakad, Papu, Ura, Belit-ekalli, Sukamuna, Sumalia, 
Nannar, and as many gods as are mentioned on the stela. 
The next contract containing a malediction and which belongs 
to this period represents the reign of Marduk-nadin-ahi c. 1140 
B. C. (KB IV, pp. 70 ff.). Whoever in any one of many detailed 
ways disputes the conclusions of the contract will be subject 
to the curse of the gods. The formula is: ildni ma-la i-na 
muli-hi na-ri-i an-ni-i ma-la su-un-su-nu za-ak-ru ar-rat la 
nap-su-ri li-ru-ru-su, "the gods as many as are named on 
the stela shall curse him with an indissoluble malediction". 
The phrase ar-rat la nap-su-ri li-ru-ru-su occurs often as a 
particularly powerful malediction formula. The invoked deities 
are named in detail. They are: Anu, Bel, Ea, Marduk, Nabu, 
Ramman, Sin, Samas, Itar, Gula (wife of Ninib), Ninib, Nergal, 
Zamalmal, Papsukal, Es-hanna, the great god (ilu rabu), the 
great lord (belu rdbu), and the gods as many as are mentioned 
on the stela. The characteristic of each deity is mentioned, 
and each is invoked to curse the offender in some specific 
way. Then the same formula as above is repeated. A similar 
(though not quite as elaborate) malediction is found in another 
contract of the same reign (KB IV, pp. 76 ff.). The formula 
is a particularly powerful one. It is: ar-rat la nap-su-ri ma- 
ru-us-ta li-ru-ru-su, "may they curse him with an indissoluble, 
evil curse". The deities invoked are: Anu, Bel, Ea, Ninmarki, 
Sin, Samas, Itar, Marduk, Ninib, Gula, Ramman, Nabu, and 
all the gods as many as are named on the stela. Again each 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

deity is asked to curse the offender in some specific way. A 
third malediction is found in another contract of this reign 
(KB IV, pp. 78 ff.). The formula is the same as the last named. 
The deities are: Anu, Bel, Ea, Ninmarki, Marduk, Samas, Sin, 
Istar, Ninib, Gula, Ilamman, Nabu, and the great gods as 
many as are named on the stela. The next belongs to the 
reign of Marduk-apli-iddi-na I c. 1129 B. C. (Scheil, Del. en 
Perse, VI, pp. 31 ff.). This is a kudtirru containing a semi- 
historical inscription, though clearly a contract, in which many 
deities are invoked to curse. They are Anu, Bel, Ea, Nin- 
harsag, Sin, Ningal, Samas, Aia, Bunene, MAH, Seru, Kittu, 
Mesaru, Marduk, Zarpanitum, Nabu, Tasmetum, Ninib, Nin 
Karrak, Zamalmal, Bau, Damu, Ges'tinnam, Istar, Nanti, Anun- 
nitum, Adad, Sala, Misarru, Nerrugal, Laz, Isum, Subula, Lu- 
galgirra, Sitlamtae, Lugalgisatugablis, Ma'metum, Lil, Ninbat, 
Tispak, Kadi, Nusku, Sadarnunna, Ip, Ninegal, Sukamuna, 
Sumalia, all those who are named on the inscription. The 
same indissoluble malediction is pronounced, e. g. ar-ra-at la 
nap-su-ri-im. The old stereotyped phrase is used here although 
partly broken off, namely, isde-su li-iz-zu-lm zera-su li-il-gu-dum. 
A fragmentary kudurru from the same time (Scheil, op. cit., 
pp. 39 ff.) contains the remnant of an indissoluble malediction. 
The deities are: Samas, Nannar, Adad, Marduk, G-ulu, Nusku, 
Ninegal, Sukamuna, Sumalia. 

The Sixth Babylonian dynasty is represented by a contract 
from the reign of Ninib-Kudurusur c. 1020 B. C. (KB IV, 
pp. 82 ff.) which contains a malediction. Though not well pre- 
served in the part where the malediction comes, there is suf- 
ficient to show that the conditional malediction was pronounced 
upon anyone who would in anyway violate the contract. It 
seemed to be a regular practice in such land contracts as 
this to record the malediction as soon as the agreement was 
sealed. This is directly expressed in the present contract as 
we learn from^the phrase: ekli iJc-nu-kam-ma ar-ra-ta i-ru-ur-ma, 
"he sealed the field and pronounced the malediction". The 
deities invoked are: Anu, Ea, Zarpanitum, Nabu, Samas, 
Nergal, Zamalmal, Ninib, Gula, and others whose names have 
been broken off. The same stereotyped malediction formula 
occurs: ar-rat la nap-$u-ri ma-ru-ut-ta ti-ru-ru~Su. Of uncertain 
date is an inscription in New Babylonian script but which 
probably belongs to this general period. It contains a pre- 
20 JA08 34. 

294 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

sentation contract and the malediction is pronounced in the 
name of Marduk and Nabu (KB IV, pp. 98-99). 

The Ninth Babylonian dynasty c. 753 B. C. (KB IV, 
pp. 158ff.) is represented by a contract which contains two 
maledictions. It is a sale contract. Whoever in future contests 
the argreement, may Ami, Bel, Ea, curse him with a wicked 
indissoluble malediction. The usual formula appears, namely, 
ar-rat la nap-sur marustum li-ru-ru-su. The contract is sealed 
and dated in the reign of Sargon of Assyria. In the second 
malediction, or the second record of the same malediction, 
the same gods are invoked, namely, Ami, Bel, and Ea, and 
the same formula is used. 

Many contracts of this period contain no directly expressed 
malediction but are sealed and signed an indication that 
either an oath or a malediction was understood. It is worthy 
of note how completely the malediction has usurped the place 
of the oath in these contracts. 

2. Historical Inscriptions. The first historical inscription of 
this period which contains a malediction belongs to the reign 
of Nebuchadrezzar I c. 1140 B. C. (KB III* pp. 168ff.). Whoever 
in any way defaces the inscription of the king is to be cursed 
by all the gods named therein. The deities are then named 
and their attributes noted. They are: Ninib, Gula, Ramman, 
Sumalia, Nergal, Nana, the gods of Namar, Sin, the lady of 
Akkad, the gods of Bit-Habban. The next belongs to the 
reign of Nabu-abal-iddin c^888 B. C. (TSBA VIII, pp. 164ff.). 
The deities invoked are: Samas, Malik, and Bunene. The 
stereotyped formulae of earlier maledictions do not appear in 
these two inscriptions. The reign of Marduk-apli-iddi-na II 
c. 721 B. C. furnishes us with the next malediction. At the 
end of a long inscription (KB III 1 pp. 184ff.) it is declared 
that whoever in future, whether prince or subject, in any way 
defaces the inscription would be cursed with an indissoluble 
curse (arrat la nap-su-ru) by Anu, Ea, Bel, Marduk, Erua, and 
the great gods. Another malediction is found on an inscription 
of the reign of Samas'-Sum-ukm c. 668 B. C. (KB III 1 pp. 194if.). 
Only one god is invoked, namely, Nabu. 

The deities invoked in the contracts of the Second to the 
Ninth Babylonian dynasty are: 

Anu, Bel, Ea, Sin, Samas, Ramman, Marduk, Nindimsu, 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

Anu, Bel, Ea, Marduk, Nabu, Ramman, Sin, Sama, IStar, 

Gula, Ninib, Nergal, Zamalmal, Papsukal, ES-hanna. 
Anu, Bel, Ea, Ninmarki, Sin, Samas, IStar, Marduk, Ninib, 

Gula, Ramman, Nabu. 
Anu, Bel, Ea, Ninmarki, Marduk, Samas, Sin, IStar, Ninib, 

Gula, Ramman, Nabu. 

Anu, Bel, Ea, Ninharsag, Sin, Ningal, Samas, Aia, Bunene, 
MAH, Seru, Kittu, MeSaru, Marduk, Zarpanitum, Nabu, 
Tasmetum, Ninib, Nin Karrak, Zamalmal, Bau, Damu, 
Gestinnam, Istar, Nana, Anunnitum, Adad, Sala, MiSarru, 
Nerrugal, Laz, isum, Subula, Lugalgirra, Sitlamtae, Lu- 
galgisatugablis, Ma'metum, Lil, Ninbat, Tispak, Kadi, 
Nusku, Sadarnunna, Ip, Ninegal, Sukamuna, Sumalia. 
Samas, Nannar, Adad, Marduk, Gula, Nusku, Ninegal, 

Sukamuna, Sumalia. 
Anu, Ea, Zarpanitum, Nabu, Samas, Nergal, Zamalmal, 

Ninib, Gula (rest broken off). 
Marduk, Nabu. 
Anu, Bel, Ea. 

The deities invoked in the historical inscriptions of the 
Second to the Ninth dynasty are: 

Ninib, Gula, Ramman, Sumalia, Nergal, Nana, the gods of 
Namer, Sin, the lady of Akkad, the gods of Bit-Habban. 
Samas, Malik (MUH?), Bunene. 
Anu, Ea, Bel, Marduk, Erua. 

The favourite deities invoked in maledictions in contracts 
during this period are: Anu, Ea, Marduk, Bel, Samas, Nabu. 
No deity is found to occur more than once in maledictions in 
the historical inscriptions of this period. However, the number 
of such texts is too small to warrant any conclusions. 

4. Assyrian Period. 

1. Contracts. 

(1) Eoyal Contracts. In the reign of Adad-nirari IV c. 810 
B. 0. a royal contract (Kohler und Ungnad, Assyrische Eecnts- 
urkunden, No. 1) contains an oath and the following expression: 
rubu arku pi-i dan-ni-te su-a-tu la u-sam-sak, u a later prince 
shall not change the contents of this contract". Although no 
direct malediction is here expressed, the phrase may be con- 
sidered an equivalent. The oath is taken in reference, as it 

296 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

seems, to the preservation of the contents of the contract, and 
contains within itself the idea of a malediction, which is evi- 
dent in the above quoted phrase. The same is true of KUA 4 
of the same reign; KUA 8 (reign of Tiglathpileser III); and 
KUA 9 (c. 730 B. C.), all of which contain an oath and the 
same stereotyped expression as was found in KUA 1. KUA 10 
(reign of Sargon c. 722) contains no malediction, but the 
following phrase occurs: as-su sat-tah-ki Mu A-sur la ba-da-a-li 
u zi-kir sarri mali-ri-e la su-un-ni-i JcunuJc sarri ab-run-ma 
ad-din-su-nu-ti, "in order that the tribute to Asur may not 
come into disuse, and the notice of the former king may ex- 
perience no change, I imprinted my royal seal and gave it to 
them". Here the sealing seems to take the place of the male- 

KUA 15 (reign of Asurbanipal c. 668) is an interesting 
contract. Whoever sins against the contract will incur the 
displeasure not only of the gods but also of the king. The 
stereotyped formula reads: u-lu-u Sarru u-lu-u rubu sa pi-i 
dan-ni-ti su-a-tu u-sa-an-nu-u ni-is Hu Asur Mu Adad Hu Be-ir 
ilu En-lil As-sur ki u Mu Istar As-sur ki-i-tun, "whoever changes 
the contents of this contract, whether king or prince, may 
Asur etc. curse him". The word nis here can be translated 
by nothing else but "curse". The content requires it. The same 
formula is found in KUA 16 (reign of Asurbanipal) and the 
deities Asur, Adad, Ber, Enlil of Assyria, and Istar of Assyria 
are invoked. KUA 18, of the same reign, is fragmentary in 
the place where we should expect the malediction, and was 
probably the same as KUA 16. KUA 19, the date of which 
is uncertain, probably contained a similar malediction to the 
above. There is sufficient evidence to show that the king was 
invoked in the malediction. 

KUA 20 (reign of Asur-etel-ilani c. 626) is very fragmentary 
where the malediction ought to come. A portion, however, is 
preserved, showing that deities were invoked. The introductory 
ni-is is also preserved. The usual cause of the malediction is 
stated. KUA 21 of the same reign is another fragment. KUA 23 
(undated) contains a command instead of a malediction. It is : 
"0 future prince, change not the contents of this contract". 

(2) Dedication of a Temple. KUA 44 (time of Asurbanipal). 
A temple is dedicated to Ninib. Whoever deprives Ninib of 
the property will be cursed by Ninib, a goddess (broken off), 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. j?'.7 

Adad, Nabu, Istar, Asur, Gula. The old ar-rat la napsuri is 

(3) Inheritance. KUA 46 (uncertain date) is an inheritance 
contract. Whoever disturbs it will be cursed by Bel and Nabu. 
KUA 47 (undated) is a similar contract. A piece of land in 
Nineveh near the temple of Samas is presented by a man to 
his daughter. Whoever in future disputes the contract will be 
cursed by Asur, Sin, SamaS, Bel, Nabu. 

(4) Exchange. KUA 632 (c. 600 B. C.) is a slave exchange. 
Whoever contests the transaction must pay a certain amount 
of money. This punishment takes the place of the malediction. 
The judges in the decision are the deities Asur, Samas", Bel, 
and Nabu. 

2. Historical Inscriptions. 

The first Assyrian historical inscription which contains a 
malediction belongs to the reign of Pudi-ilu c. 1350 B. C. 
(Budge and King, The Annals of the Kings of Assyria, p. 3). 
The king declares that whoever shall blot out his name or 
alter his inscription may Samas overthrow his kingdom and 
send famine upon the land. The next is an inscription of the 
reign of Adad-Nirari I c. 1325 (B. & K., pp. 9-12) recording 
the king's conquests and his restoration of the temple of Anu. 
He declares that whosoever shall blot out his name and in- 
scribe his own in its place or shall in any other of many 
enumerated ways deface or injure the inscription will be 
cursed. The deities invoked are: Asur, Anu, Bel, Ea, Itar, 
all the great gods, the Igigi (the spirits) of heaven, and the 
Anunnaki (spirits) of earth. The evil curse (ir-ri-ta ma-ru-u*-ta) 
is invoked. In the Annals of Tukulti-Ninib I c. 1275 B. C. 
(L. W. King, Records of the Reign of Tukulti-Ninib I, pp. 92-95) 
a malediction similar to the above is recorded. The one god 
invoked is Asur. Upon a clay tablet of the time of Sennacherib 
is a copy of a seal inscription of the reign of Tukulti-Ninib I 
(B. & K, pp. 14ff.). The inscription contains a malediction in 
which the gods Asur and Adad are invoked. The same male- 
diction is repeated. Building inscriptions of the time of Asur- 
res-isi c. 1140 B. C. (B. & K., pp. 17ff.) contain two maledictions 
in one of which Istar is invoked and in the other the gods. 

Tiglath-pileser I c. 1100 B. C. in his great Cylinder inscription 
(B. & K., pp. 27 ff.) appeals to the gods Anu and Adad to curse 
with an evil malediction (ar-ra-ta ma-ru-us-ta li-ru-ru-us) all 

298 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

who may in any way violate his inscriptions. Asur-bel-kala 
c. 1080 B. C. has left an inscription on the back of a female 
statue (B. & K., pp. 152 ff.) in which a malediction is pronounced 
invoking the gods of Martu and a god whose name has not 
been completely preserved. What is left is Za. 

The annals of Tukulti-Ninib II c. 889 B. C. (Scheil, Annales 
de Tukulti Ninip II, rev. 11. 63-64) contains a malediction in 
which the name of Asur, and Adad are invoked. Asur-nasir-pal 
c. 884 (B. & K., pp. 155 if.) invokes a malediction in the name 
of Asur, Adad, and lira; another in the name of Istar 
(B. & K. 172); a third in the name of Asur and Ninib (B. & K. 
188); and a fourth in the name of Asur, Anu, Bel, and Ea 
(B. & K. 252ff.)- Sargon c. 722 (KB II, pp. 50-51) invokes 
Asur, Samas, Ramman, and the gods; Sennacherib (KB II 
112-113) invokes Asur; and Asurbanipal (KB II 237ff.) invokes 
Asur, Sin, Samas, Ramman, Bel, Nabu, Istar of Nineveh, 
Istar of Arbela, Ninib, Nergal, and Nuska in one inscription, 
and Marduk alone in another. In the latter Marduk is invoked 
because the malediction occurs in an inscription which has to 
do with the installation of a Babylonian king. To an inscription 
of the reign of Agum I or Agum-Kakrimi c. 1734 B. C. 
(KB IIIi pp. 152-153), one of the Kassite kings, there is 
appended a note of Asurbanipal invoking a malediction upon 
anyone who might remove his name (the name of Asurbanipal) 
from the stela. The deities Asur and Belit are invoked. The 
very last king of Assyria, namely, Sin-sar-iskun c. 616-606 
invoked the gods to curse (li-ru-ru-u$) the future violator. 

The deities invoked in contracts of the Assyrian period 
are : 

The king and As"ur, Adad, Ber, Assyrian Enlil, Assyrian 

Asur, Adad, Ber, Assyrian Enlil, Assyrian Istar. 

The king. 

The great gods. 

Ninib, a goddess (name lost), Adad, Nabu, Ktar, Asur, 

Bel, Nabu. 

Afiur, Sin, ama, Bel, Nabu. 

Aur, Samas, Bel, Nabu. 

It is worthy of note that in the earliest Assyrian contracts 
no maledictions were invoked; that the king was invoked 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 299 

sometimes as well as the deities; and that few stereotyped 
phrases occur. Many of the tablets that have been recovered 
are in a poor state of preservation. Aur is, as would be ex- 
pected, the favourite deity in these maledictions. 

The deities invoked in historical inscriptions of this period 


Asur, Anu, Bel, Ea, Istar, the Igigi, the Anunnaki. 


Aur, Adad. 


Anu, Adad. 

A god Za-, and the gods of Martu. 

Asur, Adad. 

Aur, Adad, Ura. 


Asur, Ninib. 

Asur, Anu, Bel, Ea. 

Asur, Samas, Ramman, and the gods. 

Asur, Sin, Samas, Ramman, Bel, Nabu, Istar of Nineveh, 

Istar of Arbela, Ninib, Nergal, Nusku. 
Asur, Belit. 
The gods. 
ASur is also the favourite deity in these maledictions. 

5. New Babylonian Period. 

1. Contracts. Nbk. 125 (Kohler und Peiser, Aus dem Bab. 
Beclitsleben) is a slave contract in which Nabu and Marduk 
are invoked in the malediction. It was drawn up in the 21st 
year of Nabuchadrezzar. Nbk. 283 is an inheritance contract 
from the 35th year of the same reign. In the malediction 
Marduk and Nabu are invoked. Nabu-na'id (KB IY 214-215) 
is represented by a contract which contains a malediction. 
Anu, Bel, and Ea are invoked to bring upon the offender the 
ar-rat la nap-su-ru ma-ar-u$-tum. Then Nabu, IB, and Belit- 
ekalli are also invoked. The contract is sealed. Here we have 
the perfect malediction formula of earlier days, the great gods 
Anu, Bel, and Ea being invoked. This is characteristic of this 
antiquarian king who made an attempt to restore the customs 

300 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

of past ages. In another contract (KB IV 234-235) the curse 
of the great gods (ir-rit Hani rabuti) is written; and in still 
another (KB IV 246-247) Marduk and Zarpanitum are in- 

2. Historical Inscriptions. In an inscription of the time of 
Nabopolassar (Langdon, Die Neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, 
pp. 66 ff.) there is an expression of a malediction. It is: 
$i-te--e-ma li-na-ru ga-ri-Jca, "may they overthrow thy enemies". 
The deities invoked are Nabu and Marduk. 

Nabonaid in an inscription (Langdon, op. cit., pp. 218 ff.) 
invokes a malediction upon his enemies. This curse ds embedded 
in a detailed blessing which the king invokes upon himself. 
In the malediction no specific god is named. 

The deities invoked in contracts of the New Babylonian 
period are: 

Marduk, Nabu. 

Nabu, Marduk. 

Anu, Bel, Ea, Nabu, IB, Belit-ekalli. 

Great gods. 

Marduk, Zarpanitum. 

Only one malediction has been found in historical inscrip- 
tions of this period which contains the names of invoked 
deities. The deities are: Nabu and Marduk. In these historical 
inscriptions numerous blessings are found where maledictions 
would be expected. The favourite gods, as one would expect, 
are Nabu and Marduk. 

6. Persian Period. 

In the seventh year of the reign of Cyrus (KB IV 278-279) 
there was drawn up an interesting will. In the contract it is 
stated that whosoever contests the will Anu, Bel, and Ea will 
curse him with an indissoluble malediction, and Nabu will 
deprive him of future days. The formula is: ar-ra-as-su mar- 
ru-us-tu li-i-ru-ur. It is sealed before witnesses. 

The historical inscriptions of this period contain no male- 
dictions but many blessings. It seems that the benediction 
has gradually taken the place of the curse. This fact would 
prove very suggestive in a study of the development of the 
social moral consciousness in Babylonian and Assyrian culture. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 301 

II. General Nature of the Malediction in Cuneiform 

The malediction as found in Cuneiform inscriptions seems 
to have been employed as a means of praying down evil upon 
a person. There were two main classes, direct and conditional. 
A direct malediction was pronounced after the forbidden deed 
had been done, e. g. Istar it-ta-di a-ru-ru-ta, "Itar pronounced 
a malediction" (Gilg. Epos VI, 175). A conditional malediction 
is one which is invoked and will take effect if the forbidden 
deed be done, e. g. "in future time if this tablet be destroyed 
then may the great gods wrathfully curse (ag-gix li-ru-ru-su) 
him (the destroyer)" (Kudurru of Nebuchadrezzar I). 

Some maledictions were considered more powerful than 
others. There were some which belonged to a class known as 
the "indissoluble malediction". This designation occurs again 
and again under such forms as: ar-rat la pa-$a-ri, ar-rat la 
nap-su-ri. A malediction of similar significance occurs under 
the following forms: ir-ri-ta ma-ru-us-ta ; iz-ra rab-a. The oft 
recurring words enim enim nam-$ub nun-ki-ga u-me-ni-$ig, "the 
words of the malediction of Eridu utter" refer to a standard 
formula of magic curse. We do not know what the words of 
this formula were. 

The most frequent source or cause of maledictions is found 
in the endeavour of kings to have their name and fame well 
preserved throughout the ages, and whoever failed to do what- 
ever was calculated to bring that about was made the object 
of a malediction. Not only the king's own name, but also 
that of his father and grandfather must be preserved (V R 10, 
116-120, Asurbanipal, Rassam-Cylinder). Moreover, the king's 
record must be placed in a conspicuous location, and published, 
so that all may be able to read of his renown. The kings 
thus provided for the punishment of sins of omission as well 
as of those of commission. Whoever seized the property of 
another, and tried to claim ownership; or whoever disturbed 
the grave of a king; or removed a boundary-stone (I R 70 
Col. II 8-9; cf. Deut. 27 17) was cursed. A malediction may 
come upon a man not only because of his own sins, but also 
because of those of his parents *. In short, the smallest offence 

1 See Zimmern, Beitrdge zur Kenntnis der Babylonischen "Religion, 
Surpu, V-YI, 1. 43 etc., where ar-rat means the sin ^hich is the result 

302 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

could cause a malediction, e. g. offence against the protective 
god of the family; against honor, the city etc. 

Of course, anyone could be the object of a malediction, and 
even deities were sometimes cursed, but naturally this was 
poetically conceived, e. g. ilu Bel i-zi-ir-an-ni-ma, "Bel has 
cursed Me (Ea)" (IVR43 Col. I 36, Deluge). Inanimate objects 
were also cursed, as we learn from KB VI, Weltsch., Tafel III, 
1. 19, where the day is cursed (compare Radau, Ninib tlie 
Determiner of Fates, p. 23, where stones are cursed). 

As in the case of the oath so here the greater the gods 
invoked, or the more solemn the occasion, the greater the 
banning power of the malediction. 

When a curse was pronounced it often comprised in its 
malediction the whole activity of a man's life. His every work 
and interest were placed under a ban. Not only the man 
himself but also his seed was doomed to destruction (Compare 
the Hebrew curse in Deut. 27, 17, Ps. 109, etc.). As each 
deity seems to have had a special work to do when pronounc- 
ing a malediction even the minor deities the contents of a 
curse were very various and extensive. Like the ban, a male- 
diction always brought misfortune upon its object; yet it acted 
as the strongest possible protection as a taboo. This is seen 
very clearly in those cases where it took the place of an oath 
serving as a protection against violation. 

III. General Ritual of the Malediction in Cuneiform 

Any one presumably could invoke a malediction, but the 
king appears, as far as our literature goes, to have been the 
most frequent invoker. Further, any divine being whether god 
or demon could be invoked, and the "seven" which were so 
active in Babylonian and Assyrian times may have been an 
expression indicative of all the gods or demons. All the great 
gods whose names are mentioned in heaven and earth (Hani 
rdbuti ma-la i-na Same u ersiti sum-su-nu zak-ru) may be in- 
voked. The greater the god the oftener he was likely to have 
been invoked. Once or twice the king was invoked. This was 
due to the tendency to deify him. In poetry such beings as 

of a malediction. Compare the Hebrew doctrine implied in Jer. 31, 29 
and Ezekiel 18, 2. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 303 

Tiamat (KB VI, Weltsch. Ill 73) and Gilgames (Gilg. Epos 
VI 84) could pronounce a malediction. When inscribing a 
tablet, the names of the deities invoked were placed on record 
with the inscription. These, then, acted as the special gods 
who would curse the transgressors. Such deities, even when 
their names were unknown, acted as protective gods. 

A malediction could presumably be pronounced anywhere, 
although, of course, it is reasonable to suppose that special occa- 
sions might call for special ritual in this respect. On one occasion 
it is said that Itar went upon the wall of Erech and pro- 
nounced a malediction (Gilg. Epos VI 174-175). This is, of 
course, poetical; but it is an indication of use. 

It is difficult to say whether one time was considered more 
favourable than another for the pronunciation of a malediction. 
Such expressions as umi a-m-iir-ti, "the day of malediction"; 
i(-um su-gi-i u ar-ra-ti, "the day of want and malediction" 
occur often, but no definite conclusions can be drawn from 
them. However, it seems that certain times were unfavourable 
for such purposes, e. g. the 7 th 14 th 19 th 21 st and 28 th of different 
months (IV R 32-33, Hemerology}. 

As far as we know, few physical acts were performed at 
the pronunciation of a malediction. But since maledictions 
seem to be so bound up with oaths, often being substitutes 
for them, and oaths were taken by raising the hand, it seems 
likely that the same gesture * was also used at the pronun- 
ciation of a malediction. However, the attitude assumed at 
the pronunciation of a malediction was probably like that of 
the seven devils on the bas-relief (Frank, Babyl. Beschii'orungs- 
reliefs, Tafel IV G, LSS, III 3. But it is also possible that 
the seven devils have in one hand a stone to throw). It seems 
certain, however, that the spoken word was the commonest 
form. Poetically speaking, the god pronouncing the malediction 
may change his outward visible form as Ninib did (Hrozny, 
Mytlien von dem Qotte Ninrag, MVAG 1905, 5. pp. 24f.). But 
it is not at all sure that this metamorphosis was made as a 
ritual preparation for the pronouncing of the malediction. 

A ban is similar to, and interchangeable with, a malediction. 
Mamttu is often translated ban and so is nis. This is further 

1 Compare ^^> ^ roake a sign with, the hand, with which manutu 
is related, and whose derivative AjLol^ means misfortune or malediction. 

304 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

proved by the use of the word ardru which means (1) to ban, 
and (2) to curse. But every ban is not necessarily a male- 
diction, because the ban is usually the work of the witch, 
charmer, or demon who secures control over divine influences 
by properly uttering the ban and by magic symbolism; while 
the malediction is the work of a divine person. The evil-spirits, 
demons, charmers, and witches ban one chiefly through the 
instrumentality of the "evil glance", the "evil tongue", the "evil 
mouth", or more often the "evil word", together with certain 
magical acts such as the use of a picture made of different 
kinds of material. The gods curse when called upon to do 
so, but also ban the evil-spirits who have enchanted mankind, 
e.g. kis-pi ik-sip-an-ni hi-sip-su, "by the charm by which he has 
charmed me, charm thou (Nusku) him" (Tallqvist, Maglu I 
Obv. 126). Gilgames is called the bel ma-mi-ti-ku-nu, "lord of 
the ban", i. e. the master of the enchantment which enchants 
a person, and he can dispel it by pronouncing a ban upon 
the evil-spirit who holds the person in its power. A ban pro- 
duces a malediction, and a malediction produces a ban (cf. the 
phrase ar-rat u-sur-ta, "the curse of a ban") especially if the 
ban has been the result of one's own sinfulness. To be under 
the influence of a ban was considered a bad thing, for we 
find it often coupled with other afflictions. Hence, one sought 
always to be rid of the ban; and since most bans acted at 
the same time as maledictions and were often identical with 
them, we can assume that the same ritual was used in remov- 
ing a malediction as in the case of the removal of a ban. In 
fact, in the loosing of a ban the malediction which it produ- 
ced was removed, and vice versa. Hence, I shall proceed to 
describe the main features of the ritual used in the removal 
of a ban as being the same as those used in the removal of 
a malediction. 

The ceremony in the loosing of a malediction was sometimes 
very simple, but oftener very elaborate. In some cases, merely 
the pronunciation of a set formula was sufficient to drive away 
the evil-spirits. Such a formula was: "in the name of heaven 
be exorcised, in the name of earth be exorcised", etc. In 
other cases, besides the formula, certain specific acts were 
necessary. For example; Marduk's attention is attracted by 
a man suffering under a malediction. He goes to his father 
Ea and says: a-U ar-rat limut-tim Kima gal-li-e ana ameli 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

it-tas-kan, "my father an evil malediction like a demon has 
befallen a man". After relating the whole story of the man's 
affliction he succeeds in being sent by Ea to loose the sufferer. 
He goes and takes the enchanted man and explains his 
enchantment. Then he pronounces the destruction of the ban. 
The man is free from his malediction, and in turn the sorcerer 
is banned. 

There are some other methods even simpler: a man may be 
loosed after having prayed in a prescribed way, e. g. by lifting 
up the hands in prayer and invoking the great gods. King 
gives a good example of this in his translation of No. 12 
1. 78b-79 of his Bab. Magic and Sorcery: lip-su-ru ni-su ma-mit 
ni-vs Imti zikir Hani rabuti, "from the ban, the malediction, 
may the lifting up of my hand, the invocation of the great 
gods, give release". 

From the cylinder seals we can easily tell the attitude a 
man must assume when led before the deity. He stands with 
both hands raised sometimes with only one, the other being 
taken by the priest who leads him. Then come the invocation, 
confession, and prayers, recited partly by the priest and partly 
by the man. Offerings are then made, magical rites, such as 
the presentation of small images, the knotting and unknotting 
of colored threads, throwing into a fire certain substances, 
dropping certain substances into oil, and pouring libation. 
Very often the exact position of the priest was required. He 
must stand facing the east, west, or the evening star, according 
to the time of day. A specific place was often prescribed, 
e. g,, on the river bank in the house of ablution. The priest 
who stood in the service of the gods wielded the same power 
against the evil-spirits as the evil-spirits wielded againsi the 
sick. He wore vestments special to the occasion, changing 
them at certain points in the service. He recited the Siptu, 
ki-ma Same-e li-lil ki-ma irsi-tim li-M-ib ki-ma ki-rib Zame-e 
lim-mir, "like heaven may he be bright, like earth may he 
be clean, like the middle of heaven may he be pure", or ex- 
orcising formula, in technical language, which was the weightiest 
weapon he could wield against the evil-spirit. This he did 
usually in a whisper in the presence of an image of wax, or 
with mutterings or singing. Accompanying the ceremony was 
the burning of torches. Liquids and incense played a prominent 
part, especially water. Washing especially with pure and clean 

306 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

water- sometimes with oil of different kinds-played a prominent 
role in the ritual. Unwashed hands always denoted ritual 
uncleanness. A man usually washed his hands over a howl 
with images of the witches in it. The water could also he 
drunk as a remedy, but in every case it must be absolutely 
pure and clean. 

Then, there often took place the symbolical burning of the 
evil-spirit or witch which was supposed to hold the man under 
ban or malediction. The picture of the witch (which may or 
may not be known) played the chief part. Here the common 
magical element of fire came in. Sometimes the images were 
made of burnable material, such as, wood, pitch, clay, wax, etc. 
Then came the symbolical casting of certain things in fire, 
such as, tamarisk-wood, mustakal-pl&nt, cane, etc. 

It was customary sometimes for the priest to repeat the 
ceremonies, which the witch had performed and thus, by the law 
of opposites, succeeded in driving the evil-spirit away (cf. Maqlu 
II 148-168). Perhaps the most usual proceeding in loosing a male- 
diction was the following: the priest goes into the presence of the 
sick man before the great gods, the lords of loosing, asks a 
series of questions about what the sick man might have done 
to deserve the malediction, reciting a long list of sins which 
might have caused it in order to locate as definitely as possible 
the sufferer's sin. Then, with the sick man, he recited a litany, 
touching the sick man and calling upon the different gods. 
Finally, the loosing benediction is pronounced, "go and never 
return". The ban passes on to the evil-spirit leaving the sick 
man whole. 

And now let us indicate as briefly as possible the two chief 
modes of loosing the malediction, i. e., the simple and the ela- 
borate. Of course the degree of simplicity and elaborateness 
varied. It may be said that the simple mode is that used in 
the case of an ordinary person. It consisted merely in the 
recitation of an incantation. Examples can be found in Zim- 
mern, Surpu, .V-VL On the other hand, very elaborate cere- 
monies prevailed, for example, in the loosing of a king from 
his malediction. Let us briefly indicate one example: The 
king comes and has something placed on his head. A formula 
is recited and atonement is made. The exorciser puts on a 
dark garment and causes seven altars to be set up. Upon 
these altars he places dates, bread, honey, oil, etc. Then seven 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 307 

incense vessels and seven vessels of wine are prepared, a lamb 
is killed and an offering is made. After many other points 
of ritual, the exorciser stands behind the preparations which 
he has made, being careful to stand with his face towards 
them, and recites the incantation. A preparation of honey 
and butter is cast to the four winds, gifts are brought out to 
the gates, the offering is completed, and prayers are directed 
to the "seven gods" for the king's forgiveness. Up to this point 
only the priest has been active. Now the king takes part for 
the first time. He takes up his position on an elevated place 
and prays that his sins be forgiven. He then pours intoxicating 
liquid into a special vessel and prays for continuance of life; 
and into another he makes libation and prays for purity. He 
then washes in pure water and puts on a clean robe. The 
exorciser again takes up his part, by going to the palace gate 
and making an offering of a sheep, and sprinkling the door- 
posts with its blood. Then follows a special piece of ritual. 
The exorciser goes to a field and causes a bath-house for the 
gods to be built, near which are set up the standards of the 
king. Three offerings are made. Then censers are prepared 
and supplied with cypress for twenty- three gods and different 
incantations are said, each three times. Then follow different 
atonement ceremonies before different gods, and several minor 
points of ritual, and the exorciser waits for the setting of the 
sun. The king again takes part. After sun-set he washes 
himself in water, puts on a clean ritual garment and sits in 
the bath-house. The priest then kindles all the censers which 
he has placed before the king; prepares the wood and offers 
the sacrificial lamb. Then he brings the three kinds of meat 
with cypress, milk, wine, and different gifts. Finally, he makes 
another atonement for the king who repeats the prescribed in- 
cantation, and the evil-spirits depart (compare Zimmern, Eitual- 

The official looser of a malediction was the priest usually 
the Asipu priest (see Zimmern, op. cit., Asipu) acting through 
the power and under the direction of the gods. Special gods 
were usually invoked. The most usual were the so-called 
light- gods, the patrons of the exorciser and magician. These 
were Ea, Samas, Gibil, Nusku, Istar, etc. Nusku under the 
name Gibil (written Bil-Gi or Gis-Bar) i. e. the fire-god, was 
often invoked especially in hymns. The greater the god the 

308 Samuel A. B. Mercer, 

more certain was the removal of the curse, and hence Ea, the 
inventor of all "the useful arts, and especially of magic, the 
master of wisdom" (or his envoys) was oftenest invoked. Marduk 
was so popular as the lord of magic and exorcism, that in- 
cantation itself became especially identified with his name, 
e. g., sip-turn si-pat ilu Marduk a-si-pu sa-lam ilu Marduk, 
"incantation is the incantation of Marduk, exorcism is the 
image of Marduk" (Zimmern, op. cit, No. 54). Yet, by the 
power of any god, through the priest, one could be loosed 
from his malediction, because the usual formula, nis Hani 
rabuti lu tamata, "in the name of the great gods be thou 
exorcised", is merely a stereotyped expression for all the gods, 
great and small, known and unknown. Thus, the priest, through 
the gods, with the accessories of natural assistance such as 
"the storm of the south, north, east, and west, the four winds"; 
or of suitable seasons, such as the "feast of departed souls, 
gift-day, unlucky-day", etc., could always loose the malediction. 
After the evil-spirits were driven forth, means were devised 
to keep them away. Herbs were prepared as an antidote 
against them, either before or after they had really gone. 
Probably also the sign of the cross was used 1 . However, talismans 
were frequently used. They had usually an inscription, e. g., 
parak Asur u Melam eli btti an-ni-i, "may the shrine of the 
gods Asur and Melam be over this house" (King, New Fragment 
of the Dibbarra-legend-ZA XI, 1896, p. 52). Defence against 
evil-spirits was made by recourse to objects supposed to 
contain some holy power, e. g., a ring, amulet, image, plant, 
"white-wool" spun into threads, "black-wool", etc. Holy objects 
were often stationed at the outer-gate of the house of the 
cursed man to prevent evil-spirits from ever entering again. 
Sometimes an image of the sick man (or parts of the sick 
man's body) was made and various ceremonies performed with 
it. Blood was used in a similar way as by the Hebrews, as 
a defence against evil-spirits (see Zimmern, op. cit, No. 26, 
1. 19-21). It was thought that the malediction could be diverted 
by different spirits if invoked. Such were considered protective 
deities and were very numerous. 

i Compare Hommel, GrundriJ, p. 100, Anm. 1. For the cross as a 
sign-mark and a symbol of the enemy-god in inscriptions, see Hilprecht, 
BE, II pi. 59, No. 129, and in other places. See also Jeremias A TAG, 
1. Aufl., p. 356. 

The Malediction in Cuneiform Inscriptions. 309 

In the above study an attempt has been made to record 
every instance of an actually pronounced malediction found in 
Cuneiform inscriptions. Our study of the ritual of the male- 
diction, however, has taken into consideration not only the 
actually pronounced maledictions but likewise the many refe- 
rences to maledictions found in magical and poetical litera- 
ture. These references, while not indicating actually pronounced 
maledictions, nevertheless throw much light upon the con- 
ceptions associated with the idea of malediction and with the 
manner in which a malediction could be properly pronounced 
or averted. 

In conclusion, it may be remarked that the malediction in 
Babylonian and Assyrian times was a highly developed legal 
and religious ceremony, universally practiced and respected. 
It not only figured in ceremonies of great occasions, but also 
penetrated into the everyday life of the people. It seemed to 
have served almost the same purpose as Common Law does 
among modern people, for it acted as a restraint, corrective, 
and stimulant to better deeds. It illustrates the force which 
religion, even when it is merely magical, can exercise upon 
the human mind. 

21 JAOS 34. 

Note on Atharva-Veda XX, 127, 10. By Professor 
EOLAND G-. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 

Near the end of the twentieth book of the Atharva-Veda 
stands the group of so-called Kuntdpa hymns, the first of which 
is the 127th of the book. This 127th hymn falls into four 
distinct documents, the third of the four comprising verses 
7 10, and dealing with the golden age of King Pariksit, who 
is an aspect of Agni. 1 The text of the four stanzas, as given 
by Hillebrandt, Vedachrestomathie, p. 39, is as follows: 

7. rajno visvajaninasya 
vaiSvanarasya sustutim 

8. pariksin nah ksemam akah 
kulayam krnvan kaiiravyah 

9. katarat ta a harani 
jaya patim vi prcchati 

10. abhl 'va svalh pra jihite 
janah sa bhadram edhate 

yo devo martyan ati 
a rnota pariksitah 
uttama asanam acaran 
patir vadati jayaya 
dadhimantham parisriitam 
rastre rajnah pariksitah 
yavah pakvah paro bilam 
rastre rajnah pariksitah 

Essential Apparatus Criticus (see Roth and Whitney, Athar- 
va Veda Sanhita, Berlin, 1856; Shankar Pandurang Pandit, 
Atharvavedasamhita, Bombay, 4 vols., 18958). 

7d: sunotd, Mss. and Bom., from Prak. root su, = Skt. sr\ 
srnota is restored by RW. 

8ab: akqrottama Mss., aharot tdma Bom., akar uttama RW. 

1 The Brahmanas interpret Pariksit as either Agni or the year, since 
of either it may be said that it "lives round the people, and the people 
live round" it. Cf. Ait. Br. vi, 32, 10 ff.. and M. Haug's trans., II, p. 432; 
Gop. Br. ii, 6, 12; Kaus. Br. xxx, 5; Sankh. r. S. xii, 17. But the 
epithet vaitvdnara, here applied to Pariksit, is a constant Rigvedic epi- 
thet of Agni, and in at. Br. i, 4, 1, 1516, Agni vaisvdnara is spoken 
of in much the same vein as here in the AY. 

Poland O. Kent, Note on Atliarva-Veda XX, 127, 10. :;i 1 

9b: dddhi manthdik Mss. and Bom., dddhi manthdm R\V. ; 
for Hillebrandt's dadhimanthdm, see footnote 2. 

9b: pari srutam most Mss., Bom.; parisrutam RW.; part 
srutam a few Mss.; cf. footnote of following page. 

10 a: dbhivasvah most Mss. and Bom., sva Ms. C.; RW. 
emends as above. 

lOb: patho or pdtho Mss., patho Bom., paro RW. 

10 c: edhati Mss. and Bom.; edliate RW., from Vait. S. 34, 9c. 

Bloomfield's translation of these stanzas (in his Hymns of 
the Atharva Veda, vol. xlii of |the Sacred Books of the East, 
pp. 197 8; cf. also his commentary on pp. 688 692) runs as 

"7. Listen ye to the high praise of the king who rules over 
all the peoples, the god who is above mortals, of Vaisvanara 

"8. 'Pariksit has secured for us a secure dwelling, when he, 
the most excellent one, went 1 to his seat'. [Thus] the hus- 
band in Kuru-land, when he founds his household, converses 
with his wife.] 

"9. 'What may I bring to thee, curds, stirred drink,' or 
liquor?' [Thus] the wife asks her husband in the kingdom of 
king Pariksit. 

"10. Like light the ripe barley runs over beyond the mouth 
[of the vessels]. The people thrive merrily in the kingdom of 
king Pariksit." 

The first two padas of stanza 10 are of doubtful interpre- 
tation, 3 though the text is reasonably certain; Hillebrandt's 
text is that of Roth- Whitney, which is followed both by Bloom- 
field and by Griffiths (The Hymns of the Atharva Veda, 2 vols., 
Benares, 1895 6), in their translations. Bloomfield [himself 
says of his own translation (op. cit, p. 691), "The comparison 
of the overflow of the grain with the bursting forth of the 
light is bold, nay bizarre". Then suggesting that the correct 

1 Rather came, i. e., to his place in the house as the sacrificial fire. 

2 The Jtatardt of pada a shows that b expresses only two separate bev- 
erages, and dadhimanthdm must therefore with Hillebrandt be read as 
one word. Dadhimanthd is interpreted in the commentary of Gargya 
Narayana to Asv. Grh. S. ii, 5, 2, by the words dadhimisrds tu dadhi' 
mantdh prakirtitdh, and should be translated meal stirred with sour milk. 

3 Both pada-text and native commentary are wanting in the Bombay 

312 Eoland G. Kent, Note on Atliarva-Veda XX, 127, 10. 

reading may be not svah, but svali, written for svali 'to-mor- 
row', with the common confusion of the different sibilants, 1 he 
offers an alternative translation, "On the morrow the ripe 
barley bursts forth from the opening of the ground", that is, 
"grain planted to-day ripens on the morrow". 

Now iva, the second word of the line, is a postpositive par- 
ticle of comparison, and must govern the abJii which precedes 
it, as well as the svdh which follows. Either of Bloomfield's 
translations makes a perfectly clear interpretation, indicative 
of abundance of food in the happy days of King Pariksit, 
quite in keeping with the rest of the hymn ; but his first version 
neglects the abhi, and his alternative disregards the iva. 
Griffiths (op. cit. II, 434) takes proper account of both in his 
translation, "Up as it were to heavenly light springs the ripe 
corn above the cleft", but his English is unintelligible; possibly 
by the cleft we are to understand the rift through which the 
plant makes its way out of the ground? But either by this 
interpretation or by Bloomfield's alternative translation, to 
represent the ripe grain as springing forth from the ground 
is decidedly incongruous. 

The following version may therefore be presented for 10 a 
and 6: "As if toward the sunlight, springs forth the barley 
[when] ripe beyond the opening [of the jar]". In paraphrase, 
'just as the growing barley plants spring up towards the sun- 
light, so the ripe barley corns spring forth over the mouth of 
the jar in which they are stored'. This interpretation takes 
full account of the Sanskrit text, and gives a distinct meaning, 
fully harmonizing with the context: In King Pariksit' s reign, 
the barley produces abundantly, luxuriance of the stalks not 
taking up all the strength of the plants, but being fully matched 
by the yield of grain, which overflows all receptacles; and 
India's great plague famine is a thing unheard of. 

* Cf. Bloomfield and Spieker, JAOS. 13, cxvii ff.; the converse mis- 
writing appears in the parisrutam of the Mss. in 9&, which is kept in 
the Roth- Whitney and Bombay texts, though corrected by Hillebrandt and 
recognized as a miswriting by Whitney in his Index Verborun to the 
Atharva-Veda, JAOS. 12, 176, and by Monier- Williams in his Sanskrit- 
English Dictionary, ed. 2, p. 602, col. 3. 

A Coptic Ostracon. By Professor WILLIAM H. WORRELL, 
Hartford, Conn. 

The curious ostracon here presented was bought in 1909 by 
Professor Walter Dennison from the well known dealer in 
Gizeh, the Shech Ali al-Arabi (who as usual gave no infor- 
mation of its origin), and was kindly placed at my disposal 




HtfAMoyA Eps xoycar NEproq 

+ A0/ fa 


[Ansate cross] Demand ten sacks 

of dates from Ammakouri the 
camel-driver. He has twenty artabs, 
being those of the place of Bij. 
4- Ath[or] 14th, [of the current] induction the 
year] + 

The language is Sahidic with certain northern tendencies, 
e. g.: BHNE for BNNE, A60)p for ATO)p. The sixth letter 
of the first line is plainly E but must have been intended for c. 
The eleventh and twelfth of the second line though crowded 
are MM. The fifteenth of the second line may have been an 
A similar to the A just preceding and to the A of the fa 
in the last line. Yet the space and the visible remains sug- 
gest far more strongly oy. Either would be a possible reading. 
We have here either a Copt or an Arab with the Arabic 
familiar name lO\ Al-Mukari, "the Cam el- driver". The 

314 William H. Worrell, A Coptic Ostracon. 

Coptic writer either consciously or unconsciously translates 
this by TTMAN6AMOY<V an ^ renders it phonetically by AMMA- 
KOypi. It was probably the only name by which he was to 
be designated. Such metatheses are common in vulgar Egyp- 
tian Arabic today. For the kunya ^15LJ\ see Al 'Asyuti, 
Lulbu l-Lubdb, edition Veth, page ror. But the assimilation 
of the 1 of the article is Coptic and rare at that, for the 
Arabic article with following m is regularly given in Coptic as 

The name Pernanbij, or the place of Bij, is difficult. The 
tempting identification with the name of the now ruined city 
of Mambij (Mabog, Bambyke) in extreme northern Syria, 
north-east of Aleppo, must be rejected. Eipe dates are not 
produced on the coast today further north than about Jaffa; 
and palms cease to grow north of Haifa. In Mesopotamia the 
northern limit of the date-palm is fixed by Baedeker, Paldstina 
und Syrien, 1910, p. 395, between Samarra and Bagdad. 
Egypt, the land of dates, would not have imported such from 
southern Mesopotamia by way of Mambij. On the other hand, 
I find no record of any Egyptian locality of that name; and 
BIX is found in Peyron's Lexicon Linguae Copticae, 28, follow- 
ing Kircher's very doubtful authority, to be the Arabic J!U 
"tessera 7 ', "pupilla", "joint", "gem". As it is written in larger 
letters than the rest of the line it must be a proper name. 1 

The year of the current indiction is not given. Perhaps the 
purposes of the memorandum made this unnecessary, and the 
writer added 1NA from habit. Possibly the numeral | 10 is 
intended by the 4- at the end. 

i I am indebted to Professor Torrey for the suggested identification 
of the word with <*^1H mentioned by al Beladhuri 238 f. [ed. Cairo 
1319, p. 247 f.; cf. Maqrizi ed. Cairo 1324, vol. i, p. 313 f.]. The name 
was, and perhaps still is applied [Baedeker, Egypt and the Sudan, 1908, 
p. xxxviii, Beja], to a nomadic people east of the Nile, between Qena 
and Quser on the north and the Abyssinian mountains on the south. 
The famous revolt of this people in 854 A. D. is recorded by Stanley 
Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, p. 41. The country 
about Aswan at least is famous for its dates. In Coptic this people is 

Religious Conceptions Underlying Sumerian Proper 
Names. By GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr 

In cataloguing the Proper Names in the Haverford Library 
Collection I was impressed with the amount of Sumerian 
theology which they expressed. Almost all the religious ideas 
which underly Semitic proper names can be paralleled in 

The following study is based on the names in the Haver- 
ford Collection. These tablets, though but four hundred in 
number, contain so many pay rolls that they are particularly 
rich in proper names. Nearly 3300 individuals are mentioned 
in them, while in all the documents from which Huber collec- 
ted the names for his Personennamen . . . der Zeit der Konige 
von Ur und Nisin there are only about 5100 names. The 
documents here drawn upon do not, therefore, afford a meager 
basis for induction. Of course a great many of the names 
found in the Haverford tablets occur in other documents also, 
and are found in Huber's list. Before considering the reli- 
gious ideas of particular names it should be noted that some 
of the most peculiar and striking of these ideas have not yet 
been found in names of earlier periods. One searches the 
name-lists from the reigns of Urkagina and Lugalanda in vain 
for some of them; though, of course, this is not true of those 
which express the simpler and more common ideas. 

The first fact that impresses one in the study of these 
names is the popularity of certain deities. For example, the 
name of the goddess Bau enters as a component part into the 
names of at least 147 individuals mentioned in these texts; 
that o Utu, the sun-god, into the names of 64 persons; that 
of Kal, into 58; that of Galgir into 50; and that of Ningirsu, 
into 54. This does not show any tendency to monotheism 
among the Sumerians any more than the popularity of Marduk 

316 George A. Barton, 

and Nabu, as shown in the Proper Names of the Neo-Baby- 
lonian empire, implies a tendency to monotheism then. 

Among the Sumerians the most common way of showing 
devotion by means of a proper name was to call the boy or 
girl a "servant" of some deity. Thus 85 different men men- 
tioned in this collection bore the name Ur- d Bau. Ur 1 not 
only means a servant", but the "consecrated servant" or qadesh; 
hence the name expressed deep devotion. We find not only 
Ur- d Bau, but Ur- d Ningirsu, Ur- d Enlil, Ur- d Nin&, Ur- d Du- 
muzi, etc. All the gods were remembered in this way. An- 
other form of name almost as popular was to call a boy the 
gal or galu,* i. e., the "man" of such and such a god. Thus 
we have Gal- d Bau as the name of 28 individuals in these 
texts, Gal- d Ningirsu, as the name of 31, Gal- d Narua, as the 
name of 22, and the other deities are similarly honored. 
Girls were in like manner said to be the servants of different 
deities by calling them the gim or gime 3 of some deity. Thus 
we have Gim- d Kal, Gim- d Nina, etc. Thirty- two different deities 
are in these texts honored in this way. 

Sometimes, apparently, it was the intention of the parent to 
place the child under the protection of any or every deity. 
In that case the infant was called Ur-dingirra, Gal-dingirra, 
or Gim-dingirra, "servant of god", "man of god", or "maid- 
servant of god". It is, of course, possible that in these cases 
some particular deity was intended, and that the names are 

Naturally there are also many names which ascribe attri- 
butes of various kinds to the gods. The following are a few 
examples: Nin-an- d Ba-u,* "Lady of heaven is Bau", sometimes 
turned about as d Ba-u-nin-a-an, "Bau is lady of heaven". 
d Utu-me-ne, "Utu is he", is the statement of another name. 
Others are: d Utu-en-dug, "Utu is good lord"; d Ba-u-azag-ga, 

1 This is the Suinerian equivalent of Semitic names beginning with 
Arad, such as Arad-* l Bel, Arad-QNusku, etc. 

2 These are equivalent to Semitic names beginning with amilu, such as 
Amil- il MarduJc. 

3 These are equivalent to Semitic names beginning with Amtu, such 
as Amat-HBelit. 

4 References are not given for each of these names. They can be found 
by consulting the name list in Part III of the Saverford Library Col- 
lection of Cuneiform Tablets. 

Religious Conceptions Underlying Sumerian Proper Names. 317 

"Bau is brilliant"; Ba-u-na-e, "Bau is greatly exalted"; d Ba- 
u-bar-gi$, "Bau is a great lady"; Sag- d Ba-u-gal, "Bau is chief", 
sometimes shortened to Sag- d Ba-u. Then we have d Utu-pad- 
da, "Utu is bright"; d Nannar-mas-ib, "Nannar is a mighty 
prince"; d Utu-gir-gal, "Utu is great strength"; d Utu-gdl-ka 1 
"Utu is for protection"; d Utu-u$um-gal, "Utu is the great one"; 
d Utu-bar-ra, "Utu is lord"; and Utu-si-di^ "Utu is upright" 
(HLC, II, 68, 33, i, 12). Sometimes a name asserts something 
of a god: thus d Ba-u-da-me-a means "To Bau there is no 
father"; or, since a may mean "son" also, it may mean "Bau 
has no son". 

Another series of names explains the attitude of the gods 
toward worshippers. Thus d Utu-ur-ra means "Utu is a pro- 
tector"; d Ba-u-gi-mu, "Bau is my faithful one" or "my guide"; 
Sag- d Ba-u-kin, "The head of Bau turns", apparently toward 
the worshipper; d Utu-sag-ga, "Utu is favorable"; d Nin-gir-su- 
ni-sag, "Ningirsu is gracious". Then we have d Ba-u-ni-tum, 
"Bau protects"; d Ba-u-7ie-gal, "Bau is a rich blessing"; d Utu- 
halam-e, "Utu is for all 7 ; d Utu-zi-mu, "Utu is my life"; d Ba- 
u-zi-mu, "Bau is my life"; d Kal-zi-mu, "Kal is my life"; d Utu- 
M-ram-me, "Utu is the one who loves us"; d Kal-e-ba-zi, "Kal 
makes him live"; d/Su-la-ni, "Su created him"; d Ur-zib-apin, 
"The foundation- god places the foundation"; d Ba-u-egir, "Bau 
is behind"; d En-zu-egir-$u, "Enzu is behind the hand"; d Nannar- 
mas-egir, "Nannar is behind the prince"; d Kal-ama-mu, "Kal 
is my mother" or "my love"; d Nin-mar u -a-igi-du, "Ninmar lifts 
up the eyes"; d Nin-mai> j!i -mah-kal-la, "Ninmar exalts the humble 
man"; d Ba-u-lugal-gi-gi, "Bau is faithful queen", or "queen of 
the faithful"; d Ba~u-tur-gid, "Bau makes the short tall"; Ka- 
d Ba-u-du, "The word of Bau exalts". 

Several names are formed on the analogy of the Biblical 
Micah OTD^, "who is like Yahu?")and Michael (i$}V?, "who 
is like God?"). Thus we have A-ba- d Nin-gir-su-kim, "Who is 
like Ningirsu?" and A-ba- a Dun-gi-him, "Who is like the god 
Dungi?" The question is sometimes shortened by leaving the 
Mm = "like" to be understood, as in A-ba- d En-U, "Who is 
like Enki?" and A-ba^-Nin-gir-su. 

Sometimes the name is a prayer, as d Utu-ha-rug, "May Utu 
increase!"; d lninni'l]a-zal^ "May Ininni be great!" Gu (or) 

1 Erroneously read in my name-list ^Utu-sik-ki. 

318 George A. Barton, 

Ka- d Ba-u-ma, "Speak, Bau, the name"; d lninni-s!i~zi, "0 
Ininni, give life!" l Sometimes the name alludes to the atti- 
tude of a god to the general welfare, as d Utu-uru-na, "Utu 
exalts the city" 2 ; d Kal-uru-na, "Kal exalts the city". The 
name d Ba-u-uru is probably of the same meaning, only the 
na has been omitted. In the same class belongs the name 
d Sig-kam-pa-te-si, "The wool-god the Patesi cultivates". 

Sometimes a name expresses the intercession of one god 
with another. Thus d Nin-gir-su-zid-da-$agi$$e- d Nina-ta means 
"Ningirsu brings the blessing from Nina". 

Sometimes it expresses the aid which one god gives another; 
this is the case in the name Ur- d Kal-ma-du- d Na-ru-a, in which 
the du might also be read gin or gub, and which means "Ser- 
vant of Kal, who brings (or establishes) Narua". 

Another series of names indicates a tendency to fuse deities 
together. Thus we have Ur- d Utu-nigin- d Nin-gir-su, "Servant 
of Utu (who is) the totality of Ningirsu"; TJr- d Ba-u- d $ur-me, 
"Servant of Bau (who is) the god Shur"; Ur- d I$- d Ba-u, "Ser- 
vant of Ish (who is) Bau"; Gdl- d Ur- d Asaru, Man of Ur (who 
is) Asharu". It must be said, however, that this tendency has 
not gone far. 

The deification of Dungi and Bur-Sin left its traces in the 
proper names of the period. Thus we have Ur- d J3ur- d En-zu, 
"Servant of Bur-Sin" and d Dun-gi-i$i- d Umun-gal, "The divine 
Dungi is the mountain of the great divine lord". 

The names compounded with Dungi are especially lauda- 
tory. For example, one man bore the name d Nin-gir-su-a-tali- 
d Dun-gi, "Ningirsu is the helper of the god Dungi"; another, 
the name d Dun-gi-uru-mu, "The god Dungi is my city" 3 --a 
sentiment not unlike that of Ps. 90 4 : "Lord, thou hast been 
our dwelling place". 

Another bore th name d Dun-gi-nitaJi-gin, "The god Dungi 
increases men", or "weighs men". Still another was called 
Tab- d Dun-gi- d Nannar, "The god Dungi is equal to Nannar". 

* Which might also be translated "Ininni is life". 

2 Na is here taken in the sense of elu (cf. Barton, Origin of Babylo- 
nian Writing, no. 71). It might be taken as the suffix (no. 71'2): the 
name would then become "Utu is his city". In that case these names 
would be of the type of dDun-gi-uru-mu, mentioned below. 

3 Perhaps the mu here means "be high" (Barton, op. cit. no, 62 1 9), in 
which case this name would belong to the class of ^Utu-uru-na. 

Religious Conceptions Underlying Sumerian Proper Names. 319 

One pay roll (HLC, 10; cf. II, 53) contains no less than ten 
men, into whose names Dungi as a god entered as an element. 
Four of these were sons of a certain Ba-ba-a. They were 
Gal- d Dun-gi, "Man of Dungi"; d Dun-gi-Jje-gal, "The god Dungi 
is a great blessing"; d Dun-gi-ra-kalam-ma, "the people are for 
the god Dungi"; and d Dun-gi-1wlam~maJji-U~U, "The god Dun- 
gi the people are his delight". Three others, the name of 
whose father is lost, were d Dun-gi-a-du-lmlam-ma, "The god 
Dungi is the prince of the people"; d Dun-gi-a-nitali, "The god 
Dungi is the reward of men"; d Dun-gi-ki~har-sag, "The god 
Dungi is like a mountain", or "inhabits a mountain". A cer- 
tain A-tu mentioned in the same tablet named his son Ka- 
d Dun-gi~ib-ta-e, "The word of the god Dungi goes forth from 
him"; while another named Lugal-gal-u$um named his two sons, 
Ama- d Dun-gi~e- d Ur-ru, "The mother of the god Dungi is the 
goddess Urru"; and d Dun-gi-u-nam-ti, "The god Dungi is the 
food of life". Could laudation of a living monarch go further? 
It is a rare collection of sychophantic praise to be collected 
in one pay roll! One wonders whether this group of men were 
especially favored by the king. 

There is one name which is peculiar. It is Sag-gar-zu-erim, 
"In the midst of thy food is a slave". It is probably addres- 
sed to a god, and indicates that the bearer is among the de- 
votees of the deity from whose bounty he lives. Either the 
parent who gave this name had a sense of humor or he was 
a literalist as utterly lacking humor as some of the Puritans 
who gave their children names consisting of long sentences. 

One name is puzzling. I have read it Iib-ur-sal, "The 
priest is a man-woman". Ur may have the meaning "dog" = 
"Sodomite" as in Deut. 23, 19, in which case the name would 
mean "The priest is a female dog", or "is a bitch"! The term 
ur-sal is probably of similar significance to the sal-zikru of 
the code of Hammurapi, which occurs in 178, 180, etc., 
and designates a class of women devoted to a god. 

Twelve years ago the writer claimed on the ground of the 
character of the deities and the mythology that the substra- 
tum of the civilization of southern Babylonia was Semitic. 1 
Later Eduard Meyer 2 adduced more convincing proof of this 

* Semitic Origins, 1902, 195 ff. 

2 Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien, 1906. 

320 George A. Barton, Eeligious Conceptions Underlying &c. 

from the evidence of the art, showing that the gods of the 
Sumerians in southern Babylonia were fashioned after the 
models of Semitic culture and that therefore the Semites must 
have been first in the country. The evidence of these proper 
names adds another bit of proof which tends to establish the 
same position. It is hardly possible that so many names 
should correspond to Semitic models models which are 
found all over the Semitic area had not the Semites been 
in Babylonia first. If the gods worshipped there by the Su- 
merians were Semitic, and the Semites formed the bulk of the 
population, this phenomenon is explicable, but on any other 
hypothesis it is very difficult to explain. 

Striking Phenomena of Sumerian. By J. DYNELEY 
PRINCE, Ph. D., Professor in Columbia University, 
New York City. 

Professor Friedrich Delitzsch, in his recent work Sumerische 
Sprachlehre fur Niclitassyriologen, Leipzig, 1914, 5; 14, 
mentions several peculiarities of Sumerian regarding which he 
invites comment and comparison with similar phenomena in 
other languages. In the following paper, the two most impor- 
tant features to which he alludes will be briefly discussed; viz., 
A. the multiplicity of meanings associated with single sound- 
values; and B. the abbreviation of verbal roots. 

A. Multiplicity of Meanings. 

One of the most striking characteristics of the Sumerian 
syllabary is the existence of a great number of words, appar- 
ently identical in sound, yet differing widely in signification; a 
problem which Delitzsch makes little attempt to explain in the 
work just mentioned, or in his Sumerische Grammatik (Leipzig, 
1914), or Sumerisches Olossar (Leipzig, 1914). It is evident, 
however, that many of these varying meanings must have been 
distinguished from one another in speech, as their sense-diver- 
gence precludes the possibility that they could have been pro- 
nounced alike. For example, Delitzsch calls attention to the 
fact that the syllables a$ 'one' and d 'six' could not possibly 
have had the same vocalic value, and hints that there must 
have existed in the spoken idiom "vocalic nuances" which the 
cuneiform writing was not fitted to express. 1 Such a suppo- 
sition is perfectly reasonable, so far as it goes, but, as will 
appear from the following pages, there are other elements to 
be taken into consideration as well. 

In MSL, 2 I have alluded to the necessity of supposing that 

1 Sumerische Grammatik, p. 14, d. 

2 Materials fvr a Sumerian Lexicon, p. XIX; XXL 

322 J- Dyneley Prince, 

tones must have existed in primitive Sumerian, as in the system 
prevailing in spoken Chinese; but, while this theory still seems 
necessary as an aid in accounting for the kaleidoscopic nature 
of the Sumerian syllabary, it is not in itself sufficient to explain 
all the variations; first, because the different meanings attached 
to a syllable frequently exceed the possible, or at any rate 
probable, number of tones, and secondly, because syllables are 
often abbreviations of longer originals, a fact which would 
tend to change the vowel shading or quantity, rather than the 
tone. This becomes apparent from an examination of almost 
any sound-value showing a number of meanings. 

For instance, Delitzsch mentions the syllable a3 = 'one' and 
also = 'six 7 , but this value a$ seems to have served for seven 
distinct ideas, divisible into three sign-groups. 1 

I. as 1 = the horizontal wedge. 

1. a$ = edit 'one'; isten 'one'; gitmalu 'perfect', which latter 
is evidently a secondary meaning from the idea 'one', 'unique' ; 
hence also = magaru 'agree' and mitxaru 'be alike' (see just 
below sub No. 5 in this list). There can be no doubt that 
ma$ = a$dridu 'first' also belongs to this association, which 
ma$ must have been pronounced was = a. 

2. a 'stretch out; direct': su as-ni, or me-ri as-ni = tirig 
gdtisu (or sepisu) 'the stretching out of his hand' (or 'foot') 
Probably this idea of direction also appears in gar-as 'deci- 
sion 7 ; literally 'making one 7 , or 'making a direction' (order). 

3. as 'man', which may be rhotacism for ur 'man 7 (cf. us 
and es (G-I) = 'man'), or else, in this case, the horizontal may 
have been pronounced dilfi), also = 'man 7 , or it may have been 
read ru as a metathesis for ur 'man'. Note in this connection 
that as and ru both = gitmalu 'perfect'. 

4. as occurs in the combination as-bulug 'hasten very much'; 
as Delitzsch suggests, for a = ID 'power' + KU = s(u) 
postposition = 'with power'; hence 'exceedingly'. 

II. as = AS. 

5. as = Qibutu -desire 7 (n.); = xasdsu 'need, want' (vb.), 
This sense seems to be a development from as = horizontal 
wedge magaru 'agree 7 (above in No. 1). 

1 Materials, p. .IX, on sign-groups. 

Striking Phenomena of Sumerian. 

6. as = irritu 'curse' (n.); = ezeru 'curse 7 (vb.), apparently 
an extension of the sense 'desire' (No. 5), i. e. 'desire' + 'eyil' 

III. as = Six-Sign. 

7. as = 'six', given by Delitzsch as necessarily pronounced 
with a vowel different to that in as 'one' (No. 1). as = 'six', 
however, is plainly for i(a) 'five' + as 'one'; cf. i-min 'seven' = 
'five and two'; us 'eight' = i(a) + es 'five and three', with a 
change of the written vowel; 1 i-lim 'nine' = 'five and four'. 
The initial palatalized i was undoubtedly a weak consonant, 
as is seen also in Semitic Babylonian verbs, as in iskun = 
iiskun, which may really have been pronounced y iskun. 

It is difficult to analyze satisfactorily even such a brief table 
of meanings as the a,bove, according to vocalic pronunciation 
and tone, because there are so many elements of possible 
difference which do not depend either upon the vowels or the 
tone. Of the seven sense-values just given, the equivalents 
as 'man' and as 'six' leave us in doubt as to whether as 'man' 
was really pronounced as. Here it must be remembered that 
as, es and us all appear in the sense 'man', and also that 
there are in Sumerian many other such values, similar to each 
other in^ sound, yet identical in meaning. Such are lag-lug 
'wash'; gad-gud 'be bright'; na-nu 'lie down', etc. where exactly 
the same meaning appears with apparently quite a different 
vowel (Delitzsch, Sprachlehre, 6). One is tempted to wonder, 
on examining such equivalents as these, whether some of the 
vowels in spoken Sumerian were not often obscure and in- 
determinate, 2 as, for example, in modern Algonquin Indian 
idioms. In such a word as Passamaquoddy 'Vmus 'dog', there 
is really only one clear vowel; the u, and this word has been 
variously represented by English speaking recorders as ala- 
moos; elemoos; ulumoos. A similar difficulty may well have 
been present in Sumerian speech, which may give an additional 
key to the variant writings of syllables which may have the 
same or allied meanings. On the other hand, all vowels were 
certainly not indistinct, as we have zu 'know', which is pro- 
bably etymologically connected with sa-a = nabu 'make known, 

1 Cf. Langdon, Sumerian Grammar, p. 118. 

2 Almost like the Schtvund; cf. da-dib-dub, all = 'seize' (gabatu). 

324 J. Dyneley Prince, 

announce, name'. Furthermore, in connection with as 'man', 
we are in doubt, as indicated above, as to whether it may not 
have been pronounced not as, but dil(i), or ru. As to as 
six' = ias, this syllable may really have been uttered ias, even 
when written as, the i being a very "weak palatal, 1 as noted 
above sub No. 7. The same principle seems to apply to as 
'one', as the form mas = tvas occurs in the sense 'first'. The 
common ordinal 'first' was usu which must have been pronoun- 
ced differently to usu 'thirty', plainly from us 'three', a har- 
monic obscuration 2 of es 'three' + u 'ten'. This mas 'first' 
must have been uttered was, and here again it may be con- 
jectured that as 'one', even when written as, may have been spo- 
ken was, although with a very weak initial w-. In later speech, 
(w)as 'one' and i(as) 'six' may also have developed a short 
and a long pronunciation respectively. A.n almost parallel 
phenomenon appears in Magyar numerals, where tizenegy ('ten 
and one' = egy) 'eleven' must be carefully distinguished in 
pronunciation from tizennegy ('ten and four' = negy) 'fourteen'. 
It should also be noted that there are three meanings connect- 
ed with as 'one', i. e., 'one; perfect; agree', which, although 
allied in sense, may also have varied tonally; cf. in Chinese 
the three Mandarin tones wo; viz., wo 1 'feel, touch'; mo 2 'grind, 
rub'; mo 5 'rub out, obliterate', where there are certainly three 
tones used to distinguish variations of one and the same funda- 
mental idea, while a fourth mo 4 = 'afterwards, at last'. 

Of the four remaining as- values; viz., as 'direct stretch'; as 
in the combination a = ID + s(u); as 'desire' and as 'curse', 
these may have been distinguished tonally. Yet even here, it 
is not necessary to suppose four tones, as there are, for 
example, in English, a number of similar sounding words 
differing in meaning yet perfectly comprehensible by context 
without any tone differentiation or vowel shading; cf. "the mine 
is mine"; "I know that that 'that' is demonstrative"; "for 
four"; "so, sew, sow"; "fine" = "delicate"; = "magnificent"; 
"pay a fine", etc. Examples of such accidental sound resem- 
blance may be drawn from any language. 

Palatalized i appears very weakly in Russian before i-vowels as in 
ani 'they', which is not pronounced fully anyi. This does not appear at 
all in Servian oni, where there is no palatalization at all. 
2 Cf. Langdon, Summerian Grammar, p. 118. 

Striking Phenomena of Sumerian. :;i>:> 

It will be sufficient to choose only one other example, in 
order to demonstrate the difficulties of the Sumerian word- 
list. Thus du (DU) = 'walk, go', but as di also = 'go' this 
would seem to show that the vowel in this case was probably 
#; du = 'hold, carry'; expressed by su-du 'carry in the hand', 
no doubt an extension of the 'go'-meaning of dw(DU), as many 
Sumerian verbs may be used both transitively and intransi- 
tively; as te 'approach' and 'bring near'; e 'go out' and 'bring 
out' ; tu 'enter' and 'bring in', etc. Closely connected with the 
'carry'-idea is du 'lift up', as in nasu sa eni 'lift up the 
eyes'; hullu sa resi 'raise the head 7 . 

Also from the go-motion-idea must come the equation du 
(UL) = 'throw down; shove, push', a sense found likewise 
with ru (UL) which is probably etymologically connected with 
this du. Delitzsch also gives su 'overpower' as being a possible 
connection here, but su meant originally 'cover' and corre- 
sponds with this sense of du only secondarily, and not ety- 
mologically. Here, however, really must belong tu = tug 
ssplit, loosen 7 , whence nam-du 'freedom' = 'looseness', and pos- 
sibly also du 'make bricks', from the idea 'throw down, spread' 
Hence also du epu 'bake' and pixu 'mend with bitumen'. 

A number of the cfci-values are shortened forms of longer 
roots, as, just above du = tug, and du = did (TDL) 'cham- 
ber', whence du = nigiggu 'ravine, hole'; du = dug (KA) 
peak'; du = dug (KAK; HU) 'make, construct', explained 
by the value du-u, but this KAK = du was also pronounced 
ru (d = r). Delitzsch thinks that such writings as du-u 
indicated a shading rather than a lengthening of the vowel, 
but this seems improbable, as, in the case just cited of du 
and di, both = 'go', the di plainly indicated an Umlaut of 
the possibly earlier u, and yet this value du is explained both 
by the prolonged du-u and by du 1 (du-du = KA-KA = 
daJbabu 'meditate'). The likelihood is that doubled vowels 
indicated long vowels just as in German Soot, Loos, etc. Many 
illustrations of this principle may be drawn from the Assyrian 
as rdbu-u plainly = rabu (cf. all the Assyrian verbs "Final 

It is difficult to explain why du (UL) should be equated 
with asdmu 'be comely, seemly', unless it be an erroneous asso- 

i That is, by du with no evidence of vocalic prolongation. 

22 JAOS 34. 

326 J. Dyneley Prince, 

ciation with du = dug (XI) 'good, be good'. The UL sign 
does not lend itself to this signification. Similarly du = hi 
'land 7 was possibly due to an association with du = paxaru 
'gather, assemble'; napxaru 'totality'. 

Such lists as the above are sufficient to convince the student 
that we have two difficulties to meet in considering the Su- 
merian syllabary; 1. the association of many meanings with 
the same sound- value; and 2. the less frequent, but nonetheless 
evident, association of variant sound-values with identical 
meanings, as indicated above (lag-lucj, etc.). The following six 
principles must be understood in order to untangle the Su- 
merian syllabary. 1. Roots are often shortened from longer 
roots, as above du, worn down from duly dug, tug. 2. There 
was occasionally a distinction by means of tones as in Chinese, 
as indicated in the above commentary on the as-words and 
possibly also in the du-list, between du 'go, move'; du 'push'; 
du 'bake bricks' and du 'raise'. 3. There must also have been 
vowel shading, as du, di = du 'go 7 and its probable deriva- 
tives: du 'push; spread bricks' and 'raise' ('move'). This may 
well have been a simultaneous phenomenon with tone variation. 1 

4. Often there may have been no distinction in sound at all, 
as in the similar sounding words in English cited above. 

5. Paronomasia based on erroneous association of signs played 
a great part, as pointed out in MSL at length; 2 cf. in the 
dw-list: du (UL) = asdmu 'be seemly', transferred to the sign 
UL (val. du) from the sign XI (val. du 'be good'). 6. Distinc- 
tions must have been made, as in Chinese, by means of com- 
binations which fixed the meaning of the ambiguous syllable, 3 

1 That is, there may have been and probably were dw-tones and du- 

2 Materials, p. IX. Paronomastic association of Sumerian words with 
similar sounding Semitic words, as e-me = amatu 'word', was probably 
largely mnemonic. 

3 In Chinese, such denning words are common, where the first word 
serves to limit the special meaning of the second; thus, 'milk-skin 5 = 
'cream' ; 'fire-leg' = 'ham'. Better, chih tao 'know the way', but now used 
for 'know', in general. There are great numbers of such two-word phrases 
and also a system of numeratives (Giles, Encyclopaedia Brit. VI. p. 217), 
such as also exist in English, as 'piece, pair, brace'. In Old English 
numeratives of this sort were much more common; as 'a sounder of 
boar' ; 'a pride of lions'. We still distinguish between 'a herd of cattle', 
'a nock of sheep', 'a flight of geese', etc. 

Striking Phenomena of Sumerian. 327 

as dam = 'conjux 1 but dam-dam 'young married person'; nita- 
dam = the same; di 'judgment' and di-kud = the same; 
literally: 'cut (Imd) a decree' (di). Di alone was an indeter- 
minate root as to meaning. Thus, it might mean 'go' = du; 
'speak' = du = dug (KA), but di-kud or di-kuru could only 
mean 'judge, decree'. Thus, also su-du 'carry in the hands' 
(su) = 'carry' par excellence. $u-du was only thus combined 
to show that this was the du = 'carry' and not 'go'; dab-du 
'go at someone's side', etc. Examples of this system may be 
multiplied by a study of Delitzsch's Glossar or my MSL. 
According to Giles (Encyd. Brit., VI, p. 217), there are 
thirty-three instances of the Chinese syllable shih with different 
meanings, which are distinguished, not only by tones, but by 
indicative combinations, the same in principle as the above. 

Sumerian suffered much from being used as a sacred idiom 
by an utterly alien people. The difficulties of its syllabary 
were greatly increased by misunderstandings of signs and false 
groupings owing to paronomastic associations of sound values, 
Upon this fact too little stress has been laid by recent Sume- 
rologists. This punning association must have become more 
and more frequent as Sumerian ceased to be a spoken language 
and the bewildering result gave rise to the not unnatural 
Halevyan theory, that this was not a language at all, but a 
mere jumble of priestly inversions and rearrangements, similar, 
although this was not quoted, to the plays made by the an- 
cient Irish monks on the Erse of their day. So apparent did 
this seem at first that Delitzsch himself believed for a time 
in the "cryptogram" theory, which has long since been dis- 
proved by indisputable grammatical evidences. 

B. Abbreviated Roots. 

The occurrence in Sumerian of a great number of roots 
which have lost their original consonant, which consonant 
reappears before a vowel ending is certainly strange, but not 
without linguistic parallel. Thus, we find in Sumerian du 
'speak', but dug-ga-mu 'when I speak' = dug-a-mu. 1 In his 
Sumerische Sprachlehre, p. 9, Delitzsch gives a quantity of 
such examples, such as pa(b) 'brother 7 ; sa(g) 'heart'; u(d) 
'day', etc. If we were to find the French phrases: les freres 

1 This = dug (KA) + vowel of prolongation + mil = I p. ending. 

328 J. Dyneley Prince, Striking Phenomena of Sumerian. 

sont la and les freres sont id written: le frer son la and le 
/rer son-t-isi, precisely the same phenomenon would be evident. 
Furthermore, in Celtic, particularly in Welsh and Irish, such 
consonantal changes as Welsh pen 'head', but fy mhen 'my 
head'; Irish lo 'cow', but ar m-&o (pron. mo) 'our cow 7 come 
from an original nasal in the possessive which affected the 
succeeding consonant, but which totally disappeared graphi- 
cally from the possessive particle. In Eastern Algonquin 
also, the final -I of the third personal accusative (obviative), 
which appears in Passamaquoddy skitap-y-il 'man' has been 
quite lost in the kindred Canadian Abenaki alnoba-a 'man', a 
process of decay which may be observed taking place in the 
Penobscot of Maine, where this -I survives only as the faintest 
lingual touch, often inaudible even to a trained ear. The 
probability is that in Sumerian, even at first, the final con- 
sonants were pronounced very lightly, unless followed by a 
vowel. This phonetic peculiarity gave rise to the current 
eclipsis in the later language. It is, however, striking that the 
older form with the consonant was often written apparently 
contemporaneously with the shorter and later form, as nitag, 
nita and nid 'male, man'; sugus and sug foundation, 1 etc. 

It is tempting to try to see in Sumerian ma-e (wa-e = wa?) 
T a resemblance to the Chinese wu of the first person; in 
Sumerian za-e = za (?) the counterpart of the Turkish sen 
'thou ? ; to compare Sumerian dingir (dimer) 'god' with Turkish 
tangri 'god', but, owing to the many confusing forces which 
contributed to its formation, Sumerian stands alone as a pre- 
historic philological remnant. Its etymologies should be studied 
only in the light which can be got from the Sumerian inscrip- 
tions themselves. On the other hand, it is permissible to seek 
analogies for striking Sumerian phonetic and grammatical 
peculiarities in known languages, without attempting to es- 
tablish a linguistic affinity between Sumerian and any of these 
idioms on the basis of what are probably only accidental 
resemblances, such as occur between many unconnected linguis- 
tic groups. 

1 Delitzsch, Sumerische Sprachlehre, 14. 

Indo- Iranian Word- Studies (ii). By EDWIN W. FAY, 
Professor in the University of Texas. 

1) Old Persian maniyam 'estate'. 

1. The origin of Old Persian maniyam is still as dubious 
as when it was treated by Gray in AJPh. 21. 17, where the 
derivation from the sept of jxcvtu 'maneo' was relinquished for 
the comparison with Av. nmdna, but Gathic damdna: &{JLO>, 
Lat. domus. Gray renders by 'real estate' (1. c. p. 16) and 
Bartholomae by 'liegende habe', and this seems to be the 
most probable rendering. It coincides the more nearly with 
derivation from the root men 1 . Analysis of the Latin com- 
pounds (for they are not derivatives) in -monium \ -monia will 
serve to prove that mdniya-m meant 'abode, estate', precisely 
the definition that I gave to -monium in AJPh. 31, 410 *. The 
words fall into the following larger groups: 

2. A. Business words (-monium^ estate, property): patri- 
monium (not till Cicero, but surely early) ' father' s-estate, 
-property'; merci- monium (Plautus) 'trade, wares', but in 
Most. 904, 912 specifically of a house-trade; original sense 
was 'trade-property, stock in trade'. A vadi-monium (Plautus) 
was a 'stake' or 'forfeit' (vadi-: Goth, wadi 'forfeit') consisting 
of 'realty'; or vadi-monium was the 'surety's property'. By 
irradiation from vadi-monium came testi-monium, of that which 
the witnesses 'put up'; unless -monium originally referred to 
the sum put up by the litigants in support of the truth of 
their cause which would include the truth not only of the 
litigant's own statement, but the truth of his witness as well. 
In ali-monium (Plautus), while we may perhaps feel -monium 
as 'maintenance', the definition as 'food-property' (what one 
was to spend for food) balances merci-monium as 'stock-in- 

i It may be noted here that the root nem also has derivatives meaning 
'dwelling, abode', viz. voy.6; and Lith. narnal ndmas (falsa ap. Walde, s. v. 

23 JAOS 34. 

330 Edwin W. Fay, 

trade 7 . So parsi-monia was the 'saved-stock' or, reinforcing 
the original sense, 'what remained as savings'. From the 
neut. pi. parsimonia would come the fern. sg.=< saving, fru- 

3. B. Abstracts (-monium= i estate, condition'): The tran- 
sition to this group may have been formed by matri-monium 
'mother's-estate', cf. in matrimonium dare, in contrast with 
matrimonio uxorem exigere (though the sense of 'dame's abode' 
might inhere in both these Plautine turns). A further tran- 
sition to the abstract suffix -monia (-monium) might have 
been supplied by some jocular formation like falsimonia (cf. 
Plautus, Bacch. 541, reperiuntur falsi falsimoniis with Rud. 13, 
falsas lites falsis testimoniis). But the abstract sense of 
'estate, condition 7 suits all the adjective derivatives, e.g. Plau- 
tine aegrimonia 'sick-estate 7 ; tristimonia (Novius) 'sad (or 
angry) estate' (cf. Plautine acrimonia 'bitterness, anger'), with 
the late counterterm gaudimonium (Petronius). Laberius (ap. 
Non. 214, 17) employed miseri-monium for miseria and Gellius 
(16. 7. 2) seems to censure him for inventing mendici-monium 
'beggary 7 and moechi-monium 'adultery 7 . By considering the 
three examples together we may realize the important role of 
a single author in spreading the vogue of a suffix. Of course 
moechi-monium may have been suggested by matrimonium, or by 
castimonium or sandimonia. Extensions like queri-monia (Cicero) 
would belong in a group with tristimonia and gaudimonium; 
like caerimonia 'sanctity' (then 'awe, rite 7 ), with the castimonia 
group. An apparent estray like (deorum) sessimonium (Vitru- 
vius) 'assembly' might be explained, if genuinely old, as 'sitzen- 
bleiben' or, after curia 'aedificium; senatus', as a 'session 
(abode 7 ). 

4. The above classification of the Latin words involved 
proves, it is submitted, the verbal entity of -monium (-monia) 
with the definition 'estate 7 , 1st concrete,=' abode, property'; 
2d abstract, = ' condition, state': Thus -monium seems to me 
nearly as well attested by OPers. maniyam 'property 7 as the 
original verbal entity of Eng. -dom (in OEng. cyne-dom 'king- 
dom', abstr. ealdordom 'authority 7 , see Wright's OEng. Gram. 
597) is proved by dom 'judgement 7 , OHG. tuom 'state, con- 

Indo-Iranian Word- Studies. 331 

2) Gen. plur., type of asmd'kam. 

5. The material (with a slight addition) and the theory of 
these forms are found combined in Jackson's Avesta Grammar, 
440, n. 3. 

Observe that dhmdkdm, i/avdkam, yusmdkdm <Gathic. x8mdkdm> em- 
ployed as 'genitives' of the personal pronouns . . ., are really stereo- 
typed cases of the possessive adjectives, as similarly in Sanskrit 
asmd'kam, yuvd'ku, yusmakam. 

Besides these "stereotyped" forms we have in both languages 
possessives regularly inflected from the fra-stem, cf. OBulg. 
svoya-ku 'affinis' (Brugmann, Gr. 2. 1.498). Further explanation 
of the forms may be found in Brugmann, Gr. 2. 2, 398 sq. 

6. The reason for stereotyping the neuter (accusative) sin- 
gular in -kam has never been given, and there is no reason 
that can be given. On the other hand, the forms inflected on 
a stem asmaha- grew up secondarily to asmd'kam, as in Latin 
the obvius paradigm arose from ob viam. I shall undertake 
now to show that the -kam of asmd'kam is identical with the 
-cum of Lat. wecum, the hitherto unexplained a before kam 
being an instrumental case vowel. This involves the demon- 
stration how in Indo-Iranian "mecum" has sunk to "meum". 

7. Delbriick, ai. Synt. p. 204, remarks: 

hochstens finde ich zu bemerken, dafi die Gen. iiberwiegend in pos- 
sessivem sinne erscheinen, also bei nomina, oder as bhu . . . yusmd'kam 
stets und asmd'kam meistens (es kommt aufierdem vor bei ru horen 
<2o> und parikhyd vernachlassigen <lo>). 

8. A reference to Grassmann's index will show that the 
number of nouns used with asmd'kam is great, and their dis- 
tribution such as not to favor the notion that the neuter form 
was in a position to overpower (and "stereotype") the rest. 
In the somewhat chaotic character of Avestan syntax, ahmakdin 
may have the look of enjoying a wider casual range than 
asma'kam, though really it does not. 

9. The examples of predicative asmd'kam in RV. yuvaku 
(incorrectly accented by Brugmann, 1. s. c.) and yusmd'kam 
(10, according to the Bombay index) are not predicative 
here rendered into Latin by 'nobiscum 7 , as well as by the 
appropriate forms of 'noster', are as follows: 

1. 7. 10 (Arnold's A period), repeated in 1. 13. 10 (B): asmd'kam 
astu ke f valah=nobisGum (noster) sit solus. 

332 Edwin W. Fay, 

1. 27. 2 (A), midhan a. babhuyat = largus nobiscum (noster) fuat. 
4. 22. 10 (A), a. su M. bodhi godah = nobiscum (noster) bene M., 
fu bovidans. 

7. 51. 2 (A), a. santu bhuvanasya gopd'h \ pibantu somam dvase no adyd 
= nobiscum (nostri) sunto mundi custodes | bibunto vinum iuvare nos 

8. 54. 8 (A), tvdm a. Q. = tu <sis> nobiscum (noster), Q. 

8. 92. 31 (A), tvdm a., tdva smasi = tu nobiscum (noster), tui sumus. 

This is all. Every example is early Vedic. In every instance, 
if we do not turn our adjectives by substantives, 'nobiscum' 
is perhaps even a better rendering than 'noster'. 

10. If the above renderings do not show the reader how 
original 'nobiscum' (a moribund predicate; cf. Lat. frugi, in 
a general way) shifted to 'noster 7 , the following Latin examples, 
wherein 'mecum' approximates 'meus', may be noted: 

Ovid. Am. 3. 1. 41, sum levis et mecum (meus) levis est . . Cupido ; 
Lucan, 8, 143, numen si quod adhuc mecumst (meumst); Propertius, 
2, 18, 51, vobiscum (vestra) est lope, vobiscum Candida Tyro; Plautus, 
Gas. 451, erit liodie tecum (tuum) quod amas, cf. Ovid, Met. 3, 466, 
quod cupio mecum (meum) est; Cicero, Phil. 12. 23, nobiscum (noster) 
nee ammo certe est nee corpore; Fin. 5, 86, <discipulus> erit mecum 
(meus), si tecum (tuus) erit, cf. Lig. 33, nos omnes adversaries putare 
nisi qui nobiscum essent; te omnes, qui contra te non essent, tuos. 
Examples of things: Plautus, Aul. 449, hoc . . quoquo ibo, mecum (meum) 
erit; Pacuvius, Trag. 424, topper tecum (tua) sit potestas; Terence, 
Ad. 347, si infitias ibit, testis mecum (meus) est, anulus; Phorm. 983, 
una iniuriast tecum (tua); Yergil, Aen. 4, 115, mecum (meus) erit iste 
labor; Epist. Sapph. 103, nil de te mecumst (meumst); cf. Livy, post- 
quam . . . victoria cum Poenis (Poenorum) erat. 

The possessive force of the -kom groups led to their ad- 
jectivization (stem ko-), and put them in competition with the 
genitive. Hence by syncretism of *md-ha-s 'meus* (cf. svaka-s 
'meus, tuus, suus 7 ) and mama 'mei' there arose the possessives 
mdma-ka-s (2 in RV.) and mama-M-s (3<>), cf. t[v]dva-M-s 
'tuus'. In Greek yuvat-xo?, originally == 'muliebris, femininus' 
(I suggest), we have the adjectivization of loc. *yuvai + *Jcom 
( 15-10) *. Also in loc. pi. YUVOCI-I the posterius is from 
ks[w]-i (loc.: u-v, ace.), attached to a locative prius (as in 
tiTTcot-oi, Skr. haste-su; see TAPA, 44, 2). We have perfect 
analogies in other tongues, as e. g. in Osmanli, for the origin 
of the case suffixes in postponed prepositions. 

1 If, as I maintain, *kom is from *[s]k[w]-o-m and 6-v from *sku-m 
(:the root sejcw- \ seku- 'sequi') then *(s)k[w]os ( 16, fn.) is like Tiapos 
as co- (from * [s]k[w]o) is like 7:p6. 

Indo-Iranian Word- Studies. 333 

11. Thus Vedic usage and general semantic propriety admit 
of our explaining the asmakam type as parallel, when we look 
to the point of origin, with the mecum type. Further objective 
considerations that support the equation of -ham with -cum 
(IE kom) lie in the existence of asmdka (1), yusmaka (2j, 
wherein -ha is to be matched with Latin co-\ and the -a be- 
fore -ka(m), as has been noted above, is best explained as an 
instrumental case ending. IE ko- may perhaps be found in 
Vkdm (i. e. ko + am) 'amare'. 

12. We must also seek to account for -ku in yuvaku 'vestrum 
duorum'. Its vocalism proves to be in entire accord with the 
derivation of kom as I have elsewhere sketched it (AJPh, 33, 
197; Bull. Univ. Texas, no. 263, 66). I have there conjectured 
an IE preposition sku, whence (in the form ksu) 6-v: Lith. 
su; and a fuller form skw-om / skw-o (like pro: per). In OLat. 
quom (-.Welsh pwy) we have [sjkwom, with s- lost precisely in 
(IE) combinations like nobi$(s)k[w]om. Alternating with kwom 
we have k[w]om (see Brugmann, Gr. 2. 2. 665, 1). Evidence 
for [s]ku- I now see in yuva-ku' 1 ; and, as I am showing more 
fully elsewhere, in Lat. qu-aes-o, i. e, ' co-aerusco 1 (see also Bull. 
Univ. Texas, 1. s. c.). 

3) Postponed kam. 

13. As we look further about us we find ka'm quasi 'gratia' 
following upon datives of purpose (RV). This ka'm has been 
connected with OBulg. ku (Brugmann, Gr. 2. 2. 668) and 
Irish co 'to'. If we bear in mind the cognation of ka'm with 
secundum (see above, 12 1 ), this kam 'gratia', e.g. in amr'taya 
ka'm 'immortalitatis gratia' and kdsmdi ka'm 'quoia gratia', 
may be compared with Lat. secundum nostram causam = 'nostra 
gratia'. In the example amr'taya ka'm, [s]kam looks as though 
it may have been an infinitive, = 'for immortality to follow'. 
In Brugmann's first Slavic example, pristqpisg ku n-jemu 'sie 

i The connection of sku with the root of STCOJAOH is undoubted. Instead 
of positing a root sek w , dissyllabic sek x u (in secu-tus), perhaps we should 
rather deal in S'TCOJAOU with IE sekw-. Because of forro? with -re- appearing 
to match -gv in Skr. a'gva- we have accustomed ourselves to think that, 
given IE -kw-, we must expect -TTTC- in Greek from -&0-, and likewise 
some doubled consonant from -kw-. In view, however, of Lat. vacca 
(Skr. vaca), with its clearly hypochoristic -cc- (cf. Engl. "Bossy"), it 
may be that i--o; also has hypochoristic -nir-. Note proper names like 

334 Edwin W. Fay, 

traten zu ihm bin 7 ku n- is not unlike 'sequi' in 'pergunt 
sequi eum'. The abstract datives with ka"m are also seman- 
tically suggestive of Lat. cum commodo (tuo), cf. oov TO> ou> 

4) The confixes ha- and ku-. 

14. The study, after asmd'-kam, of the Sanskrit (i. e. IE) 
suffix ha- | A;w-, yields a suprisingty simple interpretation of 
this group of words, viz. as containing in their suffix a posterius 
meaning 'with'. The examples are easily controlled in Edgerton's 
Hopkins dissertation on the Ara-suffix. I will begin with his 
3ka as used in Bahuvnhis (Edg. 12, 53-55). All Sanskritists 
know that the "bare-foot" type of compound is frequently 
extended at the end by -ka. In RY. we have try'-amba-ka-m 
(ace.) 'tres-matres-habentem 7 , but originally 'ter-matre-cum', 
let us say; also tri'-kadru-ka- designating a three-jar festival 
(orig. 'ter-cado-cum', let us say). AY. adds sv-asta-ka- 'bona- 
domo-cum', sarva-kega-ka'- 'omni-capillo-cum' and, doubling 
the 'with 7 , saha'-kantha-ka- 'co-gula-cum'. Edgerton accident- 
ally renders by 'with the throat', just as Whitney (Gr. 1222. c) 
renders rupa-ka- by 'with form 7 . These unpurposed renderings 
reveal the close connection between the sense of 'cum 7 and of 
'habens' (cf. s/o>v 'cum'). The appositeness of -cum may be 
tested also in words like RY. hladika- 'refreshing 7 , i. e. 'with 
refreshment', glti-ka- 'cooling 7 : cltam 'frost 7 (Edgerton's 4 ka, 
56, containing 5 words only; there remain a'nta-ka- 'Death' 
[AY.], i. e. 'fine-cum 7 , yacana-ka- 'mendicant', i. e. 'prece-cum', 
vimanyu-ka- 'allaying wrath 7 , containing* manyu-ka- 'ira-cum 7 ). 
For Latin examples wherein turns with cum approximate 
"possessive 77 derivatives cf. from Plautus (Am. 330 and) Poen. 
852, cum onere (sc. homini)=onustus; Mil, 1021, cum hac 
forma=tam formosus; Cu, 286, cum tanta gloria=tam 

15. Possibly the priora of these -ka words also sometimes 
exhibit instrumental form ( 11). Thus we find (Edg. 29, c) 
pracald-ka- 'chameleon 7 , prius *pra-cald 'creeping 7 (noun): 
pra-cala- 'serpens' (adj.); pata-ka- 'banner', prius pata- 'cloth 7 
(cf.patl 'stripe'), i. e. 'with a rag 7 (designating the pole + the 
"rag"). In pr'dd-ku- (Edg. 29. a; note ku- not ka-) 'serpent 7 
(also 'panther 7 , lexical) the prius was [sjprdd- quasi 'macula 7 , 
cognate with (orcopaQo; | O7i6p6apov 'pill, pellet 7 (rarcopao- 'scat- 
ered 7 ?). Thus pr'dd-ku- = macula-cum, i. e. 'maculosus'. 

Indo-Iranian Word- Studies. 335 

Qydma-ka- ' millet '=(grano) atro-cum, of the black variety. 
Of. Lat. pdni-cum 'with a tuft 7 (panus). Of priora in I to f- 
stems (Edg. 31-32) 1 note: drgi-ku 'conspicans' dfgl-ka- 
'conspicuus 7 , with prius from *drgi- quasi 'species'; puti'-Jca- 
' Soma-substitute, near-Soma, orig. 'purificatione-cum 7 (not with 
Edgerton, 46, 'putidus 7 ), identical with Av. puiti-ka- 'cleans- 
ing' (Edg. 109); suaka- 'stinging 7 (i. e. 'acu-cum'); kalmali- 
ki'n- (-kin a "possessive" derivative of -kd) 'splendidus' (i. e. 
'splendore-cum 7 ). Before accented -ka -1 may be a reduction 
form of the locative in ~di (see 16), or of an instrumental 
in -ya (yd- stem). 

16. That the long vowel before -ka in these and like words 
is actually an instrumental ending there is no way of proving, 
but the hypothesis suggests the first rational accounting for 
the long vowel. If but few priora with the long vowel are 
retained, the conditions under which -ka sometimes bore the 
accent go far to account for the reduction of the previous 
syllable. Given an oxytone *hotrka'- 'priest's assistant 7 ('sa- 
cerdote-cum'), it may represent an IE prototype of *hotr-a-ka- 
with hotr-a- an original instrumental; or the prius might also 
have been a locative, [s]k-om being derived from the root of 
Skr. sacate 'sequitur'. Edgerton ( 46) actually recognizes in 
tiragci-kd 'planities' tira$ci-, loc. sg. of tiryanc. The same may 
be true of vr'gci-kd 'scorpion' (i. e. 'aculeo-cum, cf. cum gladiis 
stare: in armis s.). Umbr. veris-co 'portas-apud' exhibits IE 
kom (or shorn sk[w]om) as a localis. In Lat. mendicus 'beggar' 
we may realize the sense of 'in hole(s)', i. e. 'in rags', and in 
mendi- a reduced form (in composition) of the prehistoric 
locative *menddi l . For 'in': 'with' cf. "She walks in beauty''. 
It is particularly to be borne in mind that sa'cd 'cum' takes 
the locative in RV, not the instrumental. Cf. ped-i-sequa? 

17. The further analysis of a few Sanskrit and Avestan 

i An , whether of the stem or a locative ending, plays a large, not 
to say preponderant role in these forms. Thus we have Lat. mord-i-cus 
(? stereotyped nominative like. 6odc$ or Lat. adversus; or, according to 
10, fn., containing -[s]k[w]-os\ orig. = 'im gebisse', I take it. A parallel 
form i-sk[iv]os appears in the type of veav-(-oxoc 'adulescens ' ('youngish'): 
an adjective veavi- 'young' (cf. veaviv 'puellam'). In Balto-Slavic the same 
ending -Mo- designates the sort or material, in Celtic (cf. also Gothic 
tiudisko) the nationality, as in Taurisci. A form like 7iai8-(-sxt) 'cour- 
tesan' (Herodotus), if old enough, would lend itself to interpretation as 
'pueri-sequa'. On Lat. ped-i-sequa (quasi masculine) see 40. 

336 Edwin W. Fay, 

examples (and groups), taken according to Edgerton's clas- 
sification, may serve to show how aptly the hypothesis of 
derivation from -Jco(m) '.with' explains a wide range of for- 
mations. Thus from Ika = 'characterized by, like', etc. (Edg. 
9): chattra-ka- (a-) 'mushroom' (not 'like' an umbrella, but 
'with' one); Av. daitiha- 'bestia' ('dentibus-cum'); Skr. ndctika'- 
'throat', not 'like' a tube (nddl), but 'with' one; antaka- 'death', 
i. e. fine-cum; cf., with a different turn of the sense, anta-ka- 
'border' 1 . Av. masya-ka- 'mortalis' (homo) perhaps contains a 
prius meaning 'mors', c Skr. mrtyu'- 'mors'. In the numeral 
group represented by dvaka- trikd- 'by twos, -threes' the sense 
of 'zwei-mit' has yielded 'zwei zusammen'. Note a in ekakin 
(Edg. 47), and cf. Lat. unicus, ekaka- / ekaka'-. In the pre- 
position group, the adverb anti-ka'm (RY\) 'prope' exhibits 
IE kom as a localis (cf. on Umbr. veris-co, 16); cf. Lat. 
anti-quos (-kwo-) 'im vorne', but adjectivized as 'vor-stehend', 
i. e. 'prior' and 'priscus'. Does pri-scus contain the prius prz 
(see Brugmann, Gr. 2. 2. 691; Lindsays Paulus-Festusr252. 25 2 ), 
and the posterius sk(w)o-? 

18. 2ka 'connected with' (Edg. 11): hotra-ka- (ib. 51) 
'sacerdos', i. e. sacrificio-cum ; cf. ho'trka- (ib. 66) 'assistant 
hotr', i. e. sacerdote-cum 3 . By my analysis words like svasti- 

1 Along with this group I may explain Lat. o(p)pa-cus 'umbrosus', 
whose prius was the noun *ob-p-a~ 'schirm', cpd. fern, root-noun : Skr. 
pafti 'protegit', with ob- as in ob-volvit, ob-tegit. It will have been used 
something like Germ, obdach; *opa-co = 'tecto-cum '. Cf. umbrd-culum 
* shelter', diminutive from a lost *umbrd-Jco-m ' shade-with '. Other "prim- 
ary " derivatives susceptible to our explanation are Skr. dhd-ka- ' recept- 
acle': QTQ-%-/] 'chest', orig. sense 'with (= exwv) a holding', (ptva)-sphd-ka- 
having a swelling', i. e. 'swelling' (with fat). The morphologically riddle- 
some mus-ka'-s 'testiculus' muskd'u 'vulva' originally signified 'with moss' 
(mus-: Germ, moos) cf. (j.'jora8 'mustache'. Jean Paul called the beard 
the "moos der mannlichkeit ". Lat. muscus instead of meaning 'mossy 7 
has again become 'moss', cf. the derivative rdmdle which approximated 
its primitive ramus (tempestas = tempus). 

2 I may be permitted to note pri-stinus (? for *prl-stinus, after diu- 
ttnus) 'vorstehend'; cf. on aYXt-oTtvo; 'prope-stans' Trpo-^vrj-a-ivo? 'prae- 
manu-stans' AJPh. 33. 392. 

3 From words like this we realize how the diminutive and contemptuous 
force of -Jca arose. Cf. Lat. secundus and Eng. "seconds" (PAOS 31, 403 1). 
If I may say so without offense, Edgerton attributes far too much im- 
precatory force to -Jca in the Vedas. In RV. 1. 33. 4 ayajvdnah sanaka'h 
= 'non-sacrificantes veteres' ('old-timers' as constantly in Varro, L. L!, 
albeit here old-timers of a different race), and not "old rascals who give 

Indo-Iranian Word- Studies. 337 

~ka- 'amulet' (i. e. fortuna-cum) and madhii-ka- 'bee' (i. e. melle- 
cum) become perfectly transparent. In a'rtu-ka- 'quarrelsome' 
a prius *artu- 'ira' is to be recognized (a'rdtis 'inimicitiaY, 
cf. manusya-ka- 'humanus' (orig. 'homine-cum' = mit-mensch). 
In old Latin we have (ager) hosti-cus 'with (belonging to) the 

19. Ska 'consisting of, containing' (Edg. 53; the bahuvnhi 
usage, 54, has been considered above 14): dndi-ka- 'lotus' 
(i. e. ovo-cum); musti-ka- 'Mr. Boxer': musti'- 'pugnus'; Ull'-ka- 
'pudicus': Jiri 'pudor'. Cf. ooia-xo; 'crab', i. e. 'with bone* 
(6oiov); Skr. ga'lya-ka- 'porcupine', i. e. 'with spine' (galya'-}. 
Lat. pudi-cus will have a prius *pu-dl- (pu- cognate with 
pavor 'fear, shrinking'), + -di- : Skr. dhi- 'prudentia', though 
pu-dere may be analyzed as from a compound root pu-dhe- l . 

20. 4ka, "has active verbal force" (Edg. 56), but see on 
hladika- above ( 14). Earlier examples, not here classified 

no offering". Nor is there a common and usual sana- 'senex' on which 
sana-ka'- 'vetulus' would be likely to be formed, while sana-ka'- 'vetustate- 
cum' (or something like that) may have a prius cognate with sand 'olim' 
cf. sand-jur- 'senectute debilis'. In RV. 10, 133. 1 jyaka's is rendered by 
"damned bowstrings", but in view of {3i6; 'bow' jya-lta- may have started 
life as '(3tit>-o6v'. As for jya 'bowstring', its formation may be illustrated 
by the proportion, Gathic Av. pada-m 'foot' (measure): TTY) 'fetter':: 
(3i6s 'bow' : jyd 'bowstring'. This type may be true even if, as I suspect, 
UcSir] is no mere a-derivative of ped(o)-. This change of meaning seems 
far too great to be ascribed to an a-suffix. I suspect rather that Ti&oai 
(plural) started as a dative 'ad pedem' (sc. "vincula"), like Lat. frugi\ 
cf. Lat. im-pedi-re 'to fetter'. In AV. 6. 18. 3 I can conceive that the 
charmworker did not mean by manaska m patayisnuka m "accursed restless 
mind" but rather 'animulam volaticam', petting the thing he sought to 
drive away. We may think of cajoling formulae like "Grandfather Small- 
pox" (see Encyc. Brit. 22, 357). Surely the little bird that carries off the 
poison in KV. 1. 191. 11, is addressed affectionately, as the scapehare is 
called lepuscule in the incantation cited by Heim, Incantamenta Magica, 
no. 72 (Suppl. Annal. Phil. 19, p. 483). 

i Isidore (10. 230) rightly connected pavit 'strikes' and pavet 'is 
smitten' (with fear); cf. admiratione pavens ('seized with astonishment') 
with our fear-smitten, wonder-struck etc.; and note ^TrXayst;, strik- 
ingly defined by Stephanus, without change of the metaphor, as 'per- 
culsus, percussus, stupidus'. The Celtic cognates (see Walde, s. v. paveo) 
do not make in the least against this, and one can but wonder why 
Walde seemed to think so. There is perfect morphological correspondence 
between pu-dere, from a root pu- (weak stage) 'to strike' etc., and OBulg. 
stydeti se 'pudere' from the root stn-, found in the sept of Lat. tundit 
and of stu-pet. 

338 Edwin W. Fay, 

because the prius is not extant, are ydyaju-ka- 'sacrificans' 
danda$u-ka- 'mordacious'. I see no sound reason, however, in 
view of an action noun like Lat. im-pet-u- 'onset' to refuse to 
admit *yayaju- 'sacrificium' *danda$ii- 'morsus', cf. Lat. vo- 
laticus 'flying': volatu-s 'flight'. 

5) The Vedic hapax isu-dhya (RV. 1. 122. 1). 

21. Ludwig and Griffith take as instrumental ('mit dem 
Verlangen'; 'with prayer'). The nominative may have ended 
in dhis dhl or dhyci. I take the word as a tautological 
compound of *?>M- 'petens' (or 'petitio') + -dhi- (-dhyd-) 'pre- 
catio'. The cognate Avestan verb iZuidyamahi = 'supplicamus', 
with the generalized sense of 'veneramur'. The Avestan noun 
is isud- 'demand; petitum 7 . 

6) Vedic madri'k madri'-ak 'me adversus'. 

22. Grassmann (Wbch. 159) has collected the curious group 
of words in -dri-anc-, to-wit: asmadri'ac- <jkvadri'ac-> madri'ac- 
viQvadri'ac-. This formation seems not yet to have been ex- 
plained, though the essential combination was made by Joh. 
Schmidt (ap. Brugmann, Gr. 2. 1. 86, anm.) when he ex- 
plained the -n of sa-dr'n 'quoquoversus' (L e. semper idem) by 
analogy of pratya'n; cf. vicva'tali p. 'nach alien seiten hinge- 
wandt' with v. su'pratlkah sad'rii (RV. 1. 94. 7) == 'good coun- 
tenance alike on every side'. I take madri'k as for *madrk, 
identifying -drk with -Spa[x] in 6::6-Spa, original sense 'suspicions', 
cf. suar-dr'k 'looking at (or like) the sun'. Note that the modern 
Hindu pronunciation of r is ri. In the prius of madri'k we 
may have ma = \LZ or ma(d), the apparent stem of the 1st 
person pronoun in Sanskrit. Note the difference of meaning 
between tvadri'k 'facing thee' and post Vedic tvadrk 'like 
thee'. Upon these forms in -drk / -dri'k the adverbial group 
in -aTic 'versus' played, resulting in -dry'ak as an adverbial 
neuter. For the intrusion of y, cf. sam<y>-a'nc- and fern, udlc 
(* udOfianc-), with <y>, it would appear, from pratya'nc (which 
perhaps had a prehistoric byform *pratanc-'). In RV. we find 
madryadrik,correcte& (without comment) inPW. 2 to madryadfk. 
Can this be a combination of -drya[k]-dri'k? 

23. In the consideration of the problem offered by madri'k 
we may ask whether there was original gradation in the flexion 
of the posterius, 'i. e. nom. *-drak (k for t by dissimilation from 

Info-Iranian Word- Studies. 339 

the previous d, cf. Class. Quart, 8, 53, on rtvi'k), gen. *-dr$as. 
For *-drak note fut. dra'ksyati, aor. adrdk 'vidit', nom. ag. 
drastf-. Original *madrak were more liable to analogy from 
praty'ak than *madr'k, perhaps. But the final form of madri'ak 
k ad me versus 7 may have been suggested by sadhri'ak (AJPh. 
35, 253) 'ad unum locum versus'. [Of. dhrk for dhrt.] 

1) The pair duryona- durona'-. 

24. In the eyes of most linguistic scholars, I suppose, the 
chief value of etymology lies in its contributions either to 
phonetics or to morphology. I find it chiefly valuable for 
verbal interpretation. But the values are indivisible, after all, 
as may be seen from the study of the pair durona- and 
duryona'-. The genesis of the former I cannot explain mor- 
phologically 1 , whereas duryona- lends itself to easy analysis 
as a compound, viz. from dur- 'door' (? or dus- 'ill', see below) 
+ yoria- 'domus, locus', originally quasi 'iunctum': yu- (which 
brings us to the "wattled" house again). Cf. Av. yaona- 1) 'statt, 
statte'; 2) 'heimstatte, heimat'; Skr. yonis 1) 'schoss vulva* 
(i. e. locus 'iunctionis*. cf. Lat. loci muliebres, ap. Varro, L. L. 
5. 15); 2) 'heimat, haus, lager, nest, stall' noting our Ameri- 
can slang word joint's, low resort'. The period at which a 
term like 'door-house' (duryona-) came into being was the 
time when such a house was supplanting an older type. For 
hut-urns with indicated porticoes (for a door-house would have 
been a house with a portico) see the Italian finds discussed 
and pictured by Montelius in Mannus, 2. 24. 

25. A merely casual glance at the RV. usage of durona' - 
(common) and duryona- (3) would make one suppose that 
the rarer form was the secondary; and it would lie near to 
guess that duryona is durona'', blended with the not in- 
frequent synonym du'rya-. But a study of the usage will 
perhaps reveal that durona- was derived from, though it 
almost entirely supplanted, duryona-. I am not going, lest I 
provoke the smile interaugural, to suggest that, in the hapax 
durona-yu'- 'domi-peta', the succession yona-yu- was dissimil- 

i The explanation retained by Brugmann, Gr. 2. 2, 171 was very prop- 
erly rejected by Uhlenbeck. Wbch, s. v. In da'mu-nas- 'hausgenosse' -nas- 
is a grade form of the root of vaisi 'dwells' (pace Brugmann, ibid.). On 
the contrary, in words like vicinus -no-, felt as a suffix, has replaced 
-nos-, a posterius of composition (see Fay, AJPh, 33, 369). 

340 Edwin W. Fay, 

ated to -[yjonayu-. Instead, let us look first at the usage of 
durona. We find -durona'm 4 times, always at the end of a 
pada; loc. durone', 19 times at end of a pada; 3 times before 
consonants, not at the end (3. 18, 5; 4. 28. 3; 6. 12. 11), and 
a 4th time (3. 1. 18, helow), hefore a vowel. At the end of a 
pada before vowels we find durona' / imam (5. 4. 5); durone fa' 
(10. 120. 7); durone' \ (a)gnir (7. 7. 4), but in the interior of a 
pada, durone' amfto (3. 1. 18) with violation of samdhi, i. e. 
e a-, in both cases. The remaining examples are of the com- 
bination durone, followed by the preposition a (once in the 
samhita text an, with anunasika, see Wackernagel, Gram. 1, 
259, b, P), i. e. durona a 'domum apud', 3 (4) times at the 
end of a pada (7. 16. 8 /a'ffj; 8. 19, 27; 8. 87. 2 = 10. 40. 13), 
and 1 time (4. 24. 8), not at the end. The conclusion I draw 
is that the original combination in this locative phrase was 
*duryona y a with dissimilative loss of the first y. The syllable 
succession durona y \ a, (w_w*) was rhythmically apt for iambic 
clausulae (jagatl, anustubh), and carried along with it dur[y]one 
in trochaic clausulae (tristubh). 

26. Of duryone (3 times only) the usage is as follows: ni' 
duryone ku'yavacam mrdhi gret (1. 174. 4, Arnold's A period); 
ni' duryone avrndn mrdhra'vacas (5, 29, 10, repeated in the 
singular vacam in 5, 32, 2, both of later date). The 2d pair 
of examples looks to be a mere broidery pieced out from the 
first: cf. [ku'ya-Jvacam mrdlii with mrdhravdcam, the whole 
general sense of the padas being the same, an imprecation 
against the evil speakers. Thus ku'ya-vdcam, (nom. pr.) is 
haplogic for ku'yava- 1 'bad-harvest' + vac- 'speaking', naming 
a conjurer that spoke words bringing a bad harvest. It is 
not without significance that durt/ona'- is genuinely preserved 
only in an ancient verse reciting the downthrow of this evil 
spirit of the harvest. Elsewhere, it has yielded before the 
dissimilated locative turn dur[y]on(i y a 'domum-apud', whence 
durone' 'domi'. If, as I have suggested, a very special anti- 
quity adheres in 1. 174, 4, then dur-yona- into which the im- 
precationfor ni' . . . . cret 'deiecit' involves the imprecation 
'deiciat' would thrust ku'yavac- may originally have signified 

1 The old connection of yava- 'getreide' with yu- 'bindeir seems com- 
pletely vindicated by ku'-yava- = 'mis-ernte'. In Homer, Cetai is 'fodder', 
i. e. the 'bundles' of grain, cf. ya'vya-s 'gerstenvorrath, fruchtvorrath'. 

Indo- Iranian Word- Studies. 341 

an ill sort of house (dus- 'male' -so Sayana), a hole, or pit. 
But later, this force of dur- seems to have vanished. 

8) The abstract suffix -td- -td(ti)-. 

27. In the first volume of Kuhn's Zeitschrift p. 162 Auf- 
recht noted that the Hindu scholiasts explained words in -tati- 
as compounds, deriving -tdt(i)- from the root tan ('to stretch'). 
On finding this explanation my immediate reaction was the 
prompt protest of hostile surprise; and certainly the appli- 
cations cited by Aufrecht seemed unattractive. But the sug- 
gestion kept active in my mind till I began to realize that it 
might have a value not brought out by the Hindu scholiasts. 
On the merely formal side a noun or verb-root td : the root 
tan- has plenty of analogies, in and out of Sanskrit, cf. Mac- 
donn ell's Vedic Grammar 368-369, noting dta- 'frame'. 
Macdonnell p. 249 5 notes hhd : khan, gd : gam, jd \jan sd'.san, 
omitting drd : dram, td : tan and bhd 'appearing' :*bhan (cpaivto). 
In -tati- we seem further to have a -ti derivative from -td- 
'stretching; strecke'. 

28. Now I need no reminding that -td- and -tdti- must have 
been started on their widely productive career as abstract 
suffixes before the upbreak of the IE period; but in Indo- 
Iranian, where the range of meaning is wide, the examples 
are few. By good fortune one of the Avestan examples shows 
tmesis of -tdti-, and Jackson (Av. Gram. 842) cites the 
example in proof of "the independent origin" of the suffix. 
The example is yavdeca tdite = something like 'diuturnoque 
extension! ' (for eternity, forever); but more often we have 
yavaetdtaeca = 'diuturnitatique'. How Bartholomae avoids the 
explanation by tmesis may be gathered from his lexicon. But 
the particular example in which the tmesis appears is the 
example above all others which best justifies the definition of 
tdti- by 'extensio, strecke'. The only common Indo-Iranian 
examples seem to lie in upara-tdt- 'supremacy' and in Av. 
haurva-tdt- : Skr. sarva'-tat- 'completeness', in both of which 
the local sense of 'extension' may still be realized. Temporal 
extension is indicated by Skr. -tana-: Lat. -tino-, in the type 
of compounds represented by adya-tana- 'hodiernus' diu-tinus 
'longe extensus', with posterius also from ten- 'to stretch'. 

29. The typical IE usage of -td- 'strecke' may be traced in 
the pair pio; 'life', but PIO-TTJ (secondary pioios) 'lebens-strecke' 

342 Edwin W. Fay, 

Lat. vi(vi}td (in vita = per totam vitam), Lith. gyvata (connot- 
ing the life everlasting). Like examples are found in Lat. 
ae[vi]-tas vetustas tempestas aestas (with -tati-)\ and senec-ta 
iuven-ta (with id-). Both space and time extension are denoted 
by Lat. longinquitas, cf. Skr. dirgliata-: OBul. dlugota 'longi- 

30. The chief objection raised by Aufrecht to the explana- 
tion offered by the Hindu scholiasts lay against the appeal, in 
their definition of some of the -tail- compounds, to a second- 
ary sense of tan, viz, 'bereiten'. But, though foreign to TSIVOJ 
and Lat. tendo, this is the sense we have, approximately, in 
Lat. teneo, which further yielded 'pbssideo' (cf. also Vedic 
tarns- and its cognates ap. Grassmann). This sense we may 
restore to Skr. a-gota 'lack of cows', negative to a not re- 
corded *go-tci quasi 'bovi-tenentia': iroXu-[3ouTY); 'multibovi- 
tenens', cf. vasu'-td and vasu'-tati- 'divitiae' (orig. 'goods- 
holding'); a sense repeated in ga'm-tati- 'fortuna', but adj. 
'beneficent' (from a bahuvrihi = fortunam-habens). Nor is 
satya'-tdti- 'veritas' (orig. sense 'truth-holding') essentially 
different. An apparent abstract like de'va-td 'god-head' may 
have started with the sense of 'divo-tenens' (divum = sky), 
nom. without s as in Latin compounds like ad-vena] cf. also 
the Vedic proper name uga'nd (masc.) and the adverbially 
used nom. sa'cd (RV.) as explained in TAPA, 44, 119, 23. 

31. As an independent monosyllabic word IE ta 'tenens; 
strecke, extensio' cannot be attested. As a monosyllable it 
was exposed to loss, the more exposed to loss as an inde- 
pendent word the more freely it was employed in composition. 
But the compound d-ta' 'frame' we seem to have, see Mac- 
donnell, 1. c. p. 253H, 2556; and the monosyllable tan- 'ex- 
tension, duration, continuity' (advb. tana / tana' 'continue'); 
also tan / tand-m / tana- / ta'nas- 'posterity, child' (cf. Lat. 
tenus 'length') 1 . The dissyllable -tati- 'strecke' seems to have 
been maintained only as a hapax in the Avesta. But, with 
due consideration of analogous formations, IE ta- tdti- 'strecke, 
extensio' seem entirely warranted; and surely the knower of 
English with its abstract suffixes -hood (:OEng. had 'grade, 
rank') and.-s/uj? (:OEng. scieppan 'creare'j cf. also OEng. 

1 The traditional syncretic explanation of Lat. i-tiner ought to be given 
up in favor of the definition 'geh-strecke'. In fact, the itinera were the 
distances, and not the roads, traversed. 

Indo-lranian Word- Studies. 343 

treow-rceden 'fidelity' (irceden ' state, condition'), OEng. sorg- 
stafas 'sorrow' (-stafas plur. of stcef 'stick') cannot refuse on 
methodic grounds to consider the evidence offered for the 
contention that IE. -td- -tati- originally signified 'stretch, 

32. Brugmann has included in his group of words in -td 
(Gr. 2. 1. 309) much that belongs elsewhere; e.g. the milit- 
ary terms like doTri-oiai (from *doTii-[ai]-oiai 'in scutis stantes'). 
xopo[ai]-orai etc. (see Fay, AJPh. 34. 41). Possibly a rival 
confix -sthd-ti- 'state, condition' lies perdu behind Lat. liber[s]- 
tas etc. But stli could only be proved by Sanskrit, in which 
no trace has been left. In Lith. gyvastls = gyvata I would 
see IE -sihis 'state 7 , but know full well how to discredit the 
evidence of the -s-, 

9) The Sanskrit Periphrastic Future in Latin. 

33. In Vedic prose the paradigm ddid'smi. 'daturus sum', 
data si 'daturus es' data' (lit. dator) 'daturus' (sc. est) is well 
known. As I have elsewhere noted, OLat. auctor sum es est, 
barring the time note and the regular ellipsis of 'est', are 
precisely like the Sanskrit future. A complete correspondent 
including the time note and the ellipses of est, may however 
have been preserved in Paulus-Festus (p. 166, 29, Lindsay): 

nancitor in XII (inc. 1) nactus erit, praenderit. item in foedere Latino 
"pecuniam quis nancitor, habeto" et; "si quid pignoris nanciscitur 
sibi habeto". 

In the antique language of a treaty, if anywhere, we might 
expect the preservation of an archaic, rather than an analogous, 
Latin formation of independent origin. A nancitor like this, 
made on the present stem of OLat. nancio, lies behind the 
"future' 7 imperative of the deponent and passive (see Bull. 
Univ. Texas, no. 263, 88, 92). 

The Assyrian Chronicle. By A. T. OLMSTEAD, Professor 
in the University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 

Of the sources for Assyrian History, none is more valuable 
than the so called Assyrian Chronicle l . For the reign of Shal- 
maneser IV, Ashur dan, Ashur nirari, and Shalraaneser V, 
it is practically our only authority. For that of Adad nirari, 
we must largely rely on it as the brief display inscriptions 
barely mention the most important facts. For the others, it 
fills up that unknown period which is found at the end of each 
reign. Even where we have contemporaneous documents, its 
data cannot be neglected, for it sometimes supplements and 
sometimes corrects. As to the chronology, its mention of the 
eclipse of 763 fixes the whole system of dating, and, with the 

i First published II R. 52; the best edition in the cuneiform is still 
that by Delitzsch, Assyr. Lesestucke*, 92 ff. The material collected up 
to his time is given by G. Smith, Eponym Canon, 42 ff'., but only ia 
English translation. Schrader, Keilinschr. Bibl. I, 208 ff., gives a trans- 
literation and translation which are still useful. The fragments 82-5-22, 
526, and Rm. 2, 97, are given by Bezold in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. VII, 
286 f. and plates. They are reproduced in transliteration and translation 
by Winckler, Keilinschr. Bibl. Ill, 2, 142 ff., but the dating is largely 
wrong. This was corrected by Olmstead for the reign of Sargon, Sargon, 
15 ff., and a reconstruction attempted. This discussion, like others of a 
similar nature in the book, seems never to have been utilized by later 
writers, perhaps because the results were not incorporated in a regular 
edition. It is for this reason that in the present paper the reconstructed 
document is presented. It makes no claims to being a complete edition, 
its purpose is merely the making clear of the changes which ensue as a 
result of the study, but, until an up to date edition of the cuneiform text 
i* available, it is hoped that in this way too it will be found worth while. 
Mention should also be made of the important translations by Sayce, 
Records of Past 2 , II, 120 ff. and by Barta, in Harper, Assyr. Bab. Lite- 
rature, 209 ff. Since the original paper was prepared, a new transliteration 
and translation has been given us by Rogers, Cuneiform Parallels, 226 ff., 
and this has been of much value in checking up results already secured. 

A. T. Olmstead, The Assyrian Chronicle. 345 

aid of the eponym lists *, the lists of the officials who gave 
their name in rotation to the year, it is our one sure clue for 
the chronology of the period. 

Thus it will be seen that the value of this compilation, which, 
in its present form, gives the history from the accession of 
Shalmaneser III to the reign of Sennacherib, has long been 
recognized. At the same time, there has grown up the feeling 
that its value has been entirely utilized, that no further study 
of its dry lists is necessary. No doubt it is to this feeling that 
we owe the fact that no complete edition of its cuneiform text 
is available. The present article will attempt to show that a 
more intensive study will result in the acquisition of facts of 
real importance, and that a reconstruction of the text is often 
possible with consequent additions to our store of knowledge. 
Accordingly, such a restored text will be presented at the 
end of the article. 

The so called Chronicle is really a chronological table in 
three columns. In the first is given the name of the eponym 
for the year. In large part this has been lost, but can be 
easily restored from the data of the eponym list, here utilized 
in the reconstructed text for the period covered by the chro- 
nicle. To the student of nomenclature, this long list is of 
great value, but to the would-be editor of the text, it is of 
equal difficulty, for the exact transliteration of these names 
is still often a matter of uncertainty. Occasionally the name 
itself has an interest, as when the eponym for 855, Abu ina 
eltalli lilbur, "May the father grow old in the palace", shows 
us a courtier inflicting so long a name on his innocent child 
in order to gain favor with the monarch. 

But the names in the first column have little value without 
the second where we have given their office. First comes the 
king, then the turtanu or prime minister, then the other palace 
officials. Last of all come the governors of the provinces, the 
latter indicated by sa, "of", followed by the name of the 
province. This second column is an unworked mine, and a 
main purpose of this paper is to reconstruct a large part of it 
and to indicate what may be gained from its data. 

First of all, we learn much about the careers of these 

i II R. 68 f., Ill R. 1; Delitzsch, op. cit, 87; Schrader, op. cit. t 204ff.; 
Rogers, op. cit, 219 fi'., are the most important publications. 

24 JAOS 34. 

346 A. T. Olmstead, 

governors, for their promotions can be clearly traced. In the 
study of the official inscriptions, we have only the traditional 
presentation of the king, and references to subordinates are 
rare indeed. For the last portion of the Assyrian history, the 
letters enable us to secure a knowledge of the personalities 
behind the mask of the conventional official narrative. But for 
the period covered by the Chronicle, letters are rare or non- 
existent. Fortunately, a close scrutiny of the data here given 
affords us a little more of that sense of personality without 
which history loses much of its human interest. And in so 
doing we sometimes stumble on a bit of real history of great 

For example, take the reign of Shalinaneser III. At the 
beginning, we have the king, turtanu, rob H lub, and nagir 
ekalli in regular order. Then we should expect the other 
officials and the governors, as we find them in other sections. 
Instead, we find a new turtanu, Dan Ashur, and three years 
later a new nagir ekalli, or major domo, Bel bana who still 
holds office 824. On the other hand, Ashur bana usur, the 
rob U lub of 856, still holds this office as late as 826 and 817. 
Evidently we have here the trace of a palace revolution, in 
which at least the turtanu and rob ~bi lub were changed. Nor 
are we without other proof of a revolution at this time. Dan 
Ashur became turtanu in 855, for he holds that office in 854. 
Now for this very year 855, the Monolith, a strictly contem- 
poraneous inscription, dating from the following year, 854, 
gives not a single event. Clearly, then, conditions at home 
were too engrossing to permit a foreign campaign. The fact 
that the Obelisk * does give an expedition against Kashiari for 
855 is no proof against this, rather it furnishes proof of such 
a revolution. The Obelisk dates from 829, a whole generation 
later, and is the latest, and, as I hope to prove in another 
article 2 , the worst authority for the reign. This alone would 
prejudice us in favor of the earlier document and one strictly 
contemporaneous. But it can be shown that the Obelisk, which 
dates from the very year of the revolt of Ashur dan apal, is 
almost a formal apology for the prime minister Dan Ashur. 
For example, all its dates save one are by the year of the 

t Obi. 52 ff. 

2 Assyrian Historiography, soon to be issued as a University of Mis- 
souri Bulletin, 

The Assyrian Clironide. 347 

king. This one is dated by the eponymy of Dan Ashur, and, 
to our amazement is placed in 856 *: Clearly Dan Ashur is 
trying to conceal the fact of 855, and to do so the more se- 
curely, he has padded out the following year with events which 
the Monolith did not know. Still further proof as to the re- 
lation of this document to Dan Ashur is to be found in the 
frequent references to his leading the army. This is generally 
explained as due to the approaching age of the old king. But 
can we assume that a man who was important enough to be- 
come turtanu five years after the accession of his monarch 
could have been much younger? The important fact is not 
the leading of an expedition by another than the king, that 
is not unusual. What is strange is the attribution of all this 
to the general in an official inscription. Clearly the turtanu 
who was powerful enough to falsify the earlier history of the 
reign in his favor and to usurp the glory of a series of cam- 
paigns in an official inscription that was supposed to be for 
the glorification of the monarch alone, must .have been the 
real ruler of the kingdom. And this fits well with subsequent 
events. The Obelisk inscription ends with a fine list of con- 
quests for the year 829. But it ends abruptly, without the 
usual list of building activities and without any glorification 
of the king. And in the Chronicle this same year is marked, 
not by an expedition against any of the lands mentioned in 
the Obelisk, but with the single ominous word "Revolt". And 
the Chronicle gives us also the natural reply of Dan Ashur 
to this revolt. Ashur dan apal had no doubt revolted because 
his father was a figure head under the control of his too 
powerful prime minister. As proof that the king still ruled, 
the next year, 828, Shalmaneser once more appears as eponym. 
Soon after, Shalmaneser died. The revolt continued under his 
son and successor Shamshi Adad, but the cause of it seems 
to have at last disappeared. When the turtanu of the new 
ruler appears in the lists, it is no longer Dan Ashur. It 
would appear that with the death of his nominal master his 
power came to an end, and we may without much difficulty 
conjecture that he met a violent death. 

The place of Dan Ashur was taken by lahalu, who had 
already been governor of Kakzi in 834, while in 825 he had 

Obi. 45 ff 1 . 

348 A. T. Olmstead, 

been apparently the cibarakku. His tenure of office did not 
survive his master's rule, and we have no reason to see in him 
so dominant a personality as Dan Ashur. Aside from the 
turtanu, there seems to have been little change in the personal 
caused by the accession of Shamshi Adad. Bel bana held the 
office of nagir ekalli in 824 as in 851, and it is strange that 
an official who so obviously owed his position to the revolution 
of 855 and who held so intimate a place as major domo of 
the palace should have been allowed to remain under Shamshi 
Adad. Ashur bana usur was rob bi lub from 856 to 817. 
Ninib ila, governor of Salmat in 838, had been advanced to 
that of Ahi Suhina in 802. In all probability, this had taken 
place before 813. for in that year Salmat is under another 
governor. Nish pati Bel, governor of Kalhu in 832, had been 
promoted to that of Nasibina by 816. Nergal ila, who was 
destined to become turtanu under Adad nirari, seems to have 
held his place as governor of Arbaha in both 831 and 818, 
but had been promoted by 812, when he too was supplanted 
by another man. The only other official who seems to have 
survived the death of Shamshi Adad is Bel dan who is nagir 
ekalli in both 821 and 808. Worthy of note is the Bel tarsi 
Nabu who erects the famous Nabu statue in whose inscription 
Sammuramat is mentioned *. 

With the accession of Shalmaneser IV, Shamshi ilu becomes 
turtanu. As he never before is mentioned in the lists, his 
sudden elevation to supreme power is surprising. No less 
surprising is the fact that he held this supreme power under 
the two succeeding rulers as well. All this goes to. prove the 
accession of another dominant personality of the type of Dan 
Ashur. For this reign and its successor this is not so sur- 
prising, for there is reason to believe that these rulers were 
minors for a considerable part if not all of the reign; but it 
is more difficult to see why he should have continued to reign 
under Ashur nirari. At any rate, it is clear enough that he 
was the power behind the throne during the long period from 
781 to 745. How far he was responsible for the growing 
weakness of Assyria and for the ultimate fall of the dynasty 
is an interesting question which we do not have the data to 
answer. But we may note that, at the end of this period, he 

i I R. 35, 2. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 349 

must have been a very old man. Is it possible that it was 
his death which gave the opportunity for the successful revolt 
of Tiglath Pileser? 

As might be expected, continuity of office is characteristic 
of these reigns. Nergal eresh is found in charge of Rasappa 
both in 804 and 775; Ashur bel usur was at Kirruri in 797 
and at Kalhu in 772; Mushallim Ninib held Tille in 793 and 
766; it would seem that Ninib mukin ahi was at Nineveh in 
790 and in 761; Pan Ashur lamur, shaknu in 776, has become 
governor of Arbela in 759, unless the apparent lowering in 
rank means that this is another individual. 

With the successful revolt of Tiglath Pileser, Nabu daninani 
becomes the turtanu, but we may assume that he had little 
of the power of his predecessor. Few of the officials seem to 
have weathered the storm. Adad bel ukin held in 738 the 
same position of shaknu he had in 748, but Bel dan, the rob 
bi lub of 750 has been degraded to the governorship of Kalhu 
in 744 and 734. Under Shalmaneser V, the old order continued 
for three years, and it is only in the fourth that the king is 
eponym. The turtanu 'was Ninib ila, who had been governor 
of Nasibina in 736. We know nothing of the other officials 
of the reign, for before the limmu of the turtanu was com- 
pleted, Sargon was on the throne. 

Sargon did not become eponym before his third full year. 
But his turtanu seems to have held this office the year be- 
fore, for a tablet * gives as turtanu Ashur is who can 

only be the Ashur iska dan of 720. The revolt of Sargon 
brought an entirely new set of officials into office, if we may 
judge from the total absence of old names. For succeeding 
reigns, the letters and business documents give us the positions 
of practically all the eponyms, but, as this is not found in 
the Chronicle, it will not be discussed here. 

But it is not only in the study of the officials that this 
second column is of great importance. Equally valuable is the 
insight it gives us into the provincial government. It will be 
noted that there was a regular cursus: first the king, then 
the turtanu, then the palace officials, and finally the gover- 
nors of the various provinces; and it is on this general con- 
tinuity of order that many of the restorations in the appended 

t K. 998, quoted Johns, Deeds, II, 69. 

350 A. T. Olmstead, 

text are based. It is also of special importance in showing 
the relative rank of the provinces themselves, for, with rare 
exceptions, all the change.s in office of the various governors 
are promotions to some place higher in the list. For example, 
Ashur bel usur, at Kirruri in 797, is in 772 at Kalhu, and 
this immediately precedes Kirruri in 798. 

When we come to study this relative order, a startling fact 
appears. The headship is not taken by Nineveh or Kalhu, the 
two provinces in Assyria proper. Thus Nish pati Bel, in 832 
governor of Kalhu, has by 816 been promoted to Nasibina. 
It may seem strange that a move from Kalhu, already at 
times the real capital of Assyria, to the foreign city of Nisibis, 
should be considered a promotion; but in this very passage 
it is placed before Kalhu, and the same is true of 853, 852, 
seemingly in 816, 815, certainly in 801, 798, in 774, 772, in 
736, 734, in 715, 713; that is, so long as a regular cursus 
was in use. Why Nisibis, of all places, should so head the 
list, is a question we cannot answer. Equally strange is the 
position of Rasappa, the city in the far off North Syrian desert. 
The first time it occurs, 840, there is nothing remarkable 
about its position. But the second, in 804, it heads the list 
while Nisibis, at the head in 853, has now but fourth place. 
Rasappa again heads the list in 775 while Nisibis has been 
partly restored and given second place, and the same is true 
in 747-746, and 737-736. Why two such foreign cities should 
rank before Nineveh and Kalhu, the former of which actually 
appears near the bottom of the list, raises questions which we 
cannot here discuss. 

These lists give us a very good idea of the extent of th 
empire. For the reign of Shalmaneser III, we have given 
Kalhu, Nineveh, and Kakzi in Assyria proper, Ahi Suhina 
from the country just south of the last and on the south east 
boundary toward Babylonia, and Arbaha, Mazamua, Salmat, 
and Kirruri on the mountain frontier on the east and north 
east. Of these. Kirruri and Mazamua certainly date from this 
reign as they were but recently hostile. Nasibina was not far 
away on the north west. Thus we have for this period a 
compact group, centering about Nineveh, and with the frontier 
not far distant. The only exception to this is Rasappa, which 
first appears in 840. It is of course quite possible that other 
provinces were listed in the break which extends from 850 to 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 351 

842 and so would allow possibly nine new ones. But we have 
no provinces to fill the gap. Nor was the cursus so well fixed 
as yet. We have an official breaking the list of governors in 
835, and we even have Ahi Suhina in 839 when it had ap- 
peared but two years before. And when we find Nasibna and 
Kalhu, which had appeared in 853-852, repeated in 833-832, 
the poverty of choice is apparent. 

We thus see that the territory actually incorporated into 
the Assyrian empire at this time was not of very great extent. 
The great period of reorganization seems to have been the 
reign of Adad nirari, whose own inscriptions tell us so little, 
but whose importance is proved by the long list of expeditions 
in our document. The first province seems to have been Amedi 
in 800, though the fact that it was conquered by Ashur nasir 
apal, that there is no mention of it in the records of Shal- 
maneser, and that it was included, even though in the second 
class, in the list of cities which revolted under Ashur dan 
apal, might point to its earlier incorporation into the empire. 
Then comes the group 795-791, which includes Tushhan, Gu- 
zana, Tille, Mehinish, and Isana. Of these, Tille had been 
hostile as late as 817 and Guzana as late as 809, so that 
these at least can be definitely dated to this period. Tushhan 
alone might with some probability be dated earlier, as it al- 
ready seems to have been under the control of Ashur nasir 
apal, but its absence from the Ashur dan apal list seems 
equally strong against its actual incorporation. All thus far 
listed belong to the north west boundary, and Isana is of 
special importance as being 'the first province west of the 
Euphrates. Its addition is no doubt due to the Syrian cam- 
paigns of Adad nirari. A business document shows us that 
Shibaniba was added in 787, Rimusi occurs the next year in 
our document, and Kurban in 784, and the first and third 
occur also in the list of revolted cities. Since we have new 
provinces listed for 787, 786, 784, we should naturally assume 
that the blank should be filled by still another new one and 
that the same would be true of 788. Certain it is that all 
the provinces listed for previous reigns are accounted for in 
this. The blank of 788 is probably to be filled with Arbailu, 
as this follows in the same manner as here Kakzi in 759, and 
is also found in the Ashur dan apal list, while 785 is to be 
filled with the Parnnnna of the same list and which occurs. 

352 A. T. Olmstead, 

in our document in 756. * It is true that in this latter place, 
it follows Kurban instead of preceding it as in 785, and is 
two years before Rimusi instead of following it as in the 
former case; but these new provinces seem not yet to have 
been given a definite order, and the fact that, in the later 
list, 759-754 are all taken by provinces formed not later than 
the reign of Adad nirari seems to place them all together. 
The occurrence of so many of these province names, Nineveh, 
Shibaniba, Parnunna, Kurban, Arbailu, Amedi, in the revolt 
list, is striking, but after all they are but six out of twenty 
seven, so that this list has no necessary connection with the 

During the period of decline of the dynasty, no new names 
seem to have been added. The first trace of another is in 
732, under Tiglath Pileser IV, when Sime, already in the 
revolt list as Shimu, was incorporated, while Lulume is the 
only one proved by our document for the reign of Sargon. 
Under his successors, there were many additional provinces, 
but these must be reserved for a later paper. 

As a result of this part of our study, two facts of great 
importance stand out sharply. One is the small amount of 
territory actually incorporated in the Assyrian territory at a 
date even so late as the time of Shalmaneser III. The dis- 
tinction is thus more sharply than ever made between the 
actual Assyrian country and the buffer states which in but 
small part and at a much later time were incorporated as parts 
of Assyria proper. 

The other fact is that the ' greatest period of provincial 
organization was not, as has been generally assumed by hi- 
storians, the reign of Tiglath Pileser IV, to whom but one 
new province can be definitely assigned, but that of Adad 
nirari, under whom many, perhaps as many as eleven, were 
incorporated. Whether as many as eleven can be attributed 
to him or not, these eleven were made in his period and 
under the dynasty of which he was the last great represen- 
tative. That this must shift the emphasis in Assyrian history 
is obvious, for credit should be as much given to the admi- 
nistrator as to the warrior. But Adad nirari was a warrior 

1 Shamshi Adad Ann. I, 46; the reading Udnunna is also possible. It 
Occurs as eponym as late as 697. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 353 

as well, and so we must look with all the more eagerness to 
the day when the annals which Adad nirari must have com- 
posed to celebrate his many campaigns may be found. 

The third column offers less of novelty, but still well merits 
a closer examination. For the earlier part of the reign of 
Shalmaneser III, we unfortunately have no data, but with 842 
we begin to have traces. In this year we have a sign which 
is probably an error for A a, and so we must restore Dimaxka, 
Damascus, to fit the official inscriptions. For the next two, 
we must restore Que and Qummuhi, as this best fits the data 
of the official inscriptions which give Hamanu and Que re- 
spectively. For 839, we have Danabi, the well known Tunip 
in North Syria, while the official inscription gives Damascus 
and Phoenicia. The year 838, which has Tabal in both the 
Obelisk and our document, shows that Winckler 1 is wrong 
and Barta 2 right in their dating of the fragment; indeed, the 
two agree literally down to 834 where, after the proper ex- 
pedition against Que, the Chronicle adds another line "to 
Que, the great god went forth from Der". It is natural to 
take this as a separate year, but unfortunately, if we do this, 
it throws all the dates, before or after, one year out of the 
way. So the only thing we can do is to assume, reluctant as 
we may be to do so, that here there are two lines for one year, 
supply something like rabute, "nobles", before the "to Que", 
and translate "nobles were sent to Que". If we do this, we 
find 833 attributed to Urarti as the Obelisks, 832 to Unqi, 
the c Amq which was in the Patina of the Obelisk 4 , 831 to 
Ulluba, which was in the Kirhi of the Obelisk *, and 830 to 
Manna, another exact agreement with the same inscription 6 . 
The next six years are marked "revolt" because of that of 
Ashur dan apal. 

The Annals of Shamshi Adad place in his first expedition 
a campaign against Nairi 7 . We know from the same source 8 
that Amedi was one of the revolted cities and so we may 
connect the last year of the revolt according to our document, 
824, with the first campaign of the Annals. For the next 

i L. c. 2 L. c. 3 Qbl. 141 ff. 4 Ibid. U6ft'. 

s Ibid. 156 ff. 

6 Ibid. 159 ff. 

7 Shamsi Adad Ann. II, Iff. 
s Ibid. I, 49. 

354 A. T. Olmstead, 

year we have ri-is. Our natural restoration is Sikris, as we 
have later references to it as an important place on the 
frontier *. This fits well with the second expedition of the 
Annals which is against Nairi 2 . For the next year, 822, we 
have only -a. This we would naturally restore Manna, as the third 
expedition was against that place 3 . But the wide space vacant 
before that sign hardly allows more than one sign to have 
stood in the mutilated portion, so we should rather restore 
Mada, the Medes. The .... shumme I cannot identify. It 
may have been in Babylonia, as the fourth expedition was 
against that country 4 . For the next three lines, we have 
only -e. This may be restored Qarne to correspond with the 
Annals 5 , or Tille to correspond with the following year in 
our document. The Mada of 810 is the Mada of the Kalhu 
inscription of Adad nirari 6 and proves the identity of Mat-a 
with the Medes. The Manna of 808-7 dates the Munna of the 
Kalhu inscription 7 to these years, and the Syrian cities of 
the next four years show that the Hatte and Amurri of the 
same inscription 8 date here. The eli tamtim of 803 shows 
that here is placed the detailed Syrian campaign of the Kalhu 
inscription, adi eli tamtim rdbiti sa sulmu samsi^. It seems a 
general rule that the shorter display inscriptions deal most fully 
with the data of the year in which they are erected, so we may 
date the Kalhu inscription to this time. The fact that tribute 
of the Kaldi kings is later mentioned 10 does not argue to the 
contrary, for our document gives no expedition against Babylon 
during the entire reign, and the position of Sammuramat hints 
at peaceful relations with Babylonia. 

After the loss of the Kalhu inscription, we are entirely 
dependent on the chronicle for the history of the next half 
century, and so little new can be hoped for. The frequent 

1 Cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 121; years 823-819 are omitted by Winckler, 
Barta. and Rogers. 

2 Shamshi Adad Ann. II, 16 ff. 
' Ibid. 34 ff. 

* Ibid. Ill, 70 ff. 
> Ibid. IV, 9. 
e Kalhu 7. 
7 Ibid. 8. 

3 Ibid. 11. 
o Ibid. 13. 

'o Ibid. 22. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 355 

expeditions against Urartu have often been noted and con- 
nected with the sudden rise into prominence of that country. 
Yet even as late as 773, an expedition could be made against 
so distant a place as Damascus. Then came the pest, no doubt 
the cause of the "in the land" of the next year. The revolts, 
beginning in the oldest capital, Ashur, at the time of the 
famous eclipse of 763, and then extending to the provinces, 
can only point to a disputed succession. It is interesting to 
note that the final fighting took place in Guzaria, which 
reminds us of how the decisive battle after the death of Sen- 
nacherib took place in the not far distant Hani rabbat *. This 
final defeat of the rebels resulted in the "peace in the land" 
and also in the "in the land" of utter exhaustion of the next 
two years. 

Then come, in 755-4, expeditions against North Syria, Ha- 
tarika and Arpad. As we later find Tiglath Pileser forced to 
fight Sardurish of Haldia (Urartu) in the latter city 2 , it is 
not too far a conjecture th'at the presence of an Assyrian 
army in this region was a last attempt to save North Syria 
and the Isana province from that ruler or from his predecessor 
Argishtish. It is clear that the power of Haldia was on the 
constant increase, even if expeditions against it are no longer 
chronicled in our document. 

It would seem as if ill success here led to the downfall of 
Ashur dan. His successor Ashur nirari is not his son and 
he ascended the throne the very year of the Arpad expedition. 
After Arpad, our chronicle adds the enigmatic expression 
M from(?) the city of Ashur the return". Are we to connect 
this with the fact that Ashur was concerned with the earlier 
rebellion and to assume that it shows Ashur nirari a usurper? 
If so, how are we to square this with the fact that Shamshi 
ilu was still turtanu under Ashur nirari? The puzzle must be 
left unsolved with our present knowledge. 

The constant "in the land" of this reign points to utter 
exhaustion. The fact that there are expeditions against Namri 
does not contradict this, for they are nothing more than 
attempts to beat back the tribes on the mountain boundary 
to the east. The revolt which finally put an end to the dynasty 
began in Kalhu, formerly its most staunch defender. 

t Esarhaddon, Broken Prism I, 18. 
2 Tiglath Pileser IV, Ann. 91. 

356 A. T. Olmstead, 

The data in our chronicle bearing on the reign of Tiglath 
Pileser have been discussed in detail by Host in his edition 
of the inscriptions of that monarch *. Without it, the sadly 
mutilated Annals could hardly have been arranged in chrono- 
logical order. A serious difficulty is found under 743, where 
our document gives "in Arpad". Rost 2 seeks to obviate this 
by reading ana, "against", but an error from a common to 
a less common reading is hardly likely. And this emendation 
does not remove the real difficulty, which is topographical. 
The data in the Annals make it clear that Tiglath Pileser 
had not crossed the Euphrates before his great battle with 
Sardurish. The error of the compiler may have been due to 
the ina kabal Arpadda of Annals 91, though this obviously 
refers to 741. The data for the next year must be found in 
the Annals in the badly mutilated lines 74-82, where the 
place-names are still clearly east of the Euphrates. The "after 
three years captured" of 741 seems at first sight strange in 
view of the fact that the next year still gives an expedition 
against Arpad, but this is really the expedition against Unqi 
and the south of the Annals 3 . For 739, "against Ulluba", the 
only reference in the Annals is the casual remark that the 
king settled captives in that land 4 . The display inscriptions 5 , 
however, tell of the conquest of Ulluba and Kirhu and the 
foundation of the city Ashur iqisha with which Host 6 rightly 
compares the "fortress founded" of our text. The only refe- 
rences to Nal, given under 736, in the slab inscriptions 7 , are 
clearly to be connected with the Ulluba campaign of 739 of 
which this is obviously the continuation. There is no part of 
the Annals to correspond to this, as all the data in 177ff. 
refer to the Urartu campaign of 735. It would appear tbat 
we must take the Pilishta of 734 as Palestine and not as the 
land of the Philistines, for strategical considerations are op- 
posed to an expedition against them before the ones against 

1 Host, Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat- Pileser s; cf. Anspacher, Tiglath 

2 Op. cit, xii, n. 2. 

3 Ann. 92 ff. 
* Ibid. 133. 

s Slab I, 28; II, 41; Clay I, 43. 

e L. c 

7 Slab I, 28; II, 41. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 357 

Damascus the two following years, and moreover we cannot 
discover in the Annals anything but a Damascus expedition 
after that against Urartu. Sapia, the land attacked in 731, 
is not in the Annals, so we may with much probability date 
that document to the preceding year, 732. On the other hand, 
the Clay Inscription J deals most fully with the events of the 
year, and accordingly its composition may be dated imme- 
diately after. The "in the land" of 730 naturally is to be attri- 
buted to the settlement of Babylon and as* naturally leads the 
next year to the "seizing the hands of Bel". When the Ba- 
bylonian Chronicle 2 and the king lists 3 date the accession of 
Tiglath Pileser to the Babylonian throne to 728, they are 
merely postdating. Whether the beginning of the second 
statement under 728 is to be restored as "Tyre . . ." may be 
left an open question. 

It has already been pointed out that the city attacked in 
727 must be assigned to the reign of Tiglath Pileser, as it is 
placed before the accession of Shalmaneser in our document, 
and we know that he reached the throne late in the year. 
The mutilated place name here must be restored as ' Da- 
mascus" 4 . The "in the land" of the next year seems to point 
to some sort of internal troubles. The curious triangular 
agreement on the basis of which Samaria is to be restored in 
the blanks for the next three years has long ago been pointed 

For the reign of Sargon, we have the data given in the 
fragment Rm. 2, 97, this part of which has already been dis- 
cussed by the present writer in his Sargon 6 . For the actual 
process of reconstruction and especially for the dating of the 
lines by the traces of the cities governed by the eponyms, 
reference must be made to this work. Here, only the data of 
interest for the document as a whole will be considered. 
Agreements with the official annals, at least with the later 
form of it which has alone come down to us with a fair de- 

1 II R. 67. 

2 Bab. Chron. I, 19 if. 

3 Cf. Schrader, Keilschr. Bibl. II, 290. 

4 The Di, omitted by later editors, was evidently clear in the time of 
Smith, Trans. Soc. Blbl. Arch. II, 321 ff. 

5 Olmstead, Amer. Jour. Sem. Lang. 1905, 179 ff. 
Sargon, 15, n. 45. 

358 A. T. Olmstead, 

gree of completeness, are not so frequent as in other reigns. 
For example, the Manna reference under 718 is given under 
716 in the Annals 1 , but this account on the face of it covers 
more than one year. The "governors appointed" of 717 may 
refer either to the settlement of Carchemish 2 or of Manna 3 . 
The next year has a reference to Musasir and then to Haldia, 
but as the latter has no determinative, it is left open to doubt 
whether it is the god of that name, or a unique occurrence 
of the native nanle of the land which the Assyrians called 
Urartu. Another expedition against Musasir is listed under 
713. "The nobles in the land of Ellipa" seems a reference to 
the events of Annals 83 ff. Although the Annals has an ex- 
pedition for each year, our document under 712 has "in the 
land", and this alone would make us doubt the accuracy of 
our official annals. With 711, "against Markasa", we have for 
the first time an exact chronological agreement with our 
Annals 4 , and the two following, "to Bit Zirnaid, the king was 
distant in Kesh", and "Sargon seized the hands of Bel", fit 
in with the respective events of the same years in that docu- 
ment 5 . The first part of 708, "Qummuh captured", agrees 
with the Annals 6 , and dates this part of that document to 
this year, but the second, "a governor established", has no 
parallel. It may refer to Babylonia. "The king returned from 
Babylon", seems to be a reference to his return to meet the 
Cimmerian invasion 7 . "He of Dur lakin went out", and "Dur 
lakin was destroyed" for 706 and 705 must refer to Merodach 
Baladan, but they can hardly be connected with the account 
in Sargon's Annals. Rather do they form the prologue and 
the result of the first expedition of Sennacherib 8 , while "the 
nobles into Karalla" must refer to the- events of his second 
expedition, 9 for the conquered tribes are annexed to the pro- 
vince of Arrapha. 

1 Sargon, Aim. 52 ff. 

2 Ibid. 50. 

3 Ibid. 52 ff. 

4 Ibid. 208 ff. 
s Ibid. 228 ff. 
Ibid. 388 ff. 

7 Of. Olmstead, Sargon, 157. Thureau-Dangin, Huitieme Campagne 
de Sargon, xiv, places the whole set of events referred to in the Urartu 
letters in the time of Rusash. 

8 Bellino 5ff. 9 Ibid. 20 ff. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 359 

There is still another fragment, seemingly fitting the one 
just described but unfortunately the actual text seems never 
to have been published 1. Under 701, our authorities tell us. it 
had "from the land of Halzi"; under 700, there is a reference to 
"Ashur nadin shum, the crown prince", who was later killed 
in Babylonia, and we have also a notice of the building of 
the walls of the palace Qabal ali, a part of Nineveh, of Kalhu, 
and of the city of Dargitu; and Bel shanaia, governor of 
Kurban, is also mentioned. 

In addition to these purely historical facts, there is a certain 
number of references to religious events which show the reli- 
gious leanings of the compiler. These are "the great god went 
to Der", in 815 and 785; the return from that city in 834; 
the "foundations of the temple of Nabu were laid" in 788, 
and seemingly in 722; the resulting "Nabu entered a new 
house" 787 and 721; and the same statements in regard to 
the house of Nergal in 719 and 714. With Winckler 2 , we 
must restore under 704 "the gods of Shumer and Akkad] to 
their houses returned". Perhaps here too belongs the "former" 
of 702. 

These are all the known fragments of the chronological . 
table we call the Assyrian Chronicle. But, before closing this 
article, we must glance for a moment at another document of 
this character, the fragment K. 4446. This is somewhat more 
literary in type and is at times so close to the Babylonian 
Chronicle that one may be used to restore the other 3 . Like 
the Assyrian Chronicle, it has been long known and often 
published or referred to 4 , but, as certain corrections and im- 
provements have never been incorporated, it too will be given 
at the close of the article. As for its translation, this should 
run about as follows: 

708 In the eponymy of Shamash upahhir, governor of 


the nobles to the city of Qummuhi [went . . . 
707 In the eponymy of Sha Ashur dubbu, governor of 
Tushha[n, the king from Babylon] returned. The 

1 K. 10017 used by G-. Smith, Eponym Canon, 55; later identified and 
discussed by Johns, Proc. Soc. BiU. Arch. XXVI, 260 f. 

2 Keilinschr. Bibl., Ill, 2, 147. 

3 Cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 15. 

* K. 4446; II, R. 69, 6; Schrader, op. cit., I, 214f.; Rogers, Parallels, 238. 

360 A. T. Olmstead, 

great gods who were captur[ed to their houses 
returned.] On Tashritu 22, the gods of Dur Shar- 
ruken [to new houses entered?] 
706 In the eponymy of Mutakkil Ashur, governor of Gu- 

zana, the king . . . 

On Aru 6, the city of Dur Sharruken had its 
foundations laid. 

705 In the eponymy of Upahhir Bel, governor of Amedi, 

Against Eshpai the Kulummite 

A hostile king the camp of the king of Assyria [took.] 
On Abu 12, Sennacherib [ascended the throne.] 
704 In the eponymy of Nabu din epush, governor of Ni- 
neveh, .... 

The cities of Larak and Sarabanu [were taken.] 
The palace of the city of Kakzi, which was being 

built, had its foundation laid.] 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 

860 Tab Bel sa Sulman asarid mar Asur nasir apal 

i[na kussi ittusib 

859 Sarru balti(?) nise a[na Hamanu 

858 Sulman asarid war Asur a[na Bit Adini 

857 Asur bel ukin (amelu) turtanu [ana Bit Adini 

856 Asur bana usur (amelu) rab bi lub [ana Bit Adini 
855 Abu ina ekalli lilbur (amelu) nagir ekalli [ina mati? 
854 Dan Asur (amelu) turtanu [ana Hatte 

v V ' L w 

853 Samas abua (amelu) saknu sa [ana Til Abni 

(alu) Nasibna l 

852 Samas bel usur sa (alu) Kalha [ana Kardunias 

851 Bel bana (amelu) nagir .ekalli [ana Kardunias 

850 Hadi lipusu sa (alu) . . . .? [ana Gargamis 

849 Nergal alik pani sa . . . [ana Hatte 

848 Bir Hamana [sa . . . . ana Pakarhubuna 

(End of 82-5-22, 526) 

1 The fact that we here, and here only, have Saknu prefixed to the sa and 
the name of the province seems to point to this being the first reference to 
a governor of a province, in other words, that 860 probably marks the 
real beginning of the document. The form Nasibna here and in 833 
is curious, not so much in view -of the form later used, Nasibina, as of 
the present day form Nislbln. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 


847 Ninib mukin niSe 

846 Ninib nadin Sum 

845 Astir bana 1 

844 Tab Ninib 

843 Taklak ana sarri2 

842 Adad rimani 
841 Bel abua 
840 Sulmu bel lumur 
839 Ninib kibsi usur 

838 Ninib ila 

837 ]Iurdi Asur* 

836 ep sarri 

835 Nergal mudammik 

834 lahalu 

833 Ulula 

832 Nis pati Bel 

831 Nergal ila 

830 Huba 

829 llu mukin ahi 

(V. I- - 1-) 
828 Sulman asarid 
827 Dan Asur 
826 Aur bana usur 

[sa . . . . ana laeti 

[3a . . . . ana Hatte 

[sa . . . . ana Nairi 

[sa . . . . ana Namri 

[sa . . . . ana Hamanu 

(Beginning of Rm. 2, 97) 

[sa . . . . 

[a Ahi SJuhina 

[sa] Rasappa 

[sa Ahi] (naru) Su- 


[sa] Salmats 
[sa Ki]rruri 
[sa N]inua 
abarakku 5 
[sa Kak]zi 
[rabute] ana (matu) 


[sa Nasi]bna 
[sa Kal]hi 
[sa Arbajha 
[sa Mazamu]a 

ana Dima]ka 
a[na Ku]e 
ana(matu) K[umu] hi 
ana (matu) Danabi 

ana (matu) Tabali 
ana (matu) Melidi 
ana (matu) Namri 
ana (matu) Kue 
ana (matu) Kue 
ilu rabu itu (alu) 

Diri ittalka 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Unki 
ana (matu) Ulluba 
ana (matu) Manna 

ar [Asur] sihu 

[(amelu) turtanu] sihu 
[(amelu) rab bi lub] sihu 

1 Is Ashur bana the same as the Ashur bana usur of 856? S. 726 = J. 926 
is dated in the limmu of Ashur ban .... Johns, Deeds, I, 561, dates 846 
and reads Ashur bani ai usur, but this begs the question of identity. 

2 S. 736 places before Ashur ban . . . another eponym Taklak In 

spite of its position, this must refer to 843 as the next earlier Taklak 

is in 888. 

3 Cf. for reading the river Salmat of the letter Em. 2, 3; Olmstead, 
Sargon, 154, n. 29. 

4 We can hardly identify him with the eponym of the same name in 
873 or in 767. 

5 Johns, Deeds, II, 94, is evidently making a slip when he makes Dan 
Ashur a tukultu in 854. 

6 For the titles in 827824 cf. under 854, 856, 834, and 851 respectively. 

25 JAOS 34. 


A. T. Olmstead, 

825 lahalu 
824 Bel bana 

[(amelu) abarakku s]ihu 
[(amelu nagir ekalli s]ihu 

sar [Asur ana Sikjris 

[(amelu) turtanu ana Mad] a 

[(amelu nagir ekalli ana Jshumme 

[(amelu) abarakku 2 ana Karnje 
[(amelu) saknu ana Karnje 
[sa Arbaha ana Tillje 

(End of Rm. 2, 27; beginning of K. 51) 

817 Asur bana usur [(amelu rab bi lub] 3 ana (matu) Till[e 

[sa Na]sibina ana (matu) Zarate 

[saK]alhi 4 ana(alu) ilu rabu ana (alu) 

823 Sams'! Adad 
822 lahalu 
821 Bel dan' 
820 Mnib upahhir 
819 Samas ila 
818 Nergal ila 

816 Nis pati Bel 
815 Bel balat 

814 Musiknis 
813 Ninib asarid 
812 Samas kumua 


[a KJirruri 
[sa Sajlmats 
[a] Arbaha 

(Beginning of 81-2-4, 187) 
811 Bel kata sabat [sa] Mazamua 

Deri ittalak 
ana (matu) Ahsana 
ana (matu) Kaldi 
ana Babilu 

in a mati 

glO Adad nirari 
809 Nergal ila 
808 Bel dan 

807 Sil Bel 
806 Asur taklak 

ana Mada 

ana (alu)Guzana 

ana (matu) Manna 

[Sar] Asur 
[(amelu) tur]tanu 
[(amelu) nagir]' 


[(amelu) rab]bi lub ana (matu) Manna 
[(amelu)] abarakku ana (matu) Arpadda 

1 The Bel dan of 750, 744, and 734 is a younger and less important 

2 By their order, the eponyms for 820-819 must have been palace of- 
ficials. All are represented but the abarakku and shaknu, so these must 
be the ones required. As the abarakku precedes the shaknu in 806-805, 
this order should be followed here. Comparison of the two groups may 
assist us in restoring the mutilated name in 805. The official here was 
shaknu, the same office we have secured for 819, and as the eponym for 
this year was Shamash ila, we restore this for 805 as the traces very well 
fit this name. It need hardly be pointed out that Shamash ila is not the 
same person as Shamshi ilu. 

3 F or the office, of. 856. 

4 Sayce, ad loc., restores [turtajnu, but this fits neither the traces nor 
the order. The sign gu seems an obvious error in copying. The easiest 
restoration would be K]alh[i on the basis of 832, though we must admit 
the possibility of Amedi which likewise follows Nasibina in 800. 

5 Barta, ad loc., reads turtanu, which agrees with neither traces nor 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 


805 Samas 
804 Nergal ores' 
803 Asur balti nisV 

802 Ninib ila 

801 Sep IStar 

800 Marduk Simani 

799 Mutakkil Marduk 

798 Bel tarsi Nabu 

797 Aur bel usur 

796 Marduk Saduni 

795 Kin abua 

794 Mannu ki (matu) 

Asur 2 

793 MuSallim Ninib 
792 Bel ikisani 
791 Sep Samas 
790 Ninib mukin ahi 
789 Adad muammir 
788 Sil Istar 

[(amelu) a]knu 
[a R]asappa 
[Sa (a]lu) Arbaha 

a (alu) Ahi (naru) 


a (alu) Nasibina 
sa (alu) Amedi 
(amelu) rab Sake 
sa (alu) Kalhi 
a (matu) Kirruri 
sa (alu) Salmat 
a (matu) Tushan 
sa (alu) Guzana 

sa (alu) Tille 3 
sa (alu) Mehinis 
sa (alu) Isana 
sa (alu) Ninua 
a (alu) Kakzi 4 
sa (alu) A[rbailu]s 

ana (alu) Hazazi 
ana (alu) Ba c li 
ana eli tamtim mu- 

ana (alu) HubuSkia 

ana Mada 
ana Mada 
ana (matu) Lusia 
ana (matu) Namri 
ana (alu) Mansuate 
ana (alu) Deri 
ana (alu) Deri 
ana Mada 

ana Mada 
ana (matu) Itua 
ana Mada 
ana Mada 
(ussu sa bet Nabu 
sa Nin)ua karru 

1 For restoration of name of eponym, cf. p. 362 n. 2. 

2 K. 3042 = J. 1077 from the time of Sargon, refers to the limmu of 
Mannu ki Ashur, in the time of Adad nirari, VIII, 10; K. 2655, Smith, 
Canon, 81, and K. 310 = J. 651 are dated in his year. 

3 The insertion of Guzana in the list, between Tushhan and Tille, seems 
to have been based on topographical considerations, if Tille is really the 
Til at the junction of the eastern and western Tigris. 

4 The section 789-785 is based on K. 51, supplemented in 788 by 81-2-4, 
187, the portion in parenthesis. So far as preserved, the two agree ex- 
actly as regards the events, but differ in the dating. The error in 81-2-4, 
187 can easily be explained. The initial error took place when the scribe 
started to put down the line for 785, which began with the name of 
Marduk shar usur, but when he began to write the second section, his 
eye wandered to the very similar Nabu shar usur of the next line and 
so he completed the line with the second and third parts of 784. Nabu 
shar usur was then given 787, displacing Balatu, and the loss of 785 
forced the scribe to antedate by a year all the events to 789. The eponym 
list Rm. 580, quoted by Bezold, ad foe., follows 81-2-4, 187, in giving 
Nabu shar usur for 787, an interesting proof of interdependence. 

5 The reading is by no means certain as only two horizontal hastae 
remain. These might be remains of the sign Ar, and Arbaha was at first 
considered. But in 759 Arbailu comes after Ninua and Kakzi as here 
and so this is made almost certain. 


787 Balatu 

786 Adad uballit 
785 Marduk ar usur 

784 Nabu sar usur 
783 Ninib nasir 
782 Nabu li c 

781 Sulman asarid 

780 Samsi ilu 

779 Marduk rimani 

778 Bel lisir 

777 Nabu isid ukin 

776 Pan Asur lamur 

775 Nergal eres 

774 Istar dun* 

772 Asur bel usur 3 

771 Asur dan 
770 Samsi ilu 
769 Bel ila 
768 Aplia 
767 Kurdi Asur 

766 Musallim Ninib 
765 Ninib mukin nie 

764 Sidki ilu 
763 Bur Sagale 

L. T. Olmstead, 
sa (alu) [Sibaniba] 

a (a[lu) Ri]musi 
sa [Parnunna] 

sa [Kurb]an 
[a Mazjamua 
s[a Nasibjina 

[sar A]ur 
[(amelu) turtjanu 
[(amelu) rab b]i lub 
[(amelu) nagir ejkalli 
[(amelu)] abarakku 
[(amelu) sak]nu 
[sa fi]asappa 
[sa Nasijbina 

773 Mannu ki Adad [a Sajlmat 

[a Kal]hi 

sar [Asur] (ki) 
[(amelu) turt]anu 
a (alu) Arbaha 
sa (alu) [Ma]zamua 
sa (a[lu) Ahi] (naru) 


sa (a[lu)] Tille 
[sa] (matu) Kirruri 

[a] (matu) Tushan 
[]a (alu) G-uzana 

ana Mada Nabu ana 

bet essi etarab 
ana (matu) Ki[s](ki) 
ana Hubuskia ilu 

rabu ana (alu) Deri 


ana (matu) Itu' 
ana (matu) Itu c 

ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Itu c 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Erini 
ana (matu) Urarti 

(matu) Namri 
ana (alu) Dimaska 

ana (alu) Hatarika 

ana (alu) Gananati 
aua (alu) Marrat 
ana (matu) Itu c 
ina mati 
ana (matu) Gananati 

ana Mada 

ana (matu) Hatarika 

ina mati 

sibu ina (alu) Asur 
ina Simanu samsu 

atala istakan 

1 The reading Balatu is proved by K. 2829 = J. 653, dated in the 
limmu of Bal]atu of (a]lu) Shibaniba, a welcome restoration of our text. 

2 Identification with the Ishtar duri of 714 is not probable. 

3 Bezold, Catalogue, ad K. 290 et ah, ascribes a number of documents 
dated in the limmu of Ashur bel usur, to 773 (sic), but Johns, Deeds, I, 
561, rightly dates them to 695. 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 


762 Tab Bel 

761 Kabu mukin ahi 

760 Lakipu 

759 Pan Aur lamur 

758 Bel taklak 

757 Ninib iddinna 
756 Bel Sadua 
755 Ikisu 

754 Ninib sezibani 

753 Asur nirari 

752 Samsi ilu 

751 Marduk sallimani 

750 Bel dan 2 
749 Samas ken dugul 
748 Ad ad bel ukin^ 
747 Sin sallimani 4 
746 Nergal nasir 

[s]a (alu) Amedi 
[S]a (alu) Ninua 
[g]a (alu) Kakzi 
[a] (alu) Arbailu 

[a (a]lu) Isana 

[a (a]lu) Kurban 
[sa] Parnunna 
[sa] MehiniS 

[sa] Rimusi 

sihu ina (alu) ASur 
sihu ina (alu)Guzana 

ana (alu) Guzana 

sulmu ina mati 
ina mati 
ina mati 
ana (matu) * Hata- 


ana (matu) Arpadda 
itu (alu) Aur 


[sar] Asur ina mati 

[(amelu) turjtanu ina mati 

[(amelu) nagir] ina mati 


[(amelu) ra]b bi lub ina mati 

[(amelu)] abarakku ana (matu) Namri 

[(amelu)] saknu ana (matu) Namri 

[sa] Rasappa ina mati 

[sa (a]lu) Nasibina sihu ina (alu) Kalhi 

(End of 81-2-4, 187) 

745 Nabu bel usur [sa] (alu) Arbaha ina Aru XIII 

Tukul]ti apal eSarra ina kussi 
ina Tasri]tu ana birit nari ittalak 

(V. I- ) 

744 Bel dan [a] (alu) Kalhi 
(V. l. _ ) 

743 Tukulti apal esarra [a]r Aur 

ana (matu) Namri 

ina (alu) Arpadda 
diktam a (matu) 
Urarti dikat 

1 Here and in the next line K. 3403 (alu) for (matu). 

2 Bel dan appears in K. 6069, according to Johns, Deeds, I, 562. 

3 There is a variant reading 1 , Ashur bel ukin, but the Adad bel ukin 
of 738 proves this correct. 

4 Sin shallimani occurs in K. 326 = J. 412, and as Sin mushal[Hmani 
in K. 976 = J. 67. 


A. T. Olmstead, 

742 Nabu daninani 1 
741 Bel Harran bel usur 

740 Nabu etirani 
739 Sin taklak 

738 Adad bel ukin 
737 Bel emurani 
736 Ninib ila 
735 Asur sallimani 
734 Bel dan 2 
733 Asur daninani 3 
732 Nabu bel usur 
731 Nergal uballit 

730 Bel ludari* 
729 Naphar ilus 

728 Dur Asur 

(amelu) turtanu 
(amelu) nagir ekalli 

(amelu) rab bi lub 
(amelu) abarakku 

(amelu) saknu 
sa (alu) Rasappa 
sa (alu) Nasibina 
sa (matu) Arbaha 
a (alu) Kalba 
Sa (alu) Mazamua 
sa (alu) Si 1 me 
sa (alu) Abi (naru) 

sa (alu) Tile 
sa (matu) Kirruri 

sa (alu) Tushan 

ana (alu) Arpadda 
ana (alu) ana 

III sanati kasid 
ana (alu) Arpadda 
ana (matu) Ulluba 

(alu) Birtu sabtat 
(alu) Kullani kasid 
ana Mada 
ana sepa (sadu) Nal 
ana (matu) Urarti 
ana (matu) Pilista 
ana (matu) Dimaska 
ana (matu) Dimaska 
ana (alu) Sapia 

ina mati 

sarru kata Bel issa- 

sarru kat Bel issa- 

bat (alu) S[urri? 

727 Bel Harran bel usur sa [Gjuzana 

Sulman aSarid 

726 Marduk bel usur [sa Ame]di 
725 Mabde [a] Ninua 

724 Asur simani 
723 Sulman aSarid 7 

[a Kakjzi 


ana (alu) 6 Di[maska 
ina k[ussi ittuib 
i[na mat! 
ana (matu) 6 [Same- 


an[a Samerina 
a[na Samerina 

(Beginning of Rm. 2, 97) 

1 K. 422 = J. 75 is dated in the limmu of Rabu] daninani tur[tanu] 
tarsi Tukulti apal e[$arra. 

K. 378 = J. 90, limmu Bel dan ina Sanepuriiu; cf. Rm. 2, 19 = J. 415 
where to this is added "governor of Kalhu". 

3 Ashur daninani has the unusual honor of being mentioned in the royal 
inscriptions, Slab. II, 27 ; Clay I, 42, as the governor who led an expedi- 
tion against the Medes, evidently in his character of governor of Mazamua. 

* Bel ludari is eponym in K. 369 = J. 295; K. 384 = J. 1; Rm. 2, 194 
= J. 658. 

5 Naphar ila governor of Kirruri is eponym in Rm. 187 = J. 195. 

So G. Smith, Trans. Soc. Bibl Arch., II, 321 ff. 

7 K. 407 = J. 395 is dated in the limmu of Shalmaneser King of 

The Assyrian Chronicle. 


722 Ninib ila [(amelu) turtanju [uu a bet Nabu 

kar]ru l 
721 Nabu taris [(amelu) nagir Nabu ana bet ei 

ekalli(?) ejtarab 

720 Asur iska dan [(amelu) turtanu 2 ana Tajbala 
(V. 1. ) 

719 Sarrukens 

718 Zer ibni 

717 Tab sar Asur 

716 Tab sil esarra 

715 Taklak ana Bel 
714 Is" tar duri 

713 Asur bani 
712 Sarru emurani 
711 Ninib alik pani 
710 Samas" bel usur 

709 Mannu ki Asur li f [sa TilVje* 

708 Samas upahhir [sa Kirrujri 

707 Sa Asur dubbu [sa Tushjan 
706 Mutakkil Asur 

par Asur uu sa bet Nerjgal 


[(amelu) rab bi lub ana (a]lu) Manna 
[(amelu) abarakku] pihati aknu 
[sa Asur] a (?) di (alu) Musasir 

[a Nasibina] rabute ina (matu) 

[sa Arbaha] Nergal ana be]t essi 


[sa Kalhu ana] (alu) Musasir 

[sa Lulume] ina mati 

[a Sime] ana (alu) Markasa 

[sa Ar Suhina] ana (alu) Bet Zer- 


sarru ina Ke bedi 
Sarruken kata Bel 


(alu) Kumuha kasid 
(amelu) pehu sakin 

705 Upahhir Bel 

<y. i. 

704 Nabu din ipus 

[sa Guza]na 

[s"a Ame]di 
[a Ninua 

arru istu Babili 

sa (alu) Dur lakin 


(alu) Dur lakin nabil 

ilani] anabetatiSunu 

1 Nabu is restored on the basis of 787; for the dating of the events 
on the reverse of Rm. 2, 97, cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 15, n. 45. 

2 Turtanu is restored on the basis of K. 998, quoted Johns, Deeds, 
II, 69. 

3 K. 3781 = J. 767 is dated in the limmu of Sargon. 

4 For the officials, cf. K. 4446 and Olmstead, I. c. 

368 A. T. Olmstead, Tlie Assyrian Chronicle. 

703 Kanuna [sa Kakzi rabutje ina (matu.) 

702 .Nabu li* [sa Arbailu . . . .Jmahra 

K. 4446 

708 limme [Samas upahhir (amelu) sakin (matu) Kirruri 

rabute ana (alu) Kumuhhi .... 

707 limme Sa Asur dubbu (amelu) Sakin (alu) Tuha[n 
issuhra ilani rabuti sallutfe * 
(arah) Tagritu umu XXII (kan) ilani sa (alu) Dur 

706 limme Mutakkil Asur (amelu) sakin (alu) Guzana sarru 


(arah) Aru umu VI (kan) (alu) Dur Sarruken karu 
705 limme Upahhir Bel (amelu) sakin (alu) Amedi 
ina muhhi Espai 2 (amelu) Kulumma 
Sarru 2 nakru madaktam sa ar (matu) Asur .... 
(arah) Abu umu XII Sin ahe erba [ina kussi 

704 limme Nabu din ipus (amelu) sakin (alu) Ninua 

(alu) Larak (alu) Sarabanu 
ekallu sa (alu) Kakzi epes kafru 
rab be ka 

i Of. Olmstead, Sargon, 146. 

5 So on the original according to Delitzsch, Beitr. z. Assyr., I, 615 n.; 
cf. Olmstead, Sargon, 157, n. 44. 

The Sothic Cycle used by the Egyptians. - - By FRANCIS 
A. CuNNiNGHAMj Merchantville, N. J. 

In this paper I present a new solution of a most interesting 
and important problem regarding the use of the Sothic Cycle 
by the ancient Egyptians in dating some of their monuments. 
This solution enables us to arrange the chronology of Egyptian 
history in a much more satisfactory manner than has hereto- 
fore been done and to harmonize the lists of Manetho and the 

It is universally conceded that the Cycle used was a cycle 
determined by the Heliacal Rising of the Dog Star Sirius, 
known to the Greeks as Sothis, on the First of the month 
Thoth of the civil calendar of the Egyptians. If this calendar 
had remained always the same there would be little difficulty 
in arriving at fixed dates in the History of Egypt, but this 
was not the case. The same difficulty presents itself in Ba- 
bylonian History where a 360-day year was in vogue. Using 
as the Egyptians did first a year of 360 days, but later a 
year of 365 days by the addition of -the Epagomenae, a little 
month of five days, they failed to take into account the fraction 
of a day needed to make up the true year, 365 days decimal 
.24239, about eleven minutes longer than the civil year. This 
difference of almost one-quarter of a day gave rise to the 
Sothic Cycle. 

In 1460 Sirius years, 1461 Civil years elapsed. The Sirius 
year was a little longer than the Civil year and practically 
equal to the Julian year, owing to the precessional movement. 
The Rising of Sirius, heliacally, annually, dropped back on 
the Civil year one day in four years. This was called a Te- 
tramene and no date can be given more exactly than within 
four years. The statements on the monuments give the day 
in the Civil year on which the Rising took place. From this 
we can find the number of days from the beginning of the 
Civil year and multiplying by four we get the number of years 

370 Francis A. Cunningham, 

that have elapsed since the beginning of the Sothic Cycle. 
This would be simple enough if the Civil Calendar had always 
remained the same, but that it was changed in order to make 
it agree with the seasons cannot be doubted, as Lockyer 
clearly shows. 

I shall add an additional proof. The latest date arrived 
at, by Dr. Breasted, for the 7th year of Senusert (Usertsen) III, 
1872-76 B. C., is based upon the use of a Cycle calculated 
backwards from 1321 B. C. Julian. This Cycle would begin 
2781 B. C. That it was not in vogue among the Egyptians 
prior to 1321 we have certain knowledge, as will be shown. 
In determining the first use of the Sothic Cycle, lacking mo- 
numental evidence, we should consider what prominent event 
would lend itself pre-eminently as a starting point. In the 
first place we have the annual rise of the River Nile, which 
took place each year at the same time at the Summer Solstice, 
and the observation of the Dog Star Sirius, the Greek Sothis, 
known as the Heliacal Rising of Sothis, occurring exactly at 
the same time each year Julian. 

These would present suitable starting points for calculating 
the lapse of time. How much more suitable would be the 
combination of the three. Now we find that the Heliacal 
Rising of Sothis, the Summer Solstice, and the annual rise of 
the river Nile coincided in the year 3000 B. C. Julian in the 
latitude of Memphis on July 18 Julian, according to Oppolzer. 
I am firmly convinced that the founders of the Monarchy came 
from Babylonia, and brought with them the astronomical know- 
ledge acquired from the Chaldeans, and that the priests be- 
came observers of the heavenly bodies in the Temples of Egypt 
as they had been in Chaldea, and proofs are not wanting to 
substantiate this position. 

Assume, therefore, in the absence of direct evidence that 
the year 3004, to be within the limit of accuracy, was the 
year in which the Heliacal Rising of Sothis took place on the 
First Thoth of the Civil year and hence the beginning of a 
Sothic Cycle. According to my chronology this was about the 
30th year of Menes, whose true name was Ea: Thoth. We 
must now consider how this assumption agrees with the known 
facts derived from the monuments. 

First, we have a notice of the Heliacal Rising of Sothis in 
a papyrus found at Kahun from which we learn that the Rising 

The Sotkic Cycle used l>y the Egyptians. 371 

took place in the seventh year, eighth month, sixteenth day of 
the fourth winter month that is sixteenth of Pharmuthi. Cal- 
culating in the usual way we have 7 (mos.) times 30 equals 
210 days plus 16 equals 226 days. 226 (days) times 4 equals 
904 years from the beginning of the Cycle. 3004 minus 904 
gives us 2100 B. C. as the date sought for. This is the fourth 
year of a tetramene 2103-2100 B. C. Julian. My date for the 
seventh year Usertsen III is 2105. obtained by dead reckoning, 
a result which is marvellously close. The next notice occurs 
in the Papyrus Ebers where it is stated that in the ninth year 
of a certain king, supposed by many to be Ser-Kepher-ra, 
Amenhotep I., by Lieblein to be Beon a Hyksos King, whilst 
I maintain that the proper rendering of the name, which is 
difficult to decipher, should be Uat-Kepher-ra Kames, the 
Heliacal Rising of Sirius took place on the Ninth Day of the 
Eleventh month or the 9th of Epiphi. From this we have 
300412361768 as the date. For many reasons this result 
cannot be correct and we are compelled to suspect that some 
change in the Calendar had taken place. The question is, when 
and by whom was a change made? 

In a notice attached to the Shepherd King Asseth we have 
the statement by Anianus that "this one added the five Epa- 
gomenae to the year". Now we know that they were in use 
long before his time, at least as far back as the beginning of 
the Twelfth dynasty. It indicates, however, that Asseth did 
something to the calendar by adding days to the year. More- 
over, we have another indication preserved by Nigidius Figulus 
regarding the kings after the Hyksos, namely that "each 
Egyptian King on his accession to the throne bound himself by 
oath before the priest of Isis in the temple of Ptah in Memphis 
not to intercalate either days or months, but to retain the 
year of 365 days as established by the Antiqui". My date for 
Asseth is 1744 B. C. Using the Cycle of 3004, the Heliacal 
Rising of Sothis took place in that year, 3004-1744 = 1260 years 
for the elapsed period which, divided by 4 gives us 315 days, 
or in other words, it occurred on the 15th of the llth month, 
or 15th of Epiphi. If, therefore, Asseth undertook to correct 
the civil calendar he would probably start a new cycle. How? 
By making the Heliacal Rising of Sothis begin again as of 
1st of Epiphi, which would practically be adding 15 days to 
the Civil year at that time. 

372 Francis A. Cunningham, 

Taking again the notice of the 9th of Epiphi, we will have 
9 times 4 == 36 years to 1st of Epiphi. Deducting 36 from 
1744 when the change would be made, we will have 1708 B. C. 
as the date of the notice, according to my chronology, taking 
place in the 9th year of Uat-Kepher-ra Kames. 

The next notice confirms this conjecture. An inscription of 
Thothmes III states that the Heliacal Rising of Sothis occurred 
on the 28th of Epiphi. 28 times 4 = 162, the number of 
years since 1st of Epiphi, which gives the date 1632 B. C. 
The tetramene 1635-2 includes the date 1634 B. C., which is 
my date for the 3d year of Thothmes III when a 30-year Sed 
Festival took place, and which was probably the cause of the 
inscription being made. 

The change made by Asseth would create a Cycle calculated 
backwards beginning in 2944 and ending in 1484 B. C., which 
date happens to be the 3d year of Rathotis and also the oc- 
currence of a 30-year Sed Festival. This new Cycle was the 
Cycle used by Meneptah Hotephima son of Rameses II, as 
we shall see. The very name of the King Ra Thoth seems to 
be connected with a new Cycle beginning with the 1st of the 
month Thoth. 

The notice of Meneptah II in his 2nd year states that the 
Heliacal Rising took place on the 29th of Thoth. 29 times 
4 equals 116 years. 1484 minus 116 gives us 1368 B. C. as 
the date. I have strong reasons for suspecting that this date 
should be 1364 B. C., as a 30-year Sed Festival occurred in 
that year. This is extremely close and seems to prove that 
Meneptah made use of a Cycle beginning 1484 B. C. in the 
reign of Rathotis. Taking up the next notice we find that 
another change must have been made in the civil calendar, 
and it is this change that was not taken into account in 
arriving at the date for Usertsen III 1881 B. C. This notice 
is found in the tomb of Rameses VI, where it is stated that 
the Haliacal Rising took place on 1st of Paophi, year of reign 
not given. Comparing this with the notice in Meneptah's 
2nd year we find the dates only two days apart, 29th Thoth 
to 1st Paophi. As each day counts four years in the Cycle, 
we have 8 years as the interval between them. Needless to 
remark, this is clearly impossible. The interval between the 
two dates cannot be less than 150 years. 

What results from this? It shows absolutely that a change 

The Sotliic Cycle used ly the Egyptians. 373 

in the calendar has taken place, and that the notice of Me- 
neptah cannot refer to the same Cycle as that of Rameses VI. 
The latter, doubtless, referred to the Cycle of Censorinus, 
better known as the Era of Menophres beginning 1321 B. C. 
Julian. The Era of Menophres, contrary to the attempts of 
many to identify it with the name of a king, for example, 
with Men-pehti-ra Rameses I., is not named from a king, but 
from a place. In other words, Menophres is the Greek rendering 
of the name of the city of Memphis, Menofer with the usual 
"s" added, and indicates that the Era of Menophres was 
established at Memphis when the Civil Calendar was a second 
time corrected by making the Heliacal Rising in that year, 
1321 B. C., count as of 1st Thoth in the Civil Year, whilst in 
the old Cycle it would fall on the llth of Paophi in the close 
of the reign of Meneptah II, or beginning of the reign of Seti 
Meneptah II. The names of these sovereigns betray a more 
intimate connection with Memphis, where Ptah was worshipped, 
than with Thebes, where Amen ruled supreme. 

The notice of the Heliacal Rising on the 1st of Paophi 
fixes the date 1197 B. C., as the 12th year of Rameses VI. 

The close of the Cycle falls in 139 A. C. During this time 
there are evidences of various changes in the Calendar, but 
as they do not appear to have been generally accepted, we 
may dismiss them for the present. My conclusions are that 
the Cycle used by the Egyptians was a Sothic Cycle beginning 
in 3004 B. C. Julian; that a change was made in the Civil 
Calendar under Asseth, by adding 15 days to the year in 1744; 
and that a second change was made in 1321, when llth of 
Paophi began again as of 1st of Thoth. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. Edited, with 
critical notes, by FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Ph. D., Assistant- 
Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Prefatory. Professor Leroy Carr Barret, of Trinity College, 
Hartford, Connecticut, has for some years been occupied in 
editing the text of the Atharva Veda in the Paippalada re- 
cension. He has alredy publisht Books 1, 2 and 3; see this 
Journal, 26. 197ff., 30. 187ff., and 32. 343ff. At his kind 
suggestion I hav undertaken to help a little in his slow and 
laborious task by editing Book Six. Needless to say, I should 
not hav taken such a step without a suggestion from him. 
And I am indetted to him not only for the initial impulse, 
but also for many helpful hints both as to general method, 
and in regard to troublesome details. Editing the Paippalada 
is a task of very peculiar difficulty (for reasons which Barret 
has fully set forth), and success can be hoped for only within 
certain limits alas, much narrower limits than we should all 
desire. But such success as I may hav attaind is certainly 
greater than it would hav been without Barret's generous 

I hav adhered strictly to the general principles of procedure 
laid down by Barret. To be convinced of their soundness one 
need only try for himself a very little of the work of editing 
this exasperating manuscript. As Barret has made clear, this 
can only be regarded as a preliminary publication; we ar 
still far from being redy for anything like a final edition. It 
has been one of my first aims to present a strictly accurate 
transliteration of the text. This is printed thruout in hevy 
black-faced or Clarendon type, as in Barret's edition of 
Books 2 and 3. 

In one slite point of typografy I hav deviated from Barret's 
custom. He keeps each line of the manuscript distinct in his 

Franklin Edgerton, The Kaslimirian Atharva &c. 375 

transliteration by always beginning a new line of the trans- 
literation at a point where a new line begins in the ms. I 
hav hoped to accomplish the same end, and to indicate at 
the same time (for handy reference to the ms.) the exact line 
on the page which begins at the spot, by putting in the line- 
number in parenthesis. When a new folio or page begins, I 
hav introduced in like manner the number of the folio and 
the letter of the page (a for obverse, b for reverse), with the 
numeral 1 indicating the first line of the page. These in- 
dications of page and line of the ms., being not part of the 
transliteration, ar not in Clarendon type. I trust their meaning 
will be clear to the reader. Thus, hymn 1 begins in folio 90 a, 
line 10; accordingly the first word of its transliteration is 
preceded by (90 a, 10). Where line 11 begins, in the middle 
of the word jyestham, (11) is inserted, and so on down to 
garcate in vs 6, after which comes (90 b, 1), indicating that the 
reverse side of folio 90 begins here. 

In some hymns, where it seemed simpler to indicate the verse 
division in the transliteration itself, I hav done so by intro- 
ducing at the end of a verse its numeral, in parenthesis, and 
preceded by the abbreviation 'vs 7 = verse. This is done, for 
instance, in hymn 3. The use of 4 vs' will distinguish these 
numbers from the numbers of the lines of the ms., and the 
use of ordinary type instead of Clarendon will make it clear 
that they, too, ar introductions of my own, and do not repre- 
sent anything found in the ms. The ms., as a rule, does not 
represent verse-divisions in any way (see below), and when it 
does use a mark of punctuation I hav always preservd the 
same in my transliteration. Let it be borne in mind that the 
Clarendon type represents the literal transliteration of the ms. 

I believ that all my other signs and abbreviations will be 
self-explanatory, especially to one who is alredy familiar with 
Barret's text. Q means Qaunaklya, the vulgate text of the Athar- 
va Veda: P or Ppp means Paippalada: ms. means manuscript: 
z means a period, and a vertical bar a colon. Following Barret's 
custom, I hav represented the jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya 
in my transliteration by s; they ar only used occasionally in. 
the ms. In editing the text I hav substituted h for them, for 
the sake of uniformity. . 

376 Franklin Edgerton, 


The manuscript. This sixth book of the Kashmirian ms. 
begins on folio 90 a, line 9, and ends on folio 97 b, line 17. 
It therefore consists of about 15 72 pages, or a little less than 
8 folios of the manuscript. Nearly every one of these pages 
contains exactly 19 lines; a few hav 20. The ms. is in this 
part complete and undamaged. 

Divisions in the manuscript. Book Six is composed of 

4 anuvakas; anu 3 contains 7 hymns, the others contain 

5 each, making 22 hymns in all. The division of the hymns 
is always clearly and correctly markt in the ms., and in all 
but three cases the number of the hymn in its anuvaka is 
given always correctly. The ms. does not attempt to number 
the hymns consecutivly thruout -the book. 

The stanzas, on the other hand, ar not divided with any 
regularity in the ms., and ar never numberd. Often a mark 
of punctuation, a colon or less often a period (represented in 
the transliteration by and z respectivly), is put at the end 
of a verse as also frequently at the end of a half-verse; but 
these marks ar more often omitted, and sometimes they ar 
wrongly inserted in the middle of a half-verse. In my trans- 
literation I hav strictly followd the ms. in this matter, as in 
others; but in editing the text I hav introduced punctuation 
when it seems to be required, without comment. 

Peculiarities of the text as written. The lack of verse-divi- 
sion in the ms. makes it not infrequently hard to ascertain 
with certainty the end of one verse and the beginning of the 
next. Sometimes failure to observe sandhi, or the use of the 
virama, indicates a verse-end; cf. Barret, JAOS 30. 188 f., 
32. 344. These guides must however be used with great caution. 
The matter is further complicated by 'several peculiarities in 
the method of writing the text. Thus: 

1. When a stanza has occurd previously in the text of the 
Paippalada itself, only the first words ar written, followd by 
4 ity eka'. This practis was first noted by Barret in Book 3 
(JAOS 32. 344). Neither Barret nor I feel certain at present 
as to just what 'ity eka' stands for; Barret suggests possibly 
ity ekarcam ('thus to the extent of one verse') or the like. 
At any rate, it means that the verse is to be supplied in full 
from a previous occurrence in this same text. It occurs three 

The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 377 

times in Book 6, viz.: 7. 5 (where by mistake ity aka is written 
in the ms.), 11. 1 and 22. 20. 

2. "When several consecutiv stanzas contain repetitions of the 
same pada or padas, the text is frequently abbreviated in some 
way. The simplest case is that in which a refrain is carried 
from one stanza to another. The refrain may be omitted al- 
together in the stanzas following the first, without any in- 
dication that it is to be supplied except the sense, which 
seems to require it: so in 5. 2-12 incl., 18. 2-5, 19. 2-8 (supply 
the 5th pada), and probably 14. 2-5. Or, the first word or 
words of the refrain may be written with or without a mark 
of punctuation: so in 6. 6, 17. 3-9 incl., and 19. 5-8 incl. (where 
the beginning of the 3d pada is written). In either case the 
ms. always writes the refrain out in full with the first and 
the last verses where it occurs. 

3. Sometimes when the beginning and the end of juxtaposed 
verses are identical, only some words in the middle being 
different, the text abbreviates by leaving out most of the 
identical portions in all verses after the first, or in all except 
the first and last; only the new parts of the other stanzas, 
with perhaps the adjoining words of the context, ar given. 
This seems to explain the readings found in 12. 9-11 and 15. 6. 

4. Still more confusing is a way the ms. has of occasionally 
jumbling together several verses which are identical thruout 
most of their extent, but hav different beginnings; in such a 
case it is liable to write the initial words of all the verses, 
one after another, and even united by sandhi as if they formd 
a consecutiv passage, following this up with the common 
conclusion. 1 That is, if one verse reads a, b, c, d, the next p, 
b, c, d, the next r, b, c, d, and the next t, b, c, d, the text 
may read thus: a, p, r, t, b, c, d. Examples ar found in 11. 6-8 
and 12. 1-4. 

Hymns and stanzas. Some of these devices of abbreviation 
occasionally cause uncertainty about the verse-division, tho 
they ar in the main easily detected. The state of the ms. is, 
however, such that even when deliberate abbreviation has not 
taken place, it is not always possible to divide the verses with 
certainty. The following figures ar therefore not to be taken 
as absolutely accurate. They show, however, that the normal 

1 Just as at Q 8. 8. 2. see Lanman, Album Kern, 301 f. 

26 JAOS 34. 

378 Franklin Edgerton, 

number of stanzas in the hymns of this book is 9, and that 
when a hymn deviates from the norm it almost always exceeds 
it Only two hymns appear to contain less than 9 stanzas. 
Of these one, No. 18, is uncertain, and should perhaps be red 
with 9 stanzas; the other. No. 21, may perhaps owe its location 
in this book to the fact that it is closely connected with the 
preceding hymn, for both deal with the same subject, and they 
ar found juxtaposed also in Q 19. 
There ar in Book 6 

2 hymns of 6 stanzas, 
9 hymns of 9 stanzas, 

3 hymns of 10 stanzas, 
3 hymns of 11 stanzas, 
1 hymn of 12 stanzas, 
3 hymns of 13 stanzas, 

1 hymn of 25 (?) stanzas, 
making in all 232 stanzas in the 22 hymns of the book. 

New and Old Material. More than half of this material is 
found in Vedic texts alredy published. 9 of the 22 hymns ar 
found practically entire in other places: 2 others ar made up 
of verses found in various previously known sources: 3 others 
contain important sections found in such sources. Only 8 may 
be regarded as practically new, and some of them contain, 
of course, occasional verses or padas found elsewhere. The 
Vedic Concordance now makes it easy to discover the location 
of these materials. When an entire hymn, or a considerable 
section thereof, is found elsewhere, I hav cald attention to the 
fact under the heading of the hymn: where it is a question of 
a single verse I hav refer d to the parallel passage in my 
editorial notes, under the verse in question. Transpositions 
in the order of stanzas I hav not, as a rule, thot it worth 
while to mention; nor hav I undertaken to catalog the numerous 
variant readings found in the parallel passages. All such 
matters can be easily traced with the aid of the Concordance. 

As to the relation of this book to Q, it cannot be said to 
correspond very definitly with any of Q's books, tho it contains 
more material from Q 5 than from any other. Hymns 1 and 2 
of Q 5 ar our 2 and 1 respectivly, and our book reproduces 
more or less closely four other hyms of Q 5. Besides this, it 
contains 1 hymn from Q 2, 1 from Q 4, and 2 from Q 19. It 
contains no material from Q 6. Our first hymn occurs twice 

The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 379 

in Q, once in Book 5, and once in Book 20 in the latter 
place in a form much closer to the RV version of the hymn. 
It is noteworthy that Ppp's version of this hymn is much 
closer to the version found in Q 20 and in RV than to that 
found in Q 5. Besides the hymn just mentiond, two other 
complete hymns of our book and a considerable part of a 
third occur in RV: one of these also occurs in full in KS. 
Part of another of our hymns occurs in KS. and nowhere 
else: still another occurs only in TB. This exhausts the list 
of hymns or considerable passages which ar found in other 
parts of the Vedic literature. 

Accents. Accents ar never written in this book. 

Colophons. Of the extraneous material of the sort which 
Barret found in Book 3 (JAOS 32. 344f.) practically none 
occurs in Book 6. Only two hymns hav colophons or quasi-titles 
stating the purpose of the preceding matter, viz. No. 13 'iti 
raksoghnasuktam ' and No. 22 'iti graddhavrahmanam'. See 
the passages, below. A bit of brahmana-like matter seems to 
hav crept into the text at the end of hymn 22. 


(For typographical devices, signs, and abbreviations used, see 
p. 374f.) 

(90 a 9) z atha sasthas kanda likhyata z z om namamo 
jvala (10) bhagavatyai z om namo tilotamayaih z z om 
Read: z atha sasthah kando likhyate z z om namo jvalayai 
bhagavatyai z z om namas tilotamayai z z om 

With the last frase compare the invocation of Book 2 
(JAOS 30. 190f.), which Barret would now emend to om 
namas tilotamayai. 


RV 10. 120; Q 20. 107. 4-12; Q 5. 2. 

(90a 10) ud id asa bhavanesu jye-(ll)-stham yato jajfta 
ugras tvecanrmnah sadyo jajfiano anrmta 9atrun anu yam 
(12) vive sadanty umah vavrdhanas 9avasa bhuryoja9 
9atrun dasaya bhiyasam da-(13)-dhati I avyanac ca avyanac 
ca sastri sam te navantas piprta madesu tve kratu-(14)-m 
api vrnjanti v*9ve dvir yad ete trir bhavanty uma svados 

380 Franklin Edgerton, 

svadiya svaduna (15) srja sam adhas su madhu madhunabhi 
yodhi | iti cid vi tva dhana jayantam (16) ranam ranam anu 
madanti viprah ojiyo dhrsno gciram a tanusva ma tva da- 
(17)-bham durayava yatudhanah tvaya vayam 9asadmahe 
ranesu prapagyanto (18) yudhenyani bhuri j codayami tha- 
yudha vacobhis sam te gigami vrahmana (19) vayahsi | snu- 
seyyam puruvarpasam rtvam inatamas aptyam aptyanam 
| a garfate (90 b 1) 9avasa saptadanun pra saksate pratimanani 
bhuri | nyadidyadise vararh param ca (2) yasminn avathavasa 
durone | a matara sthapayase jighantva ata inosi (3) karvara 
puruni | ima vrahma vrhaddivo vivaktlndraya 9usam agryas 
svarsah (4) maho gotrasya ksayati svarajo dura9 ca vi9va 
avrnod apa svah eva mam (5) vrhaddivo tharvanocat svarh 
tanum indram eva svasaro mataribhvarir aripra hihnva-(G) 
-nti ca yavasa vardhayanti ca | z 1 z 

It is noteworthy that our text agrees much more closely 
with RV and Q 20. 107 than with Q 5. 2. It may be red as 

tad id asa bhavanesu jyestham yato jajiia ugras tvesanrmnah | 
sadyo jajnano ni rinati gatrun anu yam vie, ve madanty umah z 1 z 

This vs occurs also in SV, VS, AA, ApQ, MQ and N (see 
Cone.), tad . . . asa for ud . . . asa: u and ta ar so much alike 
in Qar. that this change to the reading of all other texts 
seems cald for, in view of the fact that ud with the root as 
seems not to occur, altho ud with bhu is common enuf and 
would make good sense in this place. All other texts read 
bhuvanesu. sa is written above the line for ca in tvecanrmnah. 

vavrdhanac. c,avas& bhuryojac, gatrur dasaya bhiyasam dadhati | 
avyanac ca vyanac ca sasni sam te navantah piprta madesu z 2 z 

The vs also occurs SV 2. 834 and AA 1. 3. 4. In pada d 
P's reading seems superior to that of the other texts (navanta 
prabhrta). I construe sam with piprta, which is for piprata 
(piprata) a form which might perhaps better be inserted in 
our text: navantah is a participle. 

tve kratum api vriijanti vigve dvir yad ete trir bhavanty 
umah | svados svadiyas svaduna srja sam adas su madhu ma- 
dhunabhi yodhih z 3 z 

The vs also occurs in SV, TS, AA and MQ (see Cone.). 

iti cid vi tva dhana jayantam ranaih-ranam anu madanti vi- 
prah | ojiyo dhrsno sthiram a tanusva ma tva dabhan dureva 
yatudhanah z 4 z 

The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 381 

vi, construed with jayantaih. For the accus. ranarii-ranam 
cf. Wh. Gr. 277: or possibly it may be dependent on anu. In 
any case it seems unnecessary to insert the loc. as found in 
the parallel texts. 

tvaya vayam gagadmahe rariesu pra pagyanto yudhenyani 
bhuri | codayami ta ayudha vacobhis sain te gig&mi brahmana 
vayansi z 5 z 

stuseyyaiii puruvarpasam rbhvam inatamam aptyam aptyanam| 
a darsate gavasa saptadanun pra saksate pratimanani bhuri 
z 6 z 

The vs also occurs N 11. 21 (readings agreeing with RV). 
a darsate with RV, Q 10. 107. 9 and N; Q 5. 2. 6 has a dar- 
gati. To keep the ms reading of P seems impossible, altho 
some thot of the root gr may hav been in the mind of the 
copyist who was originally responsible for the corruption. 

ni tad dadhise 'varaih param ca yasminn avithavasa durone | 
a mataras sthapayase jighatnva ata inosi karvara puruni z 7 z 

I hav not ventured to change the ms reading in pada c 
(except to put jighatnva for ntva, which is hardly an emenda- 
tion), altho it is bad as to form an inferior to the parallel 
texts as to meaning. As the text stands mataras and jighatnvas 
must be construed as accusativs. 

ima brahma brhaddivo vivaktindraya c.usam agryas svarsah | 
maho gotrasya ksayati svarajo durag ca vigva avrnod apa svah 
z 8 z 

Perhaps read duiag with the other texts (Q 5. 2. 8 turac.), 
rather than assume a stem dura-. 

eva mam brhaddivo 'tharvavocat svam tanvam indram eva | 
svasaro mataribhvarir aripra hinvanti ca yavasa vardhayanti 
ca z 9 z 

Other versions hav mahan for mam: but the real meaning 
of the verse is unknown, and for aught we know svam tanvam, 
as well as P's mam, may be correlativ with indram ("me, 
himself and Indra"). It is very likely that we should read 
gavasa with the other texts in pada d. 


Q 5. 1. 

(90 b 6) vrdhan mantra yoni no vibhava amr-(7)-tasu sva- 
janma vardhamanah adubdhasu bhrajasa ihava trato dadhara 

382 Franklin Edgerton, 

tri- (8) -ni j vi ni yo dharmani | prathama svasaa tai vapunsi 
krnute puroni | (9) ya9 ca yonim prathama vivega | yo vacam 
anucitam jigaya }yas te gokas ta-(10)-nva rireca ksuviranyo 
cucayo na sva | atra dadhrse mrtani namasmi (11) vastram 
serayanta | pred etc prataram purvyam gus svadha svadha 
tisthanto duryarh | kari 9u-(12)-sasya matara rihane jamlva- 
dhvaryuh pratimanamita )j tad u se ta maha (13) prathurya- 
sam namas kavis kavyena krno yat samyanco bhyanco 
yaksadamaivoda (14) cakra vavardha j sapta maryadas ka- 
vayas tataksus tasam anekam abhyahhuro (15) gat | utamr- 
tasu vrate krnvam asuras putas svadhaya samadgu | uta- 
(16) -yu jyestho ratna dadhaty urjavayum ca te kavir dat 
| putro va yat pitara ksantu-(17)-m inte jyestham maryadam 
ahvayam svasti | dargahnu tarn varune ca istav avaravra- 
(18) -jata | krnavo vapunsi | ardham ardhena 9avasa prna9y 
ardhena 9usmam vardhayase (19) mura | avivrdhama 9agnyo 
sadhayam varunam putram aditer isiram | kavi9a-(20)-sthany 
asmai vacam vocama rodasl satyavacau z 2 z 

The appearance of this hymn in Q (5. 1) helps us little, 
since the text there is very uncertain (see Wh. AV. 1. 220 ff.), 
and very different from our text. I am unable to offer a 
complete reconstruction of this discouraging hymn. 

Ys 1: ends with d&dhara trmi. Pada b seems practically 
right: amrtasus svajanma vardhamanah. The second hemistich 
begins adabdhasur. For the rest I am in despair; on the whole 
our text looks like a corruption of Q rather than vice versa. 
Of. the Q readings, and note in Wh.'s translation. 

Vs 2: vi ni yo . . . . jigaya. I cannot construct pada a. The 
rest may plausibly be red: tato (i for to is an easy mistake 
in Qar) vapunsi krnute puruni | yac. ca yonim prathama a vivega 
yo vacam anucitam jigaya z 

Vs 3: yas te . . . . serayanta. I can do nothing with this 

Vs 4: pred ete . . . . pratimanamita. No suggestions occur 
to me. 

Vs 5: tad u se . . . . vavardha. Head krnomi in pada b. For 
the rest I hav nothing to offer. 

Vs 6: sapta samadgu (? The second hemistich of Q is 

missing here: our c-d is Q 7 a-b). Vs 9 of Q consists of 
6 padas, which makes it appear that Ppp may represent the 
original form of the hymn. Nevertheless, RV (10. 5. 6) contains 

The Kashmirian Atliarva Veda, Book Six. 383 

this whole stanza in its Q form. Padas a and b occur also 
in N. 6. 27). Padas a-b seem to need no change. Padas c-d 
ar certainly corrupt (cf. Q's reading, itself probably corrupt), 
but I cannot improve upon them. 

Vs 7 : utayu jyestho .... svasti. Possibly the following may 
be approximately right: 

utayur jyestho ratna (ratna a) dadhati urjaih vayum (? or 
vayur, i. e. va-ayus ?) ca te kavir dat | putro va yat pitaram 
ksantum ide (nt is an easy corruption for d) jyestham maryadam 
ahvayarii svasti z 

Vs 8: dargannu . . . . mura. Read dargan nu in pada a: 
possibly a varvrajatah (or a vavr: gen.) in pada b: prnasy 
(pr "fill") in pada c, and 'mura in pada d. 

Vs 9: avivrdhama .... vacau. Pada a: probably c,agmyam is 
to be red, and sadhayani is an easy corruption for sakhayam. 
Pada b needs no change. In pada c read probably kavigastany 
asmai vapunsy avocama, with Q, or the like: vacam looks like 
a lectio facilior. Were it not for this, it might seem simpler 
to emend the adjectiv to kavic,astam, preserving the superior 
meter of the verse as it stands. 


To the waters; for prosperity and good luck. 

(90b 20) ko vas pa9ca-(91a l)-t pravicchayat kas puras 
purakhanat patha yad ejatu parimana varunapra- (2) -suta 
apah prajapatir asrjata sa puras (vs 1) 

pura so no ahnavasrjat tena (3) srsta ksaramasi | (vs 2) 

punanasau bahudha ksiyantisahg ca lokah pradi- (4) -fa9 
ca sarva j purarh tasmaduritad avidya muncantu mrtyor 
nirrter udasthah (vs 3) 

(5) apo asman mataras sudayantu ghrtena no ghrtapuvas 
punantu | vi9varh hi ri- (6) -pram pravahantu devir ud id 
abhya9 9ucir a putay emi | (vs 4) 

apo devir mataras su- (7) -dayisnavo ghrta9Cuto madhuna 
sarhpaprcchre ta asmabhyam sudayo vi9vam a-(8>yu ksapa 
usra varivasyantu 9ubhrah | (vs 5) 

udakarhsyodakatvam a revatvam a re-(9)-vatmam 9undhot- 
vam apa9 9undhantv asman (vs 6) 

yuyam apo vira9riyor yuyam (10) sudayatha 9ucim yas 
kumakamid di9o ma hiryarhte pradi9as prthak (vs 7) 

384 Franklin Edgerton. 

(11) yuyam mittrasya varunasya yonir yayarh somasye 
dhenavam adhisthah yaksmam (12) devir deva ksiyatlryarh. 
run yuyam jinvata vrahma ksatrapah (vs 8) 

9a9va-(13)-dabhi9 agadana camanam nayamasi I apo vi- 
9vasya sudam-(14)-r ya deva manave dadhuh | (vs 9) 

yad dhavan vipunatedad apo yas tisthati guddha (15) yat 
tad (ud ?) bhavanti | nasam avadyam avadamtya ripum sanad 
eva madhuna sampapr-(16)-cchre | (vs 10) 

hiranyavarnag gucayas pavaka pra cakkramarhitvavadyam 
apa (17) gatarh ca vah prasravanesu devis sahasrarh ca 
pavitarah punanti (vs 11) 

ta-(18)-s tva 0191 vrahmanam sudayanty ahgosthiya stotriya 
jivadhanya | ya (19) vigvasya sucakriyo vayathorgavaiva 
payasas ta ajaya (the first a of ajaya is corrected to dra) (vs 12) 

vi9va-(91b l)-d ripraa muncantu sindhavo no yany enasi 
cakrma tanubhih indraprasrsta varu-(2)-nasya prasuta sin- 
catapo madhva samudre (vs 13) z 3 z 

Vs 1: pada a, pravicchayat "prest forth, brot out", pada b? 
ejanti? pada c, apah? 

Vs 2: pada a, perhaps pura sa no avasrjat. (The waters 
speak.) pada b, srstah. 

Vs 3: pada a, punanaso. pada b, imanc, . . . sarvah. pada c, 
probably read puram tas tasmad duritad avidya(h). pada d, 

Vs 4 (is Q 6. 51. 2): pada d, puta emi. 

Vs 5: pada b, sampaprcre. pada c, ayuh. Of. RV 6. 52. 15 c-d. 

Vs 6: probably read: udakasyodakatvam a revattvarn a re- 
vatinaih | gundhyutvam apag. 

Vs 7: pada a, viragriyo. pada b, sudayatha. padas c-d? hi- 
ryamte could easily stand for hriyante or hiyante. 

Vs 8: pada a, mitrasya. pada b, yuyam somasya. pada c: 
yaksman seems probable, the verb seems to be a form of ksi 
" destroy", and run probably conceals a form of rura "hot". 
pada d, ksatram apah. 

Vs 9: pada a, QaQadanah. pada b? Something like gamanam 
a nayamasi? pada d, yad for ya? daduh? 

Vs 10: pada a, dhavati vipunatedam. pada b, yat for yas; 
guddha yad ud bh? ("that they may become pure"?), pada c 
is dubious (na-asam is all right: for ripum might be red ripram, 
and the final vowel of avadamtya may belong to the next word). 
pada d, paprcre. 

The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 385 

Vs 11: pacla a, pavakah. pada b, pra cakramur hitvavadyam 
apah. pada d, punanti. 

Ys 12: pada a, rucir? brah. pada b, the crucial word is 
angosthiya(h), which might also be red striya(h): if the text 
is correct it is a new word: cf. aligosin, epithet of Soma? Read 
jivadhanyah. pada c, su-cakrayo vyayath(a). pada d, (u)rjayaiva: 
for the last word in the pada I hav no suggestion. It is 
probably a dativ of some noun. The text is confused here; it 
means to read tadrajaya. Compare the root dhraj "glide"? 

Vs 13: pada b, enansi cakrima. pada c, varunaprasiitah. 
pada d, sincantv apo. 


To heal wounds; with the Za/tsa-plant. 
Yss 1-9 = Q 5. 5. 

(91 b 2) ratrl mata nabhas pi- (3) -taryama te pitamahah 
giladi nama vasi sa devanam asi svasa | (vs 1) 

(4) yas tva pivati jivati trayase purusam tvarh | dharatrl 
ca (5) gagvatam asi gagvatam tyanvahcamm (vs 2) 

yad andena yad usta yad adur harasa kr-(6)-tam tasya 
tvam asi bhisajim niskrtir nama vasi z (vs 3) 

bhadra praksena tisthasy a- (7) -gvatthe khadire dhave | 
bhadra nyagrodhe parne ma nehy arundhati z (vs 4) 

vrksarh vrksam a roha-(8)-si vrsahnyantiva kanyala | jayanti 
pratyatisthanti sarhjaya nama va-(9)-si | (vs 5) 

hiranyavarne yuvate gusme lomasamaksane | apam asi 
svasa lankse (10) vato yat sa babhuvyathe | (vs 6) 

hiranyabahu subhage suryavarne vapustame | rutam ga- 
(ll)-cchami niskrdhi semam niskrdhi paurusam z (vs 7) 

ghrtacl nama kanmo ta babhru pita (12) bhava | agvo 
yamasye gravas tasya hastrasy uksata | (vs 8) 

agvasyastras sarhpatita sa (13) parnam abhi gusyata | sada 
patatinnrasi sa nehy arundhati | (vs 9) 

ghrtacake vamarate (14) vidyutparne arundhati yatur 
angamisthasi tvam amganiskarly as! | (vs 10) 

yat te ja-(15)-gradham pigagais tat tarhapy ayatam punah | 
laksaya tva vigvabhesajir deve- (16) -bhis trayatarh saha 
(vs 11) z 4 z 

Vs 1 needs no change (Q has silaci for giladi). 

Vs 2: pada a: read pibati. pacla c: read dhartri. pada d: witli 

386 Franklin Edgerton, 

much hesitation I propose gagvatarii tv anvaiicam (cf. anvanc, 
and Pan. 3. 4. 64). 

Vs 3: pada a: read dandena and isva. pada b: read yad 
arur. Above sa (in harasa, pada b) is written ma. pada c: 
read bhesaji or bhesajaiii. pada d, va asi. 

Vs 4: pada a: read plaksena, or perhaps plakse nististhasy. 
pada d: read sa na ehy, and probably arundhati. 

Vs 5: pada b: read vrsanyantiva. pada d: read va asi. 

Vs 6: pada b: read, probably, lomagavaksane (with Q). 
pada c: read lakse (cf. vs 11). pada d: possibly read babhu- 
vitha? ("since thou here wast born as Vata as the wind"). 

Vs 7: pada a: read bahu. pada c: read gacchasi. pada d: 
read purusam. 

Vs 8: pada b: uncertain. I can suggest nothing more at- 
tractiv than the reading of Q, 'jababhru pita tava, tho this 
is not very satisfactory itself. (Whitney reads tava in Ppp. for 
bhava: the mistake is an easy one on account of the similarity 
of the letters, but the ms clearly has bhava.) padas c-d: again 
I can suggest nothing better than the unsatisfactory readings 
of Q: agvo yamasya yah cjavas tasya hasnasy uksita. 

Vs 9: pada a: read probably agvasyasnas. pada b: $us- 
as trans, is impossible; possibly read with Q sisyade? Cf. 6. 4b. 
pada c: read patatriny asi. pada d: read na ehy. 

Vs 10: pada b: read arundhati. pada c: ? perhaps yatun, 
or yator, angabhisthasi. pada d: read anganiskari asi. 

Vs 11: pada a: read 'jagrabham. pada b: ? tarhapy (1/trh) 
ay? pada c: ? possibly laksa tva (sc. purusam) viQvabhesaji(r)? 


For protection from dangers. 
Cf. Q 2. 15, MG 1. 2. 13. 

(91 b 16) yatha dyaug ca prthivl ca na bibhlto na (17) ri- 
syatah eva me prana ma bibher eva me pana ma risaya | 
(vs 1) yatha vayu-(18)-9 cantariksam ca (vs 2) yatha surya9 
candrama9 ca I ( vs 3) yathaha? ca ratrl ca (vs 4) yatha dhenu9 
ca-(19)-nadvah9 ca (vs 5) yatha mitra9 ca varuna9 ca | (vs 6) 
yatha vrahma ca ksatram ca z (vs 7) yathendra9 cendri- 
(92 a l)-9cendriyam ca | (vs 8) yatha vlra9 ca viryam ca (vs 9) 
yatha prana9 capana9 ca | (vs 10) yatha mr-(2)-tyu9 camrtam 
ca (vs 11) yatha satyarh canrtarh ca | (vs 12) yatha bhutarh 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 387 

ca bhavyam ca | na bibhito na risya-(3)-tah | eva me prana 
ma bibher eva me pana ma risa (vs 13) z 5 z (4) z anu i z 

Notes. Only pada a is given in vss 2-12 incl.: padas b, c and d 
ar to be supplied from vss 1 and 13. (In pada d read 'pana 
ma risya in each case, where YS 1 has risaya and vs 13 risa.) 

Vs 7: read, as usual, brahma. 

Vs 8: a case of dittografy. Read yathendrac. cendriyaiii ca, 

A woman's charm to get or retain a lover; with an herb. 

(92 a 2) madhuman me nikramanam madhuman me pa- 
rayanam | vaca madhu-(5)-madudyama akso me madhusam- 
dr9i (vs 1) 

mam anuprasarayah sa sa patto ni me divam (6) atho te 
punar ayato kso kamena 9usyatam (vs 2) 

va9 madhuga te matoksa bhrajar-(7)-sabbah pita dhen- 
vadhi prajato si raja sarhmadhumattamah z (vs 3) 

visanam vrsnya-(8)-vantam sa parnam abhi 9isyatam in- 
drany agrabharam madhuri bhagaya kam (vs 4) 

pitubho-(9)-jano madhugas sauskamyo hrdayaya kam sa 
ma madhuna vakaktu yathaham (10) kamaye tatha | (vs 5) 

sindhus prajano madhugo 9 viva myate janah anu sa mam 

(11) madhumati simvali madhuna ma samaksatu z sa ma 
tnadhunanaktu (12) yathaham kamaye tatha | (vs 7) 

yatha madhu madhukrtas sam bharanti madhav adhi | (13) 
evan yunajmi te mano ddhy asyam mamaki tanurh ] (vs 8) 

ye tu manah paragatam yad va-(14)-m iha veha va | tat 
taya vartayamasi | api badhnami te manah (vs 9) z i z 

Vs 1: pada c, read madhumadudyama (cpd., udyama in the 
sense of the later udyama). Pada d, read 'ksyau ('ksi?). 

Vs 2: pada b, patito. pada d, 'ksyau ('ksi). 

Vs 3: pada a, madugha. (matoksa, i. e. mata uksa.) pada c, 
dhenvadhi for dhenvam adhi, Macdonell Ved. Gr. 70, 3, b and 
75, 1. 'si. pada d, sa (or san?) for sam-? or su a ? 

Vs 4: pada a, vrsanaiii. pada b occurs above in hymn 4, 
vs 9b, and appears to hav been inappropriately adopted from 
that hymn into this one. In that place the ms has c,usyata 
as QUS trans, is impossible, we must probably read sisyade 
(with Q 5. 5. 9b) in both places, pada c, agra abhavaiii. 

388 Franklin Edgerton, 

Vs 5: pada a, madughas. pada b, saukamyo? pada c, 

Vs 6: pada a, sindhupraj , madugho. pada b, 'gviva. padas 
c-d, read sa ma, and supply the rest of padas c-d from vs 5. 

Vs 7: pada c, madhtma vyanaktu. 

Vs 8: padas a-b = Q 9. 1. 16 a-b. pada c, eva. pada d, 'dhy, 
tanu (loc. sg.: so also m&maki, loc. sg. fern.!) 

Vs 9: pada a, yat te or yat tu. pada b, perhaps yad u iha 
veha (va iha) va? 


Against poison; with an amulet of earth from an anthill. 
(See our note to vs 6 below.) 

(92 a 15) ka9yapasya suparnag ca yan mancyam abhistha- 
tam suparnah z paryavapagcat sa-(16)-mudre bhumim avr- 
tam suparnam abhisancatam z (vs 1) 

paryapagca antar maha- (17) -ty arnave | tarn sukaratvan 
maya tiras samudrad udabhara | (vs 2) 

yam samudrad u- (18) -dudbharo bhumyam sukaramaya | 
saisa visasya dusany asmai bhavanta bhesa-(19)-ji | (vs 3) 

acyuta hiranyena ya satye adhitisthati | tasyas te vigvadha- 
(92 b l)-yaso visadusanam udbhare (vs 4) 

asyas kulayam ityaka | (vs 5) 

yasya bhumya upacika-(2)-d grharh krnvatatmane | tasyas 
te vigvadhayaso visadusanam udbhare | (vs 6) 

yas tva (3) bhumim na vindad yas tva bhumim udabharat | 
tayos sahasradhamahn aharh namani (4) jagrabhah | (vs 7) 

yani u indro akrnod bhaume namani vrtraha | tani te (5) 
babhros samvidmas sahaiva visadusani | (vs 8) 

yani te marutag cakrur yani sa-(6)-ptarsayo viduh vigva- 
ditya yam vidus sa bhumir visadusani (vs 9) z 2 z 

Vs 1: pada a, ka^yapa^ ca. pada c, omit the punctuation z, 
and read pacjat. pada e, abhi-sincatam. The division of vss 
in the text is very dubious: perhaps what we hav printed as 
pada e of vs 1 is really the beginning of vs 2. 

Vs 2 (see the preceding note): pada a, paryapagyad. It is 
possible that the subject has been accidentally omitted, pada b, 
may am. pada c, udabharat. 

Vs 3: pada a, udabharad or uda. pada b, mayam. pada d ? 

The Kashmirian Atharv ( Veda, Book Six. 389 

Vs 4 needs no change. 

Vs 5: the ms means to read yasyas kulayam ity eka. See 
our introduction, p. 376 f. The verse is quoted from Book iii, 
hymn 15, stanza 4 (Barret, JAOS 32. 361), and reads in full: 
yasyas kulayam salile antar mahaty arnave | tasyas te vicra- 
dhayaso visadusanam ud bhare z 

Vs 6: pad a a, upaclka occurs in th'e same connection in 
Ppp 1. 8. 3 (Barret, JAOS 26. 207), and it is unnecessary to 
emend to upajika (with Q 2. 3. 4, 6. 100. 2): read upacika(h). 
See Bloomfield, SBE XLII, p. 511; AJP 7. 482 if., and 
references there quoted. The form upacika occurs in Pali. Our 
form is a nom. pi. and is understood as subject of krnvata in 
pada b. pada b, ud grham . 

Vs 7: pada a, na avindad. pada c, sahasradhamany. pada d, 

Vs 8: pada a, yany. pada d, perhaps visadusani? 

Vs 9: the sense is anacoluthic, but no emendation is neces- 
sary. "With yani of course supply namani. 

Against demons and sorcerers; with an herb. 

(92 b 7) sahasva yatudhanah sahasva yatudhanyah sahasva 
sarva raksarisi saha-(8)-manasy osadhe | (vs 1) 

sahamane sahasvati samhatyaham uttara | utaham a-(9)-smi 
sasahi | sahaseva sadhanva | (vs 2) 

ya sahasana carati sasaha-(10)-naiva vrsabhah sadanvaghni 
raksoghni sa tvam ugrasy osadhe | (vs 3) 

khelehalam (11) manastani na cebhas puram utas patha 
na tvamamavya tad iho akse vu 9rnga-(12)-vac chirah 
(vs 4?) 

amuvane bahuputre anamtra9vye mahodari | pathas sat 
sattare (sature?) tvam 9a-(13)-rkaravapsatitara | (vs 5?) 

ye ray9 carati pakasyeccham tva 9ucim tan agne kr- 
(14)-snavartmane tiksru^rngo d^ahn ihi | (vs 6) 

ado yad daru plavate sindhor madhye apu-(15)-rusam 
ucarabhasya durhano tena yahi parastaram | (vs 7) 

asyajanistam i-(16)-starga aristas krimayas purusaya ta- 
syai bala sa patni namah krno-(17)-mi | (vs 8) 

kusthl sarvaputre bhava pattriyad u trattas sadanve ta- 
syadhi putran bhratrh-(18)-9 ca yatra tva vi nayamasi (vs 9) 
z 3 z 

390 Franklin Edgerton. 

This hymn contains some old material, more or less alterd, 
and some new which is very difficult of interpretation. 

Ys 1 has a close parallel in VS 12. 99. It needs no change 
except yatudhanyah in pad a b. 

Vs 2, cf. in a general way ApMB 1. 15. 2, 1. 16. 3. Pada b, 
read sahantyaham uttara. pada c, sasahih. pada d, sadanvah. 

Vs 3: padas a-b, ya sahamana carati sasahana iva (read as 
if sasahaneva) vrsabhah. 

Vss 4 and 5 I cannot solv. 

Vs 6: padas a-b, read perhaps ya irayag carati pakasyecchan 
tva gucim. padas c-d ar from RV 10. 155. 2 (slitely alterd). 
Read krsnvartane, drsann. 

Vs 7 is RV 10. 155. 3 entire. In pada c read tad arabhasva 

Vss 8 and 9: I can suggest no improvement, except the 
obvious tasmai for tasyai in 8c. In 9b the word trattas might 
equally well be red tratus; this would be an easy corruption 
from bhratus, which may be the true reading. 


Against enemies (of a king); with the sacrifice of a bull. 
Cf. TB 2. 4. 7. Iff. 

(92 b 18) vrsayam ucur vrsabhaya grhya-(19)-te vrsayam 
ugro nrcaksase divyo nir yo acikradam naham nama rsa- 
bhasya (93 a 1) yat kakut | (vs 1) 

visuvan vrsnyo bhava tvam yo nrpatir mama | atho indreva 
devebhyo vi (2) vibhravitu janebhyah (vs 2) 

manusebhyo dhivravitu sajur indrena medina | agni-(3)~9 
ca tubhyarh sahamtyo rastram vai9vanaro dadhat | (vs 3) 

yasmayam bhagam rsabham indra- (4) -ya parimyate | sa 
harhtu 9atrun ayato atho hamtu parayatah (vs 4) 

sa hamta 9a-(5)-trian bhavatu ahamta bhavatu dodhatam 
visasahah pramr ayad agra madhubhirdata-(6)-v asat | (vs 5) 

ayusmantam varcasvantam atho adhipatim vi9am | asyas 
prthivya9 cetta-(cetu-P) (7)-nem imam indra vrsabham krnu | 
(vs 6) 

asya 9rngasusan-padah(!) kalyano barhir asa-(8)-dat | kar- 
sivanaprajanena rsabhena yajamahe | (vs 7) 

rsabhena yajamana (9) kraurenaiva sarpisa | mrdha9 ca 
sarva indrena prtan9 ca samahe | (vs 8) 

The Kashmirian Atliarva Veda, Book Six. 391 

yam tubhyam (10) bhagam rsabham devas kaivalyam da- 
duh j tena vrttrani johana9 9atrun9 ca jahy aha-(ll)-ve | (vs 9) 

jahi satrun pran prati ramdhayasva krdhyat sambhuto si 
viryavan | indra-(12)-ya bhagam pari tva nayamo ruhno loko 
aprtanyo stu | (vs 10) 

ghrtavrddha ghrtahu-(13)-ta sahasra9rnga sustutah | ghrta- 
havana dihi (vs 11) 

yo ghrtenabhigharita-(14)-m ugro jaitraya tisthasi sa nas 
samkusu paraya | prtanasahyesu ca (15) (vs 12) z 4 z 

Vs 1: pada c, acikradan. pada d, for naharii (which is cer- 
tainly corrupt) TB has brhan, which is probably to be red. 

Vs 2: pada c, indra iva. pada d, omit vi (dittografy) and 
read vibravitu. 

Vs 3: pada a, 'dhibravitu. pada c, tubhyam sahantyo. 

Vs 4: pada a, yasyayam bhaga rsabha (indr). 

Vs 5: pada b, hanta. pada c, visasahah is either a corrup- 
tion of, or a parallel formation to, visasahih. pada d, read 
agra udbhindatam asat (cf. TB 2. 4. 7. 3). 

Vs 6: pada c, the absurd cettanem (cetunes?) seems to me 
to conceal some form of cettr, a word which occurs repeatedly 
in the sfere of rajanyani suktani. Perhaps the gen. pi. cettf nam, 
depending on vrsabham of pada d? Cf. pada d of the pre- 
ceding vs. Or (more natural in sense) cettaram? 

Vs 7: pada a, grngasusangadah seems to me to hav been 
the reading (giving good battle with the horns). It is obviously 
an epithet of the bull. Of course npa of the ms is an absurd 
and impossible combination: the scribe doutless ment to write 
ngha, which would not be very dissimilar from npa. I take it 
then that (su-)sangha, the evidently intended reading of the 
ms, is a corruption for (su-)sanga (sam-ga), "war", "conflict" 
(RV 4. 120. 1 etc.). pada c, read perhaps 'prajatena (but 
TB has praganena, which Barret would prefer to read in this 

Vs 8: pada b, akraurenaiva or neva. pada d, sahamahe. 

Vs 9: pada c, vrtrani. For johanag some form of the root 
han must be read: possibly (a)jlghanag? (But this tense-form 
seems to be otherwise not known in the Veda!) 

Vs 10: pada a, catrun, omit pran (dittografy). pada b, the 
dh of krdhyat is probably a badly made s and I do not hesitate 
to read krsyat; I take the word to be a gndv. formation of 
krs, in a hitherto undiscoverd use as a noun, "field", krdhy 

392 Franklin Edgerton, 

at would, so far as I can see, be a senseless reading. pada d, 
for runno(!) possibly read ''rugno? 

Vs 11: this vers is taken from the sfere of Agni. pada b, 
read sustuta. pada c, didihi. 

Vs 12: pada a, read gharita (nom. sg.). pada c, sankasu. 


For progeny and prosperity; with the offering of a cow. 

(93 a 15) kavis subhagarsabhasya patnis prajakama vagi- 
(16)-ni vagita gauh tarn sahasram ekamukha dadati garbham 
dadhana mithu-(17)-na carantl z (vs 1) 

garbham dadhanapaiduhanagnihotraih vaigvadevi duhana | 
(18) daurgamahihsir varunasya patnim karkya yanim sa- 
manaso bhi gavah (vs 2) ' 

(19) prajam icchanto dhisana carantiman etv aditi vicvaru- 
pabhikrandanti (93 b 1) bhuvanany unam | prajapatinesitam 
rtviyavati nahinam prajaya rsabha 9raya-(2)-nte | (vs 3) 

vrsanyanti vrsanas saptanamnim himkrnvanto abhinudanti 
vacitarh (3) sa pratyusanis susada suvarnag gukram vasana 
varunag ca ninnudah (vs 4) 

vai9va-(4)-devi sudhayam arabhante | prajam data pusyatu 
gopatisthe | svayarh sthavarya vr-(5)-vrsabhaya tisthiti pratici 
somarh prati siaryam agnim | (vs 5) 

ahimsantl va9i-(6)-temam upehi pagun data pusyatu go- 
patisthe | vagida bhavatu va9itaya-(7)-m agner bhagam usri- 
yarh yo dadati | (vs 6) 

priyam dhama hrdayam saumyam madhu vaji-(8)-mm tva 
vajino vajayantu z (vs 7) 

yo vagitayam gavy amtad agnir yad asyam nr-(9)-mnarh 
mahina babhuva z namas te stu pratigrhnam grnomi syona 
me stu tanve (10) sugevau (vs 8) 

yema gam vagita tarn pratimah puhsam vratena sa pusty- 
ana gauh (11) urjarh dadhana ghrtam id duhanarh sahasra- 
posa ime stu datre (vs 9) z z (12) z anu 2 z 

Vs 1 : pada a, kavis subhagarsabhasya (as two words, subhaga 
rs: but it might also be taken as a karmadharaya cpd.) patnl. 

Vs 2: pada a, dadhana apa id duhana (agni 8 ). pada b, vai- 
c,vadeviiii (as name of ceremony), or vlr, duhanah. pada c, 
patnlh. pada d, karkir(?) ySni (? subj.) sumanaso 'bhi gavah. 

Vs 3: pada a, dhisanag. pada b, aditir vigvar . pada c, uruni 

The Kashmlrian Atliarva Veda, Book Six. 393 

for unaiii? pada d, rtviyavatliii. pada e, na-hmaiii? (Or should 
we read vatlm a-hmam?). rsabhah. 

Vs 4: pada a, vrsanyantliii. pada b, hinkr . padas c-d I 
cannot solv: the readings ar not all clear, susada seems cer- 
tain, and for the next word suvarna is to be red. It seems 
that the word pratyusanis contains sanis "bestowing"; perhaps 
pratyu- may be for prabhu-. Read varunasya nir-? 

Vs 5: pada a, not certain: perhaps sudha yam ar? pada b 
needs no change (cf. next vs). gopatisthe = gosthe. pada c, 
sthavarl vrsabhaya tisthati. 

Vs 6: pada c, perhaps vagidata bh? 

Vs 7 needs no change: it should perhaps be regarded as 
part of vs 6. 

Vs 8: pada a, yo vacjtayam gavy antar agnir. pada b, 
nrmnam. pada c, pratigrhnan grnami. pada d, 'stu, sugeva. 

Vs 9: pada a, perhaps ya [or yam?] imam garii vac,itam tarn 
pr. pada b, perhaps sa pustanam gauh (a kind of kamadhenu!). 
pada c, duhana. pada d, sahasraposaya me 'stu datre(?). 


For protection. 
(Made up of parts of Q 5. 6, 5. 9, and RV 9. 73.) 

(93 b 12) vrahma jajnanam ity eka anapta ya va prathama 
yani (13) karmani cakkrire | vira no atra ma dabham tad 
vetat puro dadhe | pratratmana-(14)-t pari ye sambabhuvuh 
^lokavantas somanasya vamtavah | apanaksaso badi-(15)-ram 
astantasya pantha na taranti duskrtah sahasradharam abhi 
te samasmaram divo (16) nake madhujihva a9asyatah | tasya 
sarago na nimisanti bhurnayah pade- (17)-pade | paginas 
samtu setave | pary u sa pra dhanva vanjasataye pari vrtrani 
(18) saksanih divas tudarnavan myase | sahasrago namasi 
trayodago (19) masah indrasya grho smdrasya garmasi in- 
drasya varmasi | indrasya vairu- (94 a 1) -tham asi | vite- 
navaitenamaitenaratstridad asau svaha | tigmayudhau ti- 
(2)-gmaheti sugevagmsomav iha su mrdatam nah samuktam 
asmad grbhT- (3) -tha- | (!) -d avadyaj jusetham yajnam 
amrtam asmasu dhattam svaha z caksuso (4) hete manaso 
hete vrahmano hete menya menir asi | anena yas te santu 
yo (5) sman abhyabhayantu svaha z yo smah caksusa ma- 
nasa yag ca vacakutya (6) ditya vrahmanaghayur abhidasa 
tvam agne tvam menyamenim krnu svaha z (7) ud ayur ut 

2.1 JAOS 34. 

394 Franklin Edgerton, 

krta bad valam am naniso yad indram nrmnam asmasu 
dhehi svaha | (8) ayuskrtayusmatl svadhavanto gopa me stho 
gopayatan va | atmasadhu me sta-(9)-n ve suenau | ma ma 
hihsistarh svaha z z 
Read as follows: 
brahma jajnanam ity eka, z 1 z 

This is the pratlka of Q 5. 6. 1 = 4. 1. 1, which occurs 

in Ppp. Book v (see Whitney's note on Q 4. 1. 1), and is 

therefore quoted by pratlka; see our introduction p. 376 f, 

anapta ye vah prathama yani karmani cakrire | viran no atra 

ma dabhan tad va etat puro dadhe z 2 z 

pratnan manat pari ye sambabhuvuh glokavantas saumauasya 
mantavah | apanaksaso badhiram -j- astantasya -j- pantham na 
taranti duskrtah z 3 z 

This is RY 9. 73. 6. The text even as found in RV is 
very obscure, and our text apparently was somewhat dif- 
ferent from RVs in spots: to restore it with any confi- 
dence is evidently hopeless. Pada a, at least the last part 
of it, seems reasonably sure. It would perhaps be better 
to take over pada b bodily from RV (glokayantraso ra- 
bhasasya mantavah). The end of c and beginning of d ar 
hopelessly corrupt in our ms: RV has badhira ahasata 
for c, and begins d with rtasya. 

sahasradharam abhi te samasvaran divo nake madhujihva 
asaQcatah | tasya spago na nimisanti bhurnayah pade-pade pa- 
cinas santu setave z 4 z 

This vs is RV 9. 73. 4, from which all of our emenda- 
tions ar taken. RV also reads santi setavah in pada d, 
and perhaps this should be red here. 

pary u sa pra dhanva vajasataye pari vrtrani saksanih | dvisas 
j* tudarnavan niyase { sahasrago namasi trayoda^o masah | in- 
drasya grho sindrasya garmaslndrasya varmasindrasya varutham 
asi z 5 z 

Most of this vs is found Q 5. 6. 4 (thru indrasya grhah) : 
part of it also (ending na lyase) in RV 9. 110. 1. The 
last part of our vs seems like a sort of index to the 
vss Q 5. 6. 11-14 (see below, Hymn 12). The last part 
of the vs, at least, is prose. In pada a it would seem 
natural, but not necessary, to read pary u su with RV 
and Q. Pada c I give up, except that it seems certain 
that dvisas should stand for divas: Whitney remarks that 

The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 395 

Q's reading here (dvisas tad adhy arnave neyase) looks 
like a corruption of RV dvisas taradhya rnaya na lyase, 
but our incoherent jumble looks more like Q than like 
RY. Perhaps tudarnavan should be read tu rnavan. Our 
sahasrago looks like a lectio facilior for Q sanisraso, but 
the whole thing is too dubious to justify the emendation, 
in my opinion. 

vy etenaratslr asau svaha | tigmayudhau tigmaheti sugeva 
agnlsomav iha su mrdatam nah z 6 z 
avaitenaratsir asau svaha 00 z 7 z 
apaitenaratslr asau svaha 00 z 8 z 

That this is what our text is ment to read may be seen 
at once by comparing the jumble of the ms with Q 5. 6. 
5-7, the vss which are equivalent to ours. Our ms has 
simply put . together the two opening words of each stanza 
(vy etena, avaitena, apaitena for which last is red the cor- 
rupt amaitena) at the beginning, and followd it up with the 
rest of the text, which is common to all three vss. The 
same method was followd below in hymn 12, vss 1-4, q. v. 
mumuktam asman grbhithad avadyaj jusetham yajnam amr- 
tam asmasu dhattam svaha z 9 z 

This is equivalent to Q 5. 6. 8. 

caksuso hete manaso hete brahmano hete (tapasag ca hete?) 
menya menir asi amenayas te santu ye 'sman abhyaghayanti 
svaha z 10 z 

This is Q 5. 6. 9. There is no sign in the ms of the 
omission of the words tapasac; ca hete, and as the passage 
is non-metrical there is no way of proving that they were 
originally there: nevertheless I believ I am right in in- 
serting them from Q. Our text follows Q very closely at 
this point, and moreover there is a sort of cadence in the 
passage which requires the insertion: this is evidenced by 
the evidently false placing of the comma after asi in the 
ms. Haplografy would easily account for the omission, 
yo 'sman caksusa manasa yag ca vacakutya cittya brahma- 
naghayur abhidasat'tvam agne tarn menyameniiii krnu svaha 
z 11 z 

This (also prose) equals Q 5. 6. 10, which reads in the 
last clause tan agne menyamenln. 

ud Syur ut krtam ud balam un manisa(m?) ud indriyam 
nrmna asmasu dhehi svaha z 12 z 

396 Franklin Edgerton, 

This, with the exception of the last clause, is found in 

Q 5. 9. 8, without the aid of which I should certainly not 

have emended so boldly (nor it is safe to say with such 

success: I think in spite of the extreme corruption of the 

ms that the text as restored is essentially sound). 

ayuskrtayusmati svadhavantau gopa me stho gopayatam ma 

atmasadhu me stam me sugevau ma ma hinsistaih svaha z 13 z 

Mostly corresponds to the last part of Q 5. 9. 8. Q has 
ayuskrd (which Wh. suggests might better be read krt) 
ayuspatni (for which our ayusmat! looks like a lectio 
facilior). In the second half, Q reads atmasadau. 

Our text gives really no help to the understanding of 
these very cryptic materials. 


For protection. 
Of. Q 5. 6. 11-14; Q 5. 9. 7; KS 37. 15, 16. 

(94 a 9) indrasya grho sindrasy 9a-(10)-rmasi indrasya var- 
masi indrasya marhatam asi | ta tva pra vi9ami sarvarh 
sa- (11) -rvatma sarvagus sarvapaurusah sam ye stu tena 
astrto namaham ay am assi matmanam pari dadhe dyava- 
prthivibhyam gopiyaya prahuyase | astrto nama (13) praja- 
patyo devapurayarh antah prahagarh devapurat saha gramas 
svastaye z (14) sarhvatsarasya sapyatas sarvais sahodarl 
saha z orh sarvais sahodarT saha praha-(15)-nagam deva- 
purayevasmi me vanarri yo ma kagcabhidasati | sa prajapa- 
(16)-tim iva gacchati | asmasu pratisma9as pahi risas pahi 
dvisas pa-(17)-hi devyabhigasyat sa mlya tanvarh pahi | yo 
sman pracya digo ghayur abhi (18) dasa | etat sa ditsad 
agmavarma no stu asmarh daksinaya di9ah (19) asman pra- 
ticya di9ah z 2 z 

indrasya grho 'si tam tva pra vigami sarvam sarvatma sar- 
vagus sarvapurusah | yan (?) me 'sti tena z 1 z 

indrasya garmasi tam tva oo z 2 z 

indrasya varmasi tam tva z 3 z 

indrasya varutham asi tam tva z 4 z 

That this is what the text means to read may be inferd 
from Q 5. 6. 11-14: see also above, hymn 11, vss 6-8. I 
am not very confident that Q's reading yan me 'sti should 
be substituted for sam ye stu: and if we adopt it, very 

Tlie Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 397 

probably the final of the preceding word should be changed 
according to the rules of sandhi, since there is hardly enuf 
of a break in sense to justify the punctuation which 1 hav 

astrto namaham ayam asmi sa Stmanarii pari dadhe dyara- 
prthivibhyam goplth&ya prahuyase z 5 z 

This is Q 5. 9. 7 in part: cf. also KS 37. 15, 16. 
astrto nama prajapatyo devapurayam antah -j- prahagaih 
devapurat saha [ gramas svastaye z 6 z 

This seems to hav no parallel, and I cannot make the 
last part of it clear: the three words prahagam . . . saha 
certainly need emendation, but I hav no suggestion, 
samvatsarasya saprathas sarvais sahodarl saha om sarvais 
sahodarl saha prahanagaiii devapurayevasmi (?) me vanam yo 
ma kac,cabhidasati z 7 z 

Most of this vs is wholly unclear to me, and the read- 
ings ar of course very open to suspicion. For sapyatas, 
saprathas seems likely: I think the last part of the vs is 
approximately correct. 

asmasu pratispagah pahi risah pahi dvisah pahy adevya 
abhi^astya sa ma iha tanvam pahi z 8 z 

For most of this vs cf. KS 37. 15, 16. I think pratispagah 
is right: cf. TS 5. 7. 3. 1. 

yo 'sman pracya digo 'ghayur abhidasat | etat sa rcchad 
agmavarma no ? stu | asman daksinaya digah | asman pratlcya 
digah z 9-11 z 

Cf. the following hymn. For abhidasa(t) might also be 
red abhidasati. I am almost certain that three verses ar 
ment to be red here insted of one, the last two padas 
being nothing but short-hand methods of indicating a 
repetition of the vs with the variations indicated. If so, we 
should supply yo before, and aghayur abhi after, each 
of the last two padas, thus making vss 10 and 11. Cf. the 
similar treatment of vss 1-4 above, hymn 11, vss 6-8, and 
hymn 15, vs 6. 


For protection (especially against demons). 
Cf. Q 5. 10. 1. 

(94 a 19) asman udicya die, ah (94 b 1) asman dhruvaya 
yo sman urdhvaya digo ghayur abhidasat z (2) tat 

398 Franklin Edgerton, 

sa ritsad a9mavarma no stu | (vs 1) pracyai di9e svaha 
(vs 2) daksinayai di9e (3) svaha | (vs 3) pratlcai dige svaha 
(vs 4) udicyai dige svaha | (vs 5) dhruvayai di-(4)-9e svaha | 
(vs 6) urdhvayai di9e svaha | (vs 7) dive svaha | (vs 8) an- 
tariksaya sva-(5)-ha | (vs 9) deve (!) svaha (vs 10) z 3 z iti 
raksoghnasuktam z z 

For vs 1 cf. Q 5. 10. 1. In it read asman, 'sman, 'ghayur, 
rcchad for ritsad, ac,mav, and 'stu. 

The remaining formulae mostly need no emendation: 
in vs 4 read praticyai. In vs 10 deve must certainly be 
a corruption of prthivyai, which I should not hesitate to 
put in the text: it probably arose in the first place thru 
the accidental omission of the syllable pr, after which a 
later copyist changed the monstrous-looking thivyai to a 
more reasonable-looking form. The label of the hymn 
should be red iti raksoghnasuktaru. 

Against all manner of demons. 

(94 b 6) mahakantharh karisajam abaddhyadam anahutam | 
osthas kokhamukha- (7) -9 ca yas lay ito na9ayamasi (vs 1) 

ramadanta sodanam praharam ahinasi-(8)-kam upavrttram 
balahakarh khenam gardabhanadinam | grddhrarh hastyaya- 
nam (9) tya | pramrsyadina satyamam | (vs 2?) 

bhimahastarh sarisrpam | bhrastaksam mrdva-(10)-ngulim | 
nakhogram dahcaviryam tan pary andami bhi papadam | 
(vs 3?) 

jigismano rupakam | atho 9alalyam 9evalatam | tandam 
agre tundika dalyam 9a uta (12) vatsapam | (vs 4?) 

dasagranthyam sanisrasam udranyedam carusyantam 
idiya-(13)-jnana ke9avam raksa9 caraty ahutam (vs 5?) 

barhih predam icchati | asyau napasyo-(14)-9 cage jfianu- 
rayaih9ukihyanas tay ito n9ayamasi | (vs 6?) 

yas kuma-(15)-rah jarasyami tfnam (?) dasasur arayah ke 
9yakila na yohvana-(16)-nahamtvaktica tarn ito na^ayamasi | 
(vs 7) 

hirajno nama gehyo ray a (17) nama siinuha | tarn ito na- 
9ayamasi z (vs 8) 

nitulambhaksam akhi-(18)-dam vanakro9am ca roruham | 
amadam prayatisinam paryamdanam paridra-(19)-vam vrka- 
sya nrcagam granam tay ito na^ayamasi (vs 9) z 4 z 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 399 

This hymn consists largely of a list of demons, whom its 
purpose is to exorcize. Its flavor strongly suggests Q 8. 6, 
which is directed against demons which attack women in 
pregnancy and travail: but whether this is the exact appli- 
cation of our verses or not is not clear. I seem to detect 
in vss 7 and 8 rather a reference to demons which attack 
children. But the text as a whole is very corrupt, and I can 
get no clearer idea of what it is all about than what I hav 
just said. Q 8. 6 also consists largely of a mere list of demons, 
a sort of demoniacal Almanach de Gotha; many of the names 
it contains ar, as Whitney's note says, "unknown elsewhere 
and untranslatable". This is a fortiori true of our hymn, which 
contains only one or two of the names found Q 8. 6. Even 
the division of verses is highly problematic in some cases; 
possibly tan ito nagayamasi should be supplied at the end of 
each stanza, see Introduction p. 377. 

Vs 1 is fairly clear. Read karisajam in pada a. In pada c 
I cannot better osthas : the following word is of course koka. 
In pada d read tan ito. 

Vs 2: pada a, perhaps rasabhadantam sodaram ("big-bellied"?) 
pada b, ahinasikam is certainly sound, 'padas c-d seem all 
right (reading upavrtraiu), tho khenam is otherwise unknown. 
In padas e-f (if they really belong to vs 2!) the only certain 
word is grdhram. 

Ys 3: padas a-b ar all right if we read bhrastaksam. The 
margin has marirargam, evidently as a substitute for sarlsrpam. 
For padas c-d I suggest hesitatingly nakhograih dancaviryam 
tan paryasyamy abhipadan. 

Vs 4: pada a, jigisamano . pada b, galalyam may conceal 
a form related to galall. Perhaps we may read gevalam for 
cevalatfim; cf. Q 1. 11. 4, where gevala is an epithet of the 
afterbirth (jarayu). Or the syllable tarn may belong to the 
next pada. pada c should probably end with tundikarii (Q 8. 6. 5), 
and pada d may be red dalyam ca uta vatsapam. The name 
vatsapa occurs Q 8. 6. 1, but dalyam is an unknown word, 
and of course open to suspicion. 

Vs 5: I can suggest no improvement. I suspect that pada b 
ends with ca plus a participial form from arusyati. The name 
kegava occurs Q 8. 6. 23. My verse-division may be incorrect; 
it looks very likely that 5d goes closely with 6 a. 

400 Franklin Edgerton, 

Vs 6: except that the tay of the last pada should be (pro- 
bably) tan (possibly ta) I can make no suggestion. 

Vs 7 is also too much for me, tho it of course contains 
some words that ar obviously correct or nearly so. 

Vs 8: pada b, read 'rayo nama sunuha. 

Vs 9: most of the names here look sound, and I at least 
can venture no improvement on those which do not. In the 
last pada of course read tan ito. In pada c possibly ghranan? 

To Indra, for prosperity. 

(95 a 1) yag ca bhauma ya ca sphati yayorja yo rasasya 
te | havami gakra tarn han taya prattam (2) gaclpate ksetrat 
ksetrad aharami sphamti sarvarh gaclpate | tayaham vrtra- 
hah (3) patum a harami | grhan upa yas te sita bhaga 
ksetre | aradhir yag gaciyate | (4) atho ya nistha te ksetre 
itv aharsi vrahmana | yat khale nasay ade yad gosthe yac 
ca (5) gevadhau | athotkussyamse tasya te rasam a dadhe | 
urja ya te nrpa tasyorja yava- (6) -hatasya te urjarh te pa- 
gyamanasyorjam pistat tadadhe | te nrpa tasyorjavata asya 
(7) te | urjam te pihyamanasyorjam pakva te urja ya te 
pranugdhasyoja ya madhita-(8)-sya te | urja te duhyamana- 
syorjarh dugdhan tadade | a tetade gavam urjam u-(9)-rjam 
avitya dadhe | ajadya urjam adayata ekagapa dadhe urja 
ya te (10) purusurja citte ca vedye | urja te sarvesam aham 
grhanam vrahmana dade (11) z 5 z 

Bead as follows: 

yag ca bhuma ya ca sphatir ya corja, yo rasag ca te | harami 
gakra tan aham tvaya prattan gaclpate z 1 z 

ksetrat ksetrad aharami sphatim sarvam gaclpate | tayaham 
vrtrahan pitum aharami grhan upa z 2 z 

yas te gita bhagah ksetre aradhir yag gaclpate | atho ya 
Distha te ksetre ita (ito) aharsi brahmana z 3 z 

In pada d the only question is one of sandhi whether the 
original text red ito or ita. In pada a there is a real problem, 
and I am by no means certain of my attempted solution: I 
hav assumed gita(h) as a ppp. from the root g!-; undoutedly 
a bold assumption, but I can see no more likely guess. 

yat khale rasam adade yad gosthe yac ca gevadhau | f athot- 
kussyamse f tasya te rasam adade z 4 z 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 401 

Pada c is hopeless. I am fairly confident of my restoration 
of pada a: the signs for na and ra ar easily confused in Qa- 
rada, and yat may be taken as a conjunction, tho it would be 
better to hav it agree with the noun as a relativ pronoun. 

urja ya te nrpa tasyorja yavahatasya te | urjarii te pacya- 
manasyorjaih pistam ta a dade z 5 z 

Pada a: ya-avahatasya? pada d: pistat might stand were it 
not for the parallels pakvaih and dugdham of pada d in vss 6 
and 7, which make the accus. almost certain here. 

(urja ya) te nrpa tasyorja -j- vata asya -j- te | urjarii te pisya- 
manasyorjarii pakvarii ta (a dade) z 6 z 

The first two and last two words of this verse are evidently 
ment to be supplied from the preceding and following verses. 
The method used by our ms to indicate such omissions of 
repeated passages is often very imperfect. Compare 12. 9, and 
Introduction p. 377. Note the curious chiasmus in the second 
hemistichs of this and the preceding verses: pacyamanasya . . . 
pistam, pisyamanasya . . . pakvam. 

urja ya te pradugdhasyorja ya maditasya te | urjarii te du- 
hyamanasyorjam dugdharii ta a dade z 7 z 

a te dade gavam urjam urjam avlnam a dade | ajanam urjam 
adayata aikagapham a dade z 8 z 

The constant interchange between the stems urj and urja 
is striking. Insted of the genitivs avlnam and ajanam perhaps 
derivativ adjectivs (avityam?) analogous to aikaQapham (from 
ekagapha) may hav stood here originally. Pada d begins, of 
course, with ata(s), and is hypermetric if my reconstruction is 
. correct (perhaps read with secondary crasis ataika ). 

urja ya te purusanam urja f cittecavedye f urjam te sarve- 
sam aharii grhanaih brahmanadade z 9 z 

The restoration of purusanam is made nearly certain by the 
preceding stanza and the metrical requirements. I cannot 
solv pada b. 


To the soma-drink, for blessings. 
RV 1. 187; KS 40. 8. 

(95 a 11) pitum na stosam maho dharmanarh tavisl | yasya 
trito vyojasa vr- (12) -tram viparyamardayat | svado pito 
madho pito vayarh tva vivrnmahe | asmaka-(13)-m avita 
bhava | utta nas pittav (pituv?) a gahi 9^39 9ivabhir utibhih 

402 Franklin Edgerton, 

mayobhur a-(14)-dvisenyas sakha sugeva edhi nah tava 
tye pito rasa rajahsy anu visthitah di-(15)-vi vata iva gritah 
tava tye pito dadatah tava svatistha te pito | pra svadmano 
rasa-(16)-nam tuvyagriva iverate | yat te pito mahanam 
devanam mano hitam | akari ca-(17)-ru ketuna tavahim 
avasavadhit yad adas pito ajagan vivasva parvatanam (18) 
atra cin no madhupito ram bhaksaya gamyam | yat te soma 
gaagiro yavagiro bhaja-(19)-mahe | vatape piva id bhava | 
yad apam osadhinarh balirh samari9a-(95b l)-mahe | vatape 
piva id bhava | karamba osadhe bhava pivo vrkka udarathih 
(2) vatape piva id bhava | tan tva vayarh pito vacobhir gavo 
na havya susu-(3)-dima | asmabhyarh tva sadamadarh de- 
vebhyas tva sadamadam z 6 z 

pituih mardayat z 1 z 

Read nu for na (pada a) and tavisim (pada b). Pada d 
seems better than the reading of the parallel texts, viparvam 
ardayat. This vs also occurs VS 34. 7 and N 9. 25. 

svado bhava z 2 z 

Pada b: vivrnmahe is very likely corrupt (the other texts 
have vavrmahe), but cf. BR s. v. varj with vi, 3). 

uta nas .pitav a gahi c,ivag edhi nah z 3 z 

tava tye iva gritah z 4 z 

tava 1 tye iverate z 5 z 

Pada b: read svadistha. Pada d: read tuvigrlva. 

yat te pito avasavadhit z 6 z 

The only different reading in RV and KS is tve for yat te 
in pada a. 

yad adas gamyam z 7 z 

Pada d: read 'ram (perhaps also gamyah, as the parallel 
texts do?) 

yat te soma id bhava z 8 z 

Pada a: read gavagiro. 

yad apam id bhava z 9 z 

(Pada b seems superior to the reading of the parallel texts.) 

karambha osadhe id bhava z 10 z 

tarn tva vayam sadhamadam z 11 z 

Padas c-d: read sadhamadam both times. 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 403 


To Agni and the Maruts. 
Vss 1-9 = RV 1. 19. 

(95 b 4) prati tyarh carum adhvararh gopithaya prahuyase | 
marudbhir agna a gahi | (vs 1) 

(5) na hi devo na martyo mahas tava kraturh purah ma- 
rudbhir agna a gahi | (vs 2) 

yameha (6) rajaso vidur vi9ve devaso adruhah marudbhi | 
(vs 3) 

ye 9ubhra ghoravarpa-(7)-sas suksatraso risadasah ma- 
rudbhi | (vs 4) 

ya ugra arkam anrtar anadr-(8)-stasa ojasa | marudbhi | 

ye nakasyadhi rocane divi devas sa-(9)-hasate | marudbhi | 

ayarh ksayanti parvatah tiras samudram ojasa | (10) ma- 
rudbhi | (vs 7) 

a ye tanvanti ra9mibhis tiras samudram arnavarh | ma- 
rudbhi | (vs 8) 

abhi tva (11) purvapitaya srjami somyam madhu | ma- 
rudbhi [ (vs 9) 

a yantu maruto ga-(12)-nai stuta dadhatu no rayirh | a 
tva kanva husata grnarhtu vipra te dhi-(13)-yah marudbhir 
agna a gahi (vs 10) z 7 z anu 3 z 

The text of this hymn is practically as it is written, except 
that the third pada (refrain) of vss 3-9 is abbreviated in the 
ms. Vs 1 is also found SV 1. 16, Kaug 127. 7, and N 10. 36. 
Vs 2: pada b, read parah for purah. Vs 3: for yameha read 
perhaps (with RV 1. 19. 3) ye maho. Vs 4 pada b: perhaps 
rigadasah should be red (with RV vs 5), but ris- and rig- are 
almost interchangeable. Vs 5 pada a: read anrcur. Pada b: 
read anadhrstasa. Vs 7 pada a: read probably y a mkhay an ti 
parvatan, with RV vs 7. Vs 8 also occurs MS 4. 11. 2. 
Vs 9 pada a: read purvapltayas? but better, pltaye with RV 
vs 9, and all other texts (see Cone.). This vs entire occurs 
N 10. 37, and pada a repeatedly elsewhere, see Cone. Vs 10 
(cf. RV 1. 14. 2): pada a, read ganais: pada c, read perhaps 
ahusata? pada d: read probably grnanti. 

404 Franklin Edgerton, 


To various gods, for blessings. 
Cf. Q 7. 33. 1, and the following hymn. 

(95 b 13) sarh ma sincantu (14) marutas sarh pusa sam 
vrhaspatih sarh mayam agnis sirhcatu prajaya ca (15) dha- 
nena ca | dlrgham ayus krnotu me | (vs 1) 

sarh ma sincantv adityas sarh ma si-(16)-ncantv agnayah 
indras sam asman sirhcatu (vs 2) 

sincantv anusa sam arka rsa-(17)-yag ca ye | pusa sarh 
sincatu gandharvapsarasas sarh ma sincantu devatah (vs 3) 

(18) bhagas sarh sincatu prthivi sarh ma sincantu ya diva | 
antariksarh sarh (19) sincantu pradi9as sarh ma sincantu ya 
digah (vs 4) 

93. sam sincantu kr-(20)-sayah sarh ma sincantv osadhih 
sarh mas sarh sincantu nabhyas sarh ma si-(96 a l)-ncantu 
sindhavah samudras sarh | (vs 5) 

sarh mas sincantv apas sarh ma sincantu vr-(2)-stayah 
satyarh sam asmana sincatu prajaya ca dhanena ca | dlrgham 
ayus kr-(3)-notu me (vs 6) z i z 

The division of verses which I hav introduced in this rig- 
marole is highly problematic: the ms indicates, as usual, no 
division, and the sense gives little help. I think it most pro- 
bable that there were more than six verses in the hymn as 
originally recited; perhaps the normal nine. Padas d and e 
of vss 1 and 6 ar to be supplied at the end of each vs. 

Vs 1 = Q 7. 33. 1 (all that Q 7. 33 consists of). 

Vs 3: pada a is corrupt. The only fairly certain thing about 
it is that Usas appeared in it. It might be written sincantv 
asman usasas. 

Vs 4: pada b, divah(!). 

Vs 5: pada a, ac,as. pada c, probably read sam ma sincantu 

Vs 6: pada a, ma for mas, pada c, asman for asmana. 


To various gods, for blessings. 
Cf. the preceding hymn. 

(96 a 3) sarh bhargo varcasa magne sarh visnus pustyasrjat 
(4) ksetrarh sam asman sincatu prajaya ca dhanena ca | 
ayusmantarh krnotu marh (vs 1) 

The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 405 

(5) sam virad varcasa magne sam destri pustyasrjat ida 
sam asman si-(6)-ncatu prajaya ca dhanena ca | (vs 2) 

sam dhata varcasa magne sam siktih pustyasrjat (7) sam 
devo sman aryama prajaya ca dhanena ca | (vs 3) 

sam aihfo varcasa magne sam va-(8)-yuh pustyasrjat 
vatas sam asman sincatu prajaya ca dhanena ca | (vs 4) 

(9) sam sabha varcasa magne sam sara pustyasrjat | 
surya sam | (vs 5) 

sam (10) savita varcasa magne sam suryas pustyasrjat | 
candra sam (vs 6) 

sam pa9avo varca-(ll)-sagne sam yajnas pustyasrjat | 
daksina sam | (vs 7) 

sa ma sincatu dravinarh (12) sam sa sincatv indriyam | 
tejas sam | (vs 8) 

sam ma sincatu varcarhsi sam ma si-(13)-ficantu bhutayah 
sarasvati sam asman sincatu prajaya ca dhanena ca | (14) 
ayusmantarh krnotu ma (vs 9) z 2 z 

All the vss ar to be red with 5 padas, supplying the nec- 
essary parts of padas c, d, and e, where the text is ab- 
breviated, from vss 1 or 9. 

Vs 5: pada c, read probably suryas. 

Vs 6: pada c, candras. 

Vs 8: pada a, sam for sa. pada b, ma for sa. 


Against nocturnal and hidden dangers. 
Q 19. 47. 

(96 a 14) a ratri parthivarh rajas pitaras pra-(15)-yu dha- 
mabhih divas sudhahsi vrhativa tisthasa a tve9arh vartate 
tamah (vs 1) 

na ya-(16)-syas pararh dadrce na yoyavad yasya sasyam 
nimisate rejati | arista9a-(17)-sya ca ud urvati sasya ca 
ratri param a9imahi | bhadre param a9imahi (vs 2) 

(18) ete ratre nrcaksaso drstaro navatir navah a9itis samtv 
asta uto te (19) sapta saptatih (vs 3) 

sastyu9 ca sad u ca revaty ahca^at yamca na9annihi 
catvara9 ca-(96b l)-tvarih9ac ca trayas trih9ac ca vadini z 

dva ca vih9ati9 ca te ratri ekada-(2)-9avama tebhir no 
dya payubhir nr pahi duhitahr divah (vs 5) 

406 Franklin Edgerton, 

raksa makir no a-(3)-gha9ahsa Igata ma no dug9arisa 
igata | ma no dya gavam steno mavainam vrkaisatah | (vs 6) 

(4) sagvanam bhadre taskaro ma nrnaih yatudhanyah | 
paramebhis pathibhi steno da-(5)-vatu taskarah | (vs 7) 

parena datvati raj jus parenayur aksatu andho ratri tistadhu- 
(6)-mam agirsanim ahirh krnu | (vs 8) 

hano vrkasya jambhaya dvainam nrpate ja-(7)-hi | tairatri 
vicamasi sapustyamasi jagrvi (vs 9) 

gobhyo nag garma ya-(8)-cchad agvebhyas purusebhyah 
(vs 10) z 3 z 

Vs 1 (also found in RVKh 10. 127. 1, VS 34. 32, N 9. 29): 
pada b, read with Q pitur aprayi dh. pada c, divas sadansi 
brhatl vi(?) with Q. pada d, tvesam. 

Vs 2: pada a, yoyuvad. pada b: hopeless. Q's reading is 
vigvam asyS-m nivigate yad ejati. It does not seem likely to 
me that Ppp had this reading, but I cannot reconstruct a 
substitute, pada c, as bad as pada b (q. v.). Q has aristasas 
ta urvi tamasvati. 

Vs 3 also occurs RVKh 10. 127. 2, QQ 9. 28. 10. pada a, 
perhaps read ye te for ete, with the other texts, pada b, 
drastaro, nava. pada c, santy (?) asta. 

Vs 4: pada a, sastic,. pada b, paficaQat panca, and for na- 
Qamnihi possibly sumnayi with Q? pada d, I suspect v&dini, 
but Q's vajini is not too alluring. 

Vs 5: pada b, ratry (ratri), avamah. pada d, ni for nr? 

Vs 6: pada d, mavlnam vrka ic,ata (with Q)? 

Vs 7: pada a, magvanam. pada d, dhavatu. 

Vs 8: pada b, parenaghayur arsatu. pada c, either trsta- 
dhumam with Q, or perhaps tlksnadh ? pada d, agirsanam. 

Vs 9: pada a, hanu. pada b is very corrupt (Q reads stenam 
drupade jahi, which is as likely to hav been Ppp's reading as 
anything that occurs to me), pada c, tvayi ratri. pada d, pro- 
bably svapisyamasi jagrhi. 

Vs 10: needs no change (Q reads yacchagvebhyah). 


To night, for protection from nocturnal dangers. 
Q 19. 48. 

(96 b 8) atho yani tamassahe yani (9) cantas parenihi 
tani ye pari dadhmasi | (vs 1) 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 407 

ratri matar usase na pa-(10)-ri dhehi jusa no anna pari 
dadatv ahas tubhyam vibhavari (vs 2) 

yadi kin ce-(ll)-dam pated yadi kim dedarh sarisrpam yadi 
kin ca padvad asunvan tasma tvarh (12) ratri pahi nah r 

sa pagcat sahi madhuras sattarad adharad uta | go- (13) 
-paya no vibhavari stotaras ta iha ssasi | (vs 4) 

ye ratrim anutisthanti (1.4) ye ca bhutesu jagrabhi | paun 
ye sarvan raksantu te natvamasi jagra-0 5)-tu te nas pa9u- 
bhir jagratu (vs 5) 

veda vai ratri te nama ghrtaci nami va-(16)-si | tarn tva 
bharadvajo veda sa no vitte dhi jagrvi (vs 6) z 4 z 

Vs 1: pada a, Q has Qayamahe for tamassahe, but I do not 
venture to change Ppp's reading, even tho its meaning is 
not evident, pada b, parmahi. pada c, te for ye? dadmasi. 

Vs 2: pada a, rah pari dehi. pada b, usa, ahne. 

Vs 3: pada b, cedam. pada c, agrnvan? pada d, tasmat. 

Vs 4: pada a, sa pagcat pahi sa puras. pada b, sottarad. 
pada d, smasi. 

Vs 5 (except the fifth pada, found also in KS 37. 10): pada b, 
jagrati. pada c, raksanti. pada d, te na atmasu ja 8 . pada e, 
pagubhir may be construed as associative pagusu not required. 

Vs 6: pada b, nama va asi. pada d, jagrhi. 

. 22. 

With the offering of a "vistarin" rice-mess; for blessings. 
Vss 1-8 = Q 4. 34. 

(96 b 17) vrahmasi giro vrhad asya prstham vamadevyam 
udaram odanasya | chandari-(18)-si paksau mukham asya 
satyam vista yajnas tapaso dhi jata | (vs 1) 

anasta-(19)-c fuddhas pavanena putag gucayag gucln spi 
yanti lokan | vistarina-(20)-m odanam ye pacanti naihisam 
sisnam pra dahaj jatavedah naihisam (97 a 1) sisnam pra 
dahati jatavedah (vs 2) 

svarge loka bahu strmim esarh nainan yasah pari (2) 
musnati reta z yaste yama upa yati devan sam gandharvair 
asaditi syaumyaih (vs 3) 

(3) vistarinam odanam ye pacanti nainanivanti sajate kuta 
cana | rathi ya bhutva (4) rathayan lyate paksi ya bhut- 
vapya divam gamayati | (vs 4) 

esa yajfio vitato bahistho (5) vistarapakvo divam a samada 

408 Franklin Edgerton, 

catuskumbhyam caturdha dadati ksirena praja (6) udakena 
dadhna | (vs 5) 

etas tva kulya upa yanti vigvaha svarge loke svadhaya 
pi-(7)-nvamana | ghrtahrada madhukulya svarodaka ksirena 
purna udakena da-(8)-dhna | (vs 6) 

etas tva nulya upa yanti vi9vatas svarge loka svadhaya 
madayanti | (9) pundarikarh kumidarh san tanoti vigarh ga- 
lukharh capakho mulali | svarge lo-(10)-ke svadhaya pin- 
vamana upa ma tisthanti puskarims samakta | (vs 7) 

yam odanarh paca-(ll)-si migraddhadhano vistarinam lo- 
kajitiyam svargyarh sa merh ma ksesta sadam i-(12)-sya- 
mano vigvarupa kamadugha dhenur astu me | (vs 8) 

vrsabharh santarh saha saunrta-(13)-ya svarge loke amrtarh 
duhane | yeme putras pitarag ca sati te tva vistari- (14) -d 
upa sarve sadeyuh (vs 9) 

ya imani yajnan abhi visthatani yasyeme lokas sva (15) 
svadhaya samaktah yeme pautra uta ye pitamahas tebhyo 
vistarahn amrta (16) ni dhuksva z (vs 10) 

yat prthiviyarh yady antariksarh yadi divam devataya 
jagantha ye-(17)-me prapautrah | prapitamahag ca tebhyo 
vistarinn anu prajnesu tatra (vs 11) 

svarge loke (18) apsarasa enarh jaya bhutvopagerate vis- 
tarinam odanam ye pacanty asmin lo-(19)-ke daksinayas 
pariskrtarh (vs 12) 

ninnudainarh svany apa tanad adhi bibhrah gam asye 
(97 b 1) krnvo vigrhibhrah (?) gatamasu (vs 13) 

aparhcam pratima kurcy adharaciyarh striyarh naya [ atl- 
(2)-mam daga parvatan atima navya daga | (vs 14) 

adharacim apacim ato kulagalam bhi-(3)-sarh bibhrah gam 
asyai krnvas tenainam pratimamasi | (vs 15) 

ajaniruja bilarh bilad a- (4)-rnyamakurv aranyad aranam 
janam | mrgah anu prapataya vatasyaina gikharh (5) kuru | 
(vs 16) 

vatagre yassa hrdayarh manor esv anu dadhmasi | bibhrah 
cam asyai krnvo (6) viddharh samamaktandase | (vs 17) 

garvam anu pariplava tarn antar a dyavaprthivi u-(7)- 
bhe | yatha na vadhri dantarad viga tulam ivopari | (vs 18) 

agam asyai vato vatv a-(8)-gath tad ati suryah atho yad 
atinam agnati tatas si visuvattararh | (vs 19) 

sihhas te stu (9) caksusa ity eka | (vs 20) 

The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 409 

esa vam agnim antara | sa vi9vamcau vy asyatu yatha 
vam sa (10) manty uttarastyo9 canayusT | (vs 21) 

utpataya 9imidav ati | imau vy asya dampati-(ll)-s pakvam 
mamsam ivaginam meham asmin patau ramstamossyo 9ay- 
ane sve | jaha-(12)-ti vasano9 cam ahir jirnam iva tvacam 
(vss 22-23) 

yatha mrt9 ca jlvarii9 casmin lo-(13)-ke vyokasah evesau 
dampati stam asmin loke vyokasau z (vs 24) 

pitas pi-(14)-tarau tustarmatarmatamahas tena vrahanas 
tena cchandasas svargo lokas sva-(15)-rgasya lokar gamayate 
ya ivarii veda (vs 25) 

z anu 4 z ziti 9raddhavra-(16)-hmanam z z om asmin 
loke vyokasau z z ity atharvani (17) paippalada9akhayam 
sasthas kandah z 

Vs 1: pada a, brahmasya giro bfhad e . pada d, vistar! or 
vistari-yajii : jatah. 

Vs 2: pada a, putag. padas d and e, naitesam gignaih. (Is 
pada e an accidental repetition of pada d, a case of ditto- 

Vs 3: pada a, loke, strainam. pada b, yamah, retail, pada c, 
aste for yaste? pada d, madate for asaditi? saumyaih. 

Vs 4: pada b, perhaps nainan avartis? pada c, ha for ya? 
perhaps rathayana for yan? pada d, probably read paksi ha 
bhutvapi divam sameti. 

Vs 5: pada a, vahistho (but the reading of the Q mss, as 
well as Ppp, is bah !), pada b, sasada. pada c, catuskumbhyam 
(ace. sg.)? pada d, I believ that praja must represent a fourth 
instr. form: possibly prksa? 

Vs 6: pada b, pinvamanah. pada c, madhukulyas svarodakah. 

Vs 7: pada a, kulya for nulya. pada b, loke, madayantih. 
pada c, kumudam. pada d, bisam galukam gaphako mulali. 
pada e, svadhaya. pada f, samaktah. 

Vs 8: pada a, probably migrarn dadhano. pada b, perhaps 
lokajitaih? pada c, me for mem, madam for sadam. pada d, 

Vs 9: pada a, sahaih sunj-taya. pada b, perhaps duhanam. 
pada c, ya ime. santi. pada d, vistarinn. 

Vs 10: pada a, ya iman yajnan abhi visthito 'si. pada b, 
omit sva. pada c, ya ime. pada d, vistarinn amrtam ni dh. 

28 JAOS 34. 

410 Franklin Edgerton, 

Vs 11: pada a, probably read yadi prthivim. pada b, prob- 
ably devatayam (possibly devataya). pada c, ya ime. pada d. 

Vs 12 seems correct as it stands. 

Vs 13: I cannot solv the first part. The last part is perhaps 
to be red bibhran gam asyai krnmo vigrhitfn catamasi. The 
letter h of vigrh is doutful: Barret thinks the sign bhra of 
the ms is fairly clear, but bhra and tra ar nearly inter- 
changeable, and the vowel r is written ra countless times. 

Vs 14: padas a-b, apaciih pratimaih krdhy adharacim griyam 
naya. pada c, atlman. 

Vs 15: pada b, I read bisaiii for bhisam: both this and 
kulagalam seem to be designations of plants, pada c, krnmas. 
Verses 16-19 ar in bad shape and I can offer little. 

Vs 16: padas a-b: aranyam a-kurv? pada c, ainarh. 

Vs 17: pada a, yasya? pada b, manor might be sanor also, 
pada d, ktandase might equally well be kundase. 

Vs 18: pada c, no adhri? 

Vs 19: pada d, perhaps tad asti visavat ? 

Vs 20 is quoted (by pratika, cf. our introduction p. 376 f.) 
from 2. 58. 3, where it is given in full, tho in a corrupt form: 
see Barret, JAOS 30. 233. (The word astu is 'there omitted 
evidently by error. Our caksusa stands for caksuso.) 

Vs 21 (cf. 2. 58. 6 and 3): pada a, esa vam agnir antarah. 
pada b, visvaiicau. pada c, probably yatha vam nago asati 
(of. Barret, 1. c.). pada d is unintelligible to me : it may belong 
to the following verse. 

Vss 22-23: I can do little more than the division of words 
implies. The second pada seems all right (reading dampati). 

The last two padas ar all right except for the words va- 
sanoQ cam, which I can do nothing with. 

Vs 24: pada a, jivac,. pada c, evemau. Otherwise the verse 
needs no change. 

Vs 25: this appears to be a prose passage of brahmana- 
like character, and it may well be douted whether it origin- 
ally belonged to the hymn. I cannot construe the first part 
of it. Read brahmana, chandasa, lokam (for lokar), and evaiii 
(for ivam). Compare the Vedic Concordance under tena brah- 
mana and tena chandasa. The colofon should probably be 
red iti c.raddhabrahmanam, and should be taken as referring 
specifically to this last stanza (or, possibly, e brahma, referring 

The Kashmirian Atharva Veda, Book Six. 411 

to the whole hymn?) Note that after it the last pada of V8 24 
is repeated. This is in itself an indication that the hymn 
really ends with vs 24. In a number of other cases our ms. 
repeats at the end of a hymn the last pada of the last 
stanza 1 , introducing it by the syllable om. 

i Such repetitions occur, according to a list which Barret sends me, 
at the end of 1. 92, 1. 112, 2. 8, 2. 28, 2. 73, 2. 91, 3. 10, 3. 30, 4. 7, 4. 27 
and (?) after vs 6 of 4. 17. 

Armageddon. By PAUL HAUPT, Professor in the Johns 
Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1 

Theodore Roosevelt concluded, his speech before the 
Chicago Convention on August 5, 1912 with the words: We 
stand at Armageddon, and we battle for the Lord. Armageddon 
denotes the place of a final battle, just as Waterloo is used 
for an overwhelming defeat, or as F. A. Beyerlein called 
his sensational novel, in which he endeavored to point out 
some alleged defects in the German army, Jena oder Sedan? 
(Berlin, 1903) the meaning of this title being, Will the con- 
ditions prevailing in the German army lead to Jena or to 
Sedan, to a great disaster, as in 1806, or to a notable victory, 
as in 1870? 

Similarly the author of the Maccabean homily in the Book 
of Joel, which was written toward the end of Simon's reign 
(about 136 B. c.) when Antiochus VII Sidetes sent his general 
Cendebseus against Judah, says, If the enemies of the Chosen 
People should attempt a new invasion, JHVH will bring them 
down into a Valley of Jehoshaphat where they will be annihilated, 
as the Moabites, Ammonites and Meunites 2 were exterminated 
in the Valley of Berachah when they marched against Jeru- 
salem in the days of Jehoshaphat (about 850 B.C.). 3 

The name Valley of Jehoshaphat is now given to the Valley 
of Kidron which separates Mount Zion from Mount Olivet. 
This designation (which cannot be traced beyond the fourth 
century A. D.) may be based on the fact that in the account 
of the Maccabean victory, given in 1 Mace. 16, 9, Simon's son, 
John Hyrcanus, is said to have pursued Cendebseus as far as 
Kedron. This place, however, is not the Kidron Valley on 
the east side of Jerusalem, but the fortress of Kedron, i. e. 
the present %atra, SE of Jamnia, NE of Ashdod, about 
3'/2 miles SW of Ekron. The Jews as well as the Christians 

Paul Haupt, Armageddon. 413 

and Mohammedans of Palestine believe that the Last Judg- 
ment will be held in the Kidron Valley, and just as the Kidron 
Valley, on the east side of Jerusalem, is supposed to be the 
scene of Doomsday, so the Valley of Hinnom, south of Jeru- 
salem, is regarded as the place of the future punishment of 
the wicked: the name Gehenna is the Hebrew Qe-Hinnom, 
Valley of Hinnom. 

Armageddon, the place of the final battle, is derived from 
Rev. 16, 16: He gathered them together to a place called in the 
Hebrew tongue Armageddon (xal ouv^yaYsv autoo? si? TOV i6irov 
TOV xaXoup-evov 'Eppai'a-l t Apfj.aYeo'u>v). The Revised Version has 
Har-Magedon (Westcott-Hort reads Q Ap MayeScuv). Luther's 
Bible gives the name with an initial h. The Vulgate has 
Armagedon.* Luther's Harmageddon is preferable to Arma- 
geddon, because the name undoubtedly represents the Hebrew 
Har-Megiddon, the Mount (or Hill) of Megiddo. Ho mm el's 
conjecture (1890) that Harmageddon is a corruption of Har- 
Mo f ed^ the Mountain of the Assembly in Is. 14, 13 (L e. the 
Babylonian Olympus on whose summit the gods dwell) does 
not commend itself, although it was endorsed by Siegfried 
in his review of the twelfth edition of Gesenius' Hebrew 
lexicon (TLZ 20, 304). 6 There is no mythological element in 
the name Armageddon. 7 

The so-called eschatological passages as well as the alleged 
Messianic prophecies in the Old Testament have, as a rule, 
a definite historical background, but when the prophetic bills 
drawn on the future were not honored, they were afterwards 
extended to Doomsday. 8 It is true that the poetic imagery in 
Messianic and eschatoiogical sections reflects certain ancient 
mythological ideas, but we find the same influence in modern 
poetry. We may speak of a thunderbolt or of a jovial fellow 
without being conscious of the original mythological ideas. If 
a newspaper writer refers to Cupid, or old Sol, or Jupiter 
Pluvius, we need not suppose that his religious ideas are in- 
fluenced by classical mythology. The day before yesterday was 
the second anniversary of the Titanic disaster perhaps the 
greatest ocean tragedy which the world has ever known. A 
year ago a Baltimore newspaper said that on April 14, ]912 
Neptune, in his wrath against the monsters of the deep that 
were slowly conquering him, arose, and within the space of a 
few short hours swallowed the giant Titanic. This sounds very 

414 Paul Haupt, 

mythological, but it is merely pseudo-poetic imagery. If we 
want to understand the eschatological passages of the Bible 
we must know Oriental imagery and allegory. Nor can we 
adopt Jensen's view (quoted by Zimmern in Gunkel's 
Schopfung und Chaos, p. 389) that jiaYsBwv is identical with 
{UYa&cwv in TeoejjLiYaSwv, the consort of Epso^tyaX, i. e. the Ba- 
bylonian goddess of Hades (KAT* 637, n. 2). 

When Roosevelt used the name Armageddon I dare say 
he had in mind, not the apocalyptic passage in the Book of 
.Revelation, but the sixth stanza of Whittier's poem Rantoul.* 
Robert Rantoul was a member of Congress from Massachu- 
setts and one of the great opponents of slavery. He died at 
his post in Washington, six days before the forty-seventh an- 
niversary of his birthday, on August 7, 1852. Whittier says 

of him: 

We seemed to see our flag unfurled, 
Our champion waiting in his place, 

For the last battle of the world, 
The Armageddon of the race. 

J. W. Bull, of Baltimore, published, in 1859, two discourses 
by F. E. Pitts, of Nashville, Tenn. The first of these addresses, 
which was delivered in the great hall of the Capitol in Feb- 
ruary, 1857, is entitled: Defense of Armageddon; or, Our 
Great Country Foretold in the Holy Scriptures; and the title 
of the second discourse is: The Battle of Armageddon; or the 
World's Last Conflict between Civil and Religious Liberty on the 
One Side, and Political and Ecclesiastical Despotism on the 
Other. Charles Francis Adams lectured at the Johns 
Hopkins University, Feb. 17, 1914, on The Armageddon of 
Lancashire. An article, by Harold K el lock, in the Century 
Magazine for May, 1914, pp. 75-82, describing the war that is 
being waged in New England against the gipsy- and the brown- 
tailed moths, is entitled The Winged Armageddon. A clever 
(but untrustworthy) editorial in the New York World (re- 
printed in the Baltimore Sun, June 11, 1914, p. 6, col. 7) 
pretending that Hearst and Roosevelt are twin souls having 
almost everything in common concludes with the paragraph: 
Armageddon is Ug enough for loth of them, and Mr. Hearst 
is not averse to battle for the Lord provided the gate receipts 
are equitably divided. 

On August 9, 19121 had just returned from Europe, after 

Armageddon. 416 

having attended the Oriental Congress at Athens the Editor 
of the Baltimore Evening Sun called me up over the telephone, 
asking me whether I had seen Roosevelt's reference to Ar- 
mageddon at the end of his speech in Chicago on August 5; 
he was especially anxious to know whether Roosevelt likened 
himself to King Josiah of Judah or to Pharaoh Necho of 
Egypt. I said, I had not read Roosevelt's speech, but I 
should look it up, and let him know. After about an hour I 
gave the desired information, and the same evening the Sun 
published nearly a column stating, I had confessed that I had 
never heard of Armageddon, but that it might have been one 
of the great Babylonian battle-fields on the borders of Asia; 
the name probably meant The Mount of Magedom. 

Now Armageddon (or, more correctly, Har-Magedon) means, 
of course, The Mount of Mageddon, and Mageddon is the 
Septuagintal rendering of the Hebrew Megiddo(n) which is 
one of the oldest cities in Palestine. It is referred to in the 
Amarna Tablets about 1400 B. c. In some reports of Egyptian 
officials, about B. c. 1500, contained in the new Petersburg 
papyrus recently published by Golenischeff, n Megiddo 
appears at the head of the Canaanite cities (OLZ 17, 105. 202; 
cf. Mic. 25, n. *). Megiddo is the modern Lejjun on the road 
from Jenm (at the southeastern end of the Plain of Jezreel) 
to Haifa on the Mediterranean. The Mount of Megiddo is the 
ancient citadel of Megiddo, which is now known as Tell el- 
Mutesellim, i. e. The Hill of the Prefect. This site, which is 
about five minutes from el-Lejjun, was excavated ten years 
ago (1903-5) under the auspices of the German Palestine ex- 
ploration society. 

Megiddo is connected with the Heb. gedud, troop, and means 
place of troops, military station, garrison. The modern Arabic 
name el-Lejjun, which represents the Latin legio, legion, is a 
translation of the ancient designation, just as Tell el-Kadi is 
a translation of Dan. Similarly Nazareth is a translation of 
the old name Hethlon (or rather Hittalon = Hinnathon; cf. 
ZDMG 63, 514, n. 10) and the ancient volcano which is called 
Sinai in the Old Testament is now known as el-Bedr. 12 Arab. 
ladr means full moon, and Sinai is connected with the ancient 
Assyrian word for Moon, Sin, which means originally change. 13 

Har-Mageddon was a place of great strategic importance: 
it commanded not only the road along the southern edge of 

416 Paul Haupt, 

the Plain of Jezreel, from the Jordan to the Mediterranean, 
but also the entrance to the Plain from the region south of 
Mount Carmel. 14 The road from Egypt to Babylonia ran through 
this pass. The region around Megiddo held thrilling memories 
of battles of bygone days. Thutmosis III, perhaps the greatest 
Pharaoh in the history of Egypt, captured Megiddo about 1500, 
after he had defeated the kings of Canaan. King Ahaziah of 
Judah, the son of Jehoram and Ahab's daughter Athaliah, 
died at Megiddo after he had been hit by an arrow when he 
fled before Jehu about 840 B. c. King Josiah of Judah was 
defeated and slain at Megiddo when he ventured to oppose 
Pharaoh Necho II of Egypt in his expedition to the Valley 
of the Euphrates. Herodotus (2, 159) calls Megiddo 
with I for n\ Josephus (Ant. 10, 5, 1) has MsvByj = 'Hifc 
(EB 2611, n. 2). Also Meroz and Merom are corruptions of 
Megiddo (see below, p. 419). 

The Waters of Merom must be identified with the Waters of 
Megiddo, i. e. the Kishon which drains the wh'ole of the Plain 
of Jezreel and empties into the Mediterranean about half an 
hour east of Haifa. Next to the Jordan it is the largest stream 
in Palestine. One of the principal branches of the Kishon, 
which is sometimes called the head of the river, flowed through 
Megiddo. The modern Arabic name of the Kishon is el-Mukatta'. 
This does not mean The Ford (Arab, makta* or mtikta*) but 
cut, i. e. divided, branched. Kishon is dissimilation for Kushon, 
just as the name of the first river of Paradise is Pison, Ptshon 
for Pushon (AJSL 26, 212, i). In post-Biblical Hebrew we 
find even nimds for VO^AO?. Kishon = Kushon is connected with 
Arabic kaus (Heb. kesh-eth) bow and means bowed, bent, curved, 

Armageddon is mentioned in Rev. 16, 16 as the place of 
the last great battle against the kings of the world, not owing 
to its associations with the death of Ahaziah or the death of 
Josiah, but as the place of the great victory of the Israelites 
over the kings of Canaan, when the stars of heaven fought 
against Sisera. This battle began at Taanach by the Waters 
of Megiddo, about four miles SE of Megiddo. It is glorified 
in the great triumphal ode, preserved in the fifth chapter of 
the Book of Judges, which is generally held to be the oldest 
monument of Hebrew literature. It may have been composed 
about 1200 B. c. (IN 478). 

Armageddon. 41 7 

The Israelites began to invade Palestine about 1400, whereas 
the ancestors of the Jews did not enter Palestine before 1100. 
The Israelites came from the northeast; the Jews from the 
south. The ancient Israelites, i. e. the forefathers of the Sa- 
maritans, were idolaters; Judah, on the other hand, is a col- 
lective name for the worshipers of JHVH. King of Judah is 
originally a title like the Mohammedan Commander of the 
Faithful David forced the Israelites to adopt the worship of 
JHVH, but after the disruption of the empire (about 930) the 
Israelites relapsed again into idolatry. 15 

The chief deity of the pre-Davidic Israelites was not the 
volcanic god JHVH, but the pastoral deity Jacob who was 
worshiped at Beth-el in the form of a bull. 16 He is referred 
to in the Song of Deborah as the Abbir Israel, the Bull of 
Israel; his bellow represents the thunder which frightened the 
steeds of the Canaanite chariots so that they became unmanage- 
able, and perished with their charioteers in the floods of the 
Kishon which had been swelled by a cloud-burst turning the 
surrounding country into an impassable morass. The elements 
were in league with the Israelites, or as the ancient poet ex- 
presses it, the stars of heaven fought against Sisera. A similar 
catastrophe befell the Turks in the battle against the French, 
which was fought near Mount Tabor on April 16, 1799: many 
of them who attempted to pass the morass in their flight 
perished. We must read in vv. 22. 21 of the ode: 

22 Then clattered the hoofs of the steeds at the bellow of Israel's Bull; 
21 Kishon's stream swept them away, extinguished the lives of his 

strong ones. 

T3K nnrriD DID "opy i&^rns 22 
jnji^Di isnjj DBIJ ptrp ^m 21 
Ley saw forty years ago that vv. 21 and 22 must be trans- 
posed, 17 but his metrical analysis of the poem was erroneous. 
He believed that the ode consisted of nine irregular stanzas, 
and that the lines were octametric. Even Professor Moore 
in his learned commentary on Judges (p. 136) states that the 
prevailing rhythm of the poem has four beats to the line (or 
rather hemistich). But the ode consists of seven stanzas, and 
each stanza has five lines with 3 + 3 beats. Apart from the in- 
troductory stanza, the poem falls into two sections : A = stanzas 
ii-iv, and B = stanzas .v-vii. The last two stanzas should be 
transposed so that the anxiety of Sisera's mother is depicted 

418 Paul Haupt, 

before the death of Sisera. This must have been the sequence 
when the final gloss was added: 

So perish thine enemies all, but be thy friends as the sunrise! 

This epiphonema was originally addressed to Israel, not to 
JHVH; all the references to JHVH in the poem represent later 
additions, especially the description of JHVH'S departure from 
Seir (vv. 4 and 5). 18 The three lines of this Judaic illustrative 
quotation have displaced three lines of the first stanza, viz. 
the initial line of the poem, which is preserved in v. 10, and 
the last two lines of the first stanza, which may have been: 
I'll sing 

Of the march of Israel's myriads against Sisera, King of Megiddo ; 
Of the fight of the stars of heaven and fiery flashes of lightning. 
In Hebrew: 

:p"p mi^ nfete-Dy DW ODID wifea 

The last hemistich is responsible for the tradition that the 
leader in the fight against Sisera was the wife of Lappidoth 
(Torches) and that she was aided by Barak (Lightning). The 
original poem contained no reference to Barak. Nor was there 
a prophetess Deborah. The fight against Sisera was led by 
Deborath, the modern Deburtye at the northwestern foot of 
Mount Tabor, which was one of the oldest towns in Israel, a 
mother in Israel like Abel-Beth-Maacha (2 S 20, 19). ^ The 
modern Debunye shows that the name of this place was not 
Daberath, but Deborath. The statement in Jud. 4-, 5 that 
Deborah was wont to sit under Deborah's palm between 
Ramah and Beth-el in the Highlands of Ephraim is due to a 
confusion with Deborah, the nurse of Rebekah (Gen. 35, 8). 

Deborath was the ancient capital of Issachar. Issachar, north 
of the Plain of Jezreel, was aided by the Machirites in Ephraim, 
south of the Plain, and their Benjamite brethren in the south- 
eastern corner of Ephraim, near the mouth of the Jordan. 
Ephraim is not a tribal name; also Gilead in the gloss 
p&? pTH inyn -jybo, he dwelt in Gilead beyond the Jordan, is a 
geographical name indicating the territory of Reuben. Reuben, 
east of Ephraim, across the Jordan, held aloof, as did also 
the two half-Israelitish tribes in the north, Dan and Asher. 2 
Judah with the Simeonites and Levites 21 is not mentioned at 
all; at the time of the battle by the Waters of Megiddo the 

Armageddon. 419 

ancestors of the Jews had not entered Palestine. The references 
to Zebulun and Naphtali are later additions based on c. 4. 
According to the prose version, contained in that chapter, 
the Canaanites were defeated by 10,000 men from the tribes 
of Zebulun and Naphtali. C. 4 is later than c. 5 and, to some 
extent, based on misunderstandings of the ancient poem. 

A third version is found in Josh. 1 1 ; here the leader of the 
Canaanites is called Jabin, as in Jud. 4, but the Israelitish 
victory is gained under the leadership of Joshua, and the 
battle is said to have been fought near the Waters of Merom. 
This is not Lake Hule, about ten miles north of the Sea of 
Galilee, but Merom is merely a corruption of Megiddo. 03 has 
Mappcwv, with n, for Merom, and the original form of Megiddo 
was Megiddon with final n, as we find it in the final chapter 
of the Book of Zechariah and in the apocalyptic Armageddon 
(Rev. 16, 16). In v. 23 of the Song of Deborah Megiddo has 
been corrupted to Meroz; the t corresponds to the 2, and the 
1 to the "I. In (5 A we have Mao>p instead of 03V Mr]pu>C, and 
in (5^: Maptop. Meroz was not a hamlet in the line of Sisera's 
flight, whose Israelitish inhabitants suffered him to escape; it 
is nothing but a corruption of Megiddo, and this must have 
been Sisera's capital. The Israelites did not curse it, but they 
destroyed it; ViK is an archaic expression for D^nn, to ban, 
to devote to destruction (EB"26, 685, below). C has nani IBlk 
Instead of the imperative 'HN we ought to read the perfect 
n. The clause said the Angel of Jahveh is a misplaced gloss 
which belongs to the beginning of the third stanza: Awake, 
awake, Deborath! The phrase Angel of Jahveh "has often 
been substituted for the names of ancient Israelitish deities 
(ZDMG 63, 507, 1. 8). Wellhausen says in the translation 
of the Psalms, in the Polychrome Bible (p. 176, 1. 36): Judaism 
has turned the heathen gods into angels commissioned by JHVH 
to govern the foreign nations. 

Sisera may have been the successor of Shamgar. Both names 
seem to be Hittite. In the days of Shamgar the Canaanites 
blockaded the trade routes traversing the Great Plain so that 
the Israelites in the mountains were cut off from the Mediter- 
ranean, but the Israelitish peasantry had ceased to march out 
for the fray, so we must supply after v. 7 a . V. 8 b , No shield 
nor spear was seen among forty thousands of Israel, must be 
inserted between 7 a and 7 b , Till thou arosest, Deborath. The 

420 Paul Haupt, 

first part of v. 8, DWH DV^N im* 1 does not mean, They chose 
new gods, but God will select new ones, i. e. new leaders, when 
there is war at the gates. Instead of the meaningless D^Jjtf Dr6 tS 
we must read D^iytSto Dh^> nv. The pious glossator wanted to 
emphasize his conviction that, if the gates of Jerusalem should 
be beset, God would elect new prophetic leaders like Deborah 
of old. The glossator may have had in mind Isaiah at the 
time of Sennacherib's siege of Jerusalem. 22 This gloss may 
be post-Exilic, and the line in v. 11, There they rehearsed 
Jahveh's deeds, His yeomanry's deeds in Israel, must be assigned 
to the same period, not only on account of the Aramaic verb 
13JV, but also in view of the theological term filpIS, deeds, ex- 
ploits, victories, lit. justifications, vindications. 

The preceding hemistich should be read: D'SNtflD p D^Sinon ^Ipfi, 
i. e. the Issacharites marched to the gates of Megiddo (read: 
VtiD *W ^ H-P) at the trumpeters' call (cf. 2 S 20, 1) from 
the banquets, lit. in consequence of the sound of the trumpeters 
between the drinking-places. In Joel's ancient poem on the 
locusts the catastrophe is announced to the wine-bibbers; the 
poet says: 

Awake, ye tipplers, and weep! and howl, all bibbers of wine! 2 * 
The ancient Israelites did not believe in abstinence; Amos 
(6, 4-6) speaks of the rich men in Samaria 

"Who lie on ivory sofas, and sprawl on their dining-couches, 

Snapping the lute o'er the sound-hole, inditing words of song; 
Who drink the purest wine, and use the choicest perfume. 25 

DTHDI t?n m&D- D^D^H 4 

-fajn nrty n'trfen 5 
)^n ijpi^ DT#n 6 

The Hebrew word for banquet, HWB, means drinking-bout, 
and D'ONIPD in v. 11 of the Song of Deborah may have the 
same meaning. Arabic mis'db denotes a skin-bottle. In Hebrew, 
2Nt? means, as a rule, not to drink wine, but to draw water \ 
nevertheless D'ONfcyfc may mean drinking-bouts or large vessels 
from which the wine was dipped out and served to the guests. 
Milton (Paradise Lost 11, 718) says: from cups to civil broils. 
As I stated above, the preceding verse (v. 10) contains the 
initial line of the ode. The poet begins: Ye who ride on red- 
roan asses, and ye who walk on the road, VTtM This does not 
mean Sing! but Attend! i. e. give attention, listen! After having 
addressed the Israelites, both high and low, the poet apostro- 

Armageddon. 421 

phizes the Cananite kings and princes. V. 3 must precede v. 2; 
the preposition 1 at the beginning of v. 2 depends on the verb 
HWK, / will sing, at the end of v. 3, just as we have in 
Psalm 138, 5: mrr '3 YD 1W1, they will sing of the ways of 
Jahveh. Also in Arabic you say *<^o ^1*. The clause / witt 
chant Jahveh, Israel's God is a gloss. The poet wants to sing 

Dy minm bxwz mjns jhsn 

i. e. of the locks that streamed in Israel, of the willingness of 
the people, viz. for war. We must supply at the end: fcOS$. 
Also at the end of the last stanza but one we must read in- 
stead of the meaningless Wt? ^KjsV DTiDpI, two pieces of em- 
broideries for the necks of the spoil, VfcOS bib, for each of his 
warriors. The plural myiB does not mean princes, although 
it is so explained in the gloss which we find in v. 9: My heart 
is for Israel's rulers, for the ardent among the people; rflJHB 
means long hair: at the beginning of a campaign the men let 
their hair grow long. Also ^IN mjne BWi, at the end of the 
Song of Moses in Deut. 32, 42, means the long-haired head of 
the foe. It has about the same meaning as 1$? "ij^E in 
Psalm 68, 22.26 

Time will not permit me to discuss further philological 
details. 27 I will only remark that we must read at the beginning 
of v. 13 instead of the meaningless 0^*6 *nfc IT. IK* then 
he made a fugitive rule for the nobles, D^YIfc^ JYIYlfr Ipn, the 
ranks attached themselves to the nobles, the ranks followed the 
leaders. In view of "p 1D# Drn, loyally attached to thee and 
eager to follow thee in Ps. 110, 4 (JHUC, No. 114, p. 110) we 
might be tempted to read D^Y*T*6 nmfo nntP; but *m is an 
Assyrian loanword, which is found only in post-Exilic passages; 28 
so we cannot have it in this ancient poem. There is a difference 
between b p2l and n pn*J. The latter means to be attached to. 
the former to attach oneself to. The suggestion that T"lfc? was 
a transposition of Tit? was made by Winckler, but this emen- 
dation has been rejected by all expositors. It is hardly ne- 
cessary to add that we must resort to several emendations, 
transpositions, excisions, and additions; the received text can 
be explained only by those who do not know Hebrew. 

I will give in conclusion a metrical translation of the genuine 
lines 29 of the triumphal ode celebrating the Battle of Armageddon 
about 1250 B.C. The ancient Israelitish poet, who may have been 
a man of Deborath in Issachar, begins his psean as follows:' 

422 Paul Haupt, 

The Battle by the Waters of Megiddo. 

i 10 *Ye who ride on red-roan asses,P 

ye who walk on the road, attend! 

3 Hear, ye kings! Give ear 

ye chieftains! ?I will sing 8 

2 Of the locks that streamed in Israel, 
of the people's ardor* for war;- 

32 Of the march of Israel's myriads 

against Sisera, King of Megiddo; 

33 Of the fight of the stars of heaven 

and fiery flashes of lightning. 1 

A ii 6 In the days of Shamgar ben-Anath & 

caravans {utterly! ceased, 
And those who had traveled on the roads 

had to take roundabout ways. 
7 a jj Israel's yeomanry ceased 

to march out for the fray: 
8 b []No [shield] nor spear was seen 

among forty thousands of Israel, 
7 b Till thou arosest, Deborath, 

arosest, a mother in Israel.* 

iii 12 a Awake! Awake! Deborath! (*) 

awaken thy people's myriads ! x 
15 a Then {} Deborath's people, Issachar,^ 

sent down to The Plain its footfolk; 
14 From Ephraim, too, they descended, v 

thy Benjamite brethren were with thee; 
From Machir came truncheon-bearers, 

from Issachar wielders of the 5 staff; 
13 The ranks followed the nobles, jj 

the people 71 marched down as warriors. 

iv 15 b In Reuben's tribal branches 

the great held back in doubt :P 

16 'They dwelt at the fire-places* 

to listen to pastoral flutes. 

17 Dan served on foreign ships, 

and Zebulunso dwelt near the shore.' 

Armageddon. 423 

18 But Issachar'sxjt; people recked not 

of life {} on the heights of the mounts: 

11 At the trumpeters' call from the banquets 10 

"they marched to the gates of Megiddo. 

B v 19 a The kings came and fought P? 

at Taanach by the Waters of Megiddo; 

20 In heaven fought the stars 

from their courses n against Sisera. 

22 Then clattered the hoofs of the steeds 

at the bellow 85 of Israel's Bull, 

21 Kishon's stream swept them away,' 

w extinguished the lives of his strong ones. 

23 They utterly banned Megiddo, () 

they utterly banned her dwellers. T < r , 

vi 28 0& j Through the lattice-orielj peered 

and pried the mother of Sisera: jj 
ui 'His train is long in coming, 

* x the steps of his chariots tarry." 

29 The wisest of her ladies answers, 

u replies to her anxious question: 

30 Behold, they will findw* spoil, 

a damsel or two for each head, vv 
Spoil of dyed stuffs for Sisera, K 

00 two broideries for each warrior." 71 ' PP 

vii 24 Blessed above women is Jael, M 

blessed" in the tents {of the nobles j: 

25 Water he asked, she gave milk, 

curds in a bowl j} did she bring him; 

26 Her hand she puts forth to the tent-pin, 

her right hand to the workmen's hammer; 
She hammered, uu shattered his head, 
battered and pierced his temples; 

27 At her feet he sank, he fell, []<?<? 
xx{W}[he lay] there j} of life bereft. 1010 

(a) 1 at that time Deborah" sang as follows (J3) 10 who sit on colts 
Or) 3 I to JHVH (8) I will chant JHVH, Israel's God (e) 2 praise JHVH 
(C) 9 My heart is for Israel's rulers, for the ardent among the peopled 

424 Paul Haupt, 

(r,) 4 JHVH, when from Seir Thou departedst, 

when from Edom's land Thou strodest, 
Then earth jand heavens} quaked, jj c 

the welkin showered water; 
5 Before Him<* mountains[] melted, [] 

before /"the God of Israel. ($) 6 in the days of Jael 

(i) 8 a New ones will God select at the time they beset the gates, 
(x) 23 said the Angel of JHVH 

(X) 12 b Arise, Barak \9\ muster thy muster! jj 

(JJL) 15 a thus Barak called Zebulun and Naphtali to Kedesk (v) 14 thither' 1 
() 14 marshal's (o) 15 a the princes of Issachar (rc) 13 of JHVH 

(p) 16 b as to Reuben's tribal branches, the great held back in doubt 
(a) 16 a why did (T) 17 in Gilead, beyond the Jordan, dwelt they 

(u) why did he (cp) of the great sea* (y) 18 Zebulun (i//) and Naphtali 
(o>) 11 They rehearsed there JHVH'S deeds, His yeomanry's^ deeds in Israel 
(aa) then (00) 19 then fought the kings of Canaan 

<yy) 20 they fought (88) 22 bellow (ee) 21 the stream drowned them 
() Kishon's stream (TJTJ) 23 for they came not to the help of JHVH ? 
(&&) 28 through the window (it) why is (xx) why do 

(XX) 29 also she herself (l j -^) 30 divide (vv) man 

(;) 30 spoil of dyed stuffs (oo) one or (itic) as spoil 

(pp) 19 b gain of silver they took not (oo) 24 the wife of the Kenite Heber 
(TT) above women (uu) 26 Sisera (<p<p) 27 at her feet he sank, he fell 
(-//) when he sank (6<!/) he fell 

(ww) 31 So perish thine enemies all, but be thy friends as the sunrise! op 

(a) 1 and Barak ben-Abinoam (b) praise JHVH (c) 4 showered 

(d) 5 JHVH (e) that is Sinai (f) JHVH (g) 12 ben-Abinoam 

(h) 14 to the Plain (i) 17 and dwelt at its creeks (&) 11 JHVH'S people 
(1) 23 to the help of JHVH as fighters (m) 30 dyed stuffs (n) 31 JHVH 
(o) 31 in its power (p) then the land was secure for forty years 

Sisera and the allied kings of Canaan succumbed to Israel 
in the great battle by the Waters ofMegiddo. The same fate 
will befall the kings of the earth gathered to the battle of that 
great day of God Almighty 

For the last battle of the world, 

The Armageddon of the race. 


(1) Presidential Address at the Annual Meeting of the 
American Oriental Society, Boston, April 16, 1914. 

(2) That is, the inhabitants of Maon (1 S 25, 2) which is 
represented by the modern Kliirbet Ma'm (south of Hebron). 
See my paper Bean and Amathitis in Actes du Seizieme Congres 
international des Orientalistes (Athens, 1912) p. 64. 

Armageddon. 425 

(3) See my paper Joel's Poem on the Locusts in HENIA, 
Hommage international a luniversite Nationale de Qrece (Athens, 
1912) p. 384. 

(4) The older (Philoxenian) Syriac version (508 A. D.) has 
ynJO; the later (Harclean) version (616 A. D.) JHiKBIN (cf. EB 11 
23, 212 b ). 

(5) See Nestle's article in Hastings 7 Dictionary of the 
Bible (DB) vol. ii, p. 305 a , 5). 

(6) TLZ = Tlieologische Liter aturzeitung. For the other 
abbreviations (EB, EB^, IN, JHUC, KAT, OLZ, WZKM, &c.) 
see this JOUKNAL, vol. xxxii, p. 10, n. 11; cf. vol. xxviii, p. 112 
.and OLZ 16, 488. 

(7) Contrast Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos (Gottingen, 1895) 
pp. 263-266. 

(8) See Haupt, The Book of Micah (Chicago, 1910) p. 50; 
.cf. JAOS 32, 120. 

(9) Cf. the letter of William G. Menchine in the Baltimore 
Evening Sun of August 13, 1912. 

(10) Cf. the letter of Dr. Elbridge C. Price in the Balti- 
more Evening Sun, Aug. 15, 1912. 

(11) Cf. Alan H. Gardiner's translation in the new 
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, vol. i, part 1 (London, January, 
1914). I am indebted for this reference to Dr. A. Ember. 

(12) Cf. E. Ob er hummer in Mitt. k. k. Oeogr. Gesellschaft 
in Wien, 1911, Heft 12, p. 637. This sacred mountain, which 
was visited by A. Musil (Mic. 57, 4) on July 2, 1910, is situated 
at about 27 N, 37 E, about a day's journey SW of the station 
Dar-al-Hamrd of the Hejaz .Railway, about four days journey 
SE of Tebuk. A preliminary report of Professor Musil, who 
was accompanied by Dr. Leopold Koser, of the Geological 
Institute of the University of Vienna, was published in the 
Anzeiger of the philological -historical class of the Vienna 
Academy, May 17, 1911. Musil's explorations were briefly 
described in a cablegram from Vienna, printed in the Baltimore 
American, Dec. 11, 1910, also in the Berlin weekly Das Echo, 
July 6, 1911. According to Musil, the Hebrews followed a great 
trade route from Elath (ZDMG 63, 506, 1. 12; 511, 41; 512, 8; 
513, 2) in a southeastern direction. The stations of this route 
may be easily traced. They lead to a large and well- watered 
plateau, bounded on the east by the Harrat al-Ehd. From 
this plateau there rises a long table-mountain of sandstone 

29 JAOS 34. 

426 Paul Haupt, 

with a high, pitch-black volcano on its flattened summit. Below 
this extinct volcano there are two narrow lava-streams less 
than 4,000 years old. This table-mountain is entirely isolated. 
At the foot of the northern side of the mountain there are 
twelve large blocks of sandstone, known as al-madabih, Heb. 
mizbehdth, sacrificial altars. Similar blocks are found at the 
western end. On the southern side are The Caves of the 
Servants of Moses, Arab, maya'ir c abtd Miisd. From this 
region the Edomite ancestors of the Jews proceeded north- 
ward, afterwards invading Palestine from the south. Cf. my 
paper The Burning Bush and The Origin of Judaism in the 
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. xlviii, 
No. 193 (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 360. 361. 364-366. Ober- 
hummer (loc. cit. 633) has called attention to the fact that 
the statement in Baedeker's Palastina 1 (1910) p. 197 with 
regard to the Jabal Barghir or Jabal an-Nur in the neighbor- 
hood of Elath is incorrect. Contrast Kittel's Gesch. Isr. 2 
(Gotha, 1912) p. 510, n. 3. 

(13) Cf. ZDMG 63, 517, 1. 37; AJSL 22, 256; 26, 9. 

(14) Cf. Geo. A. Smith, The Historical Geography of Pal- 
estine, pp. 386. 389. 

(15) Cf. Haupt, The Book of Micah (Chicago, 1910) p. 19, 
n. 18; p. 36, n. 38; cf. JBL 32, 32. 33. 

(16) Cf. Haupt, Micah, p. 19, n. 17. The horns of the altar 
are a survival of the pre-Davidic Israelitish bull-worship (DB 1 , 
77 a ; 342 b ; EB 124, 5; 631). Ps. 118, 27 b , which should be in- 
serted after v. 20, means: With palm-branches join the pro- 
cession, aye, up to the horns of the altar! Cf. TiD^N, reunion, 
social gathering, Succ. 45 b . See my paper in ZAT 35, part 2. 

(17) See Julius Ley, Grundzuge des Rhythmus, des Vers- 
und Strophenbaues in der hebraischen Poesie (Halle, 1875) p. 218, 
n. 1; Zapletal, Das Deboralied (Freiburg, 1905) p. 39; cf. 
E. Sievers, Metr. Stud. (Leipzig, 1901) pp. 418-420; E.Konig, 
Die Poesie des AT (Leipzig, 1907) pp. 29. 31. 57. 

(18) See my paper on Leah and Rachel in ZAT 29, 286; 
cf. also JAOS 32, 17; ZA 28, 241, 1. 5; contrast JBL 32, 33; 
Zapletal, op. cit. p. 10. For illustrative quotations cf. BL 26; 
Me. 28, 28; 34, 28; 40, 40. 

(19) See Carl Niebuhr, Versuch einer Recomtellation des 
Deboraliedes (Leipzig, 1894) pp. 11. 44; H. Winckler, Gesch. 
Israels, ii (1900) pp. 126. 131; Cheyne, Crit Bibl. (1904) p. 450. 

Armageddon. 427 

(20) The text, it may be supposed, read originally Zebulun 
instead of Asher\ cf. Gunkel's Genesis* 483. The suggestion 
that the original text may have been "W hl\ \hy is gratuitous. 
See also Gressmann, Gunkel, &c, Die Schriften des AT in 
Auswahl ubersetzt, Part 24 (Gottiugen, 1913) p. 178. 

(21) For the meaning of the term Levites see ZAT 29, 284, 
A. 6, und 286. There is no etymological connection between 
Levi and Leah (JBL 32, 47). 

(22) See my paper Micah's Capucinade (JBL 29) p. 86, 
below, and The Book of Micah (AJSL 27) p. 23; cf. ibid. 
p. 14, nn. 4. 5; p. 29, n. 33. 

(23) Cf. Mic. 36, 36, also ZAT 22, 168, cited by Zapletal, 
op. cit. p. 30. Syr. Knot means both justification (acquittal, 
innocence) and victory. 

(24) See my translation in the paper cited above, n. 3. The 
Hebrew text (in Hebrew characters, not in transliteration) is 
given in the Boston Jewish Voice, Nov. 28, 1913. 

(25) See my paper on the Trumpets of Jericho in the Vienna 
Oriental Journal (WZKM) 23, 364, below. The noun pTlD 
means decantation or racking (EBn 28, 718 b ). Cf. also Mic. 94, 
n. *. Heb. D^BP nwi = Assyr. saman resti (HW 671% below; 
607 b ). 

(26) See my translation of this Maccabean paean in AJSL 
23, 223, x. 

(27) See my remarks on the Hebrew text of Jud. 5 in the 
Wellhausen Festschrift (Giessen, 1914) pp. 216-223; cf. the 
article Zum Deboratliede in ZAT 34, pp. 229231. 

(28) Cf. my explanation of Ps. 110 in ZAT 35, part 2. 

(29) At the January meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society 
Sir Charles J. Lyall discussed the relations between ancient 
Arabic poetry and ancient Hebrew songs in the OT (TLZ 
39, 254). I stated in my paper The Religion of the Hebrew 
Prophets, in the Transactions of the Third International Con- 
gress for the History of Religions, vol. i (Oxford, 1908) p. 272, 
that, if the glosses of an illustrative or theological character 
were eliminated, the genuine prophecies of Amos read like 
ancient Arabic poems; see also my Bibl. Liebeslieder (Leipzig, 
1907) p. liii. 

(30) The metrical reconstruction of the Hebrew text is given 
on pp. 225 and 224 of the Wellhausen Festschrift. 

Stage-emendations in the Uttara-Rama-charita. By SHEI- 
PAD KEISHNA BELVALKAB, Harvard University, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

For the last two years or so I have been engaged in pre- 
paring for the Harvard Oriental Series an edition of Bhavabhuti's 
Uttara-Rama-charita. The work is to be in three volumes. 
The first volume, which contains a general introduction and 
an English translation, will be out in three or four months. 
The second contains besides the text in Sanskrit and Prakrit, 
an index to first lines, and a glossary of Prakrit words with 
their Sanskrit equivalents some five appendices giving among 
other things the results of the application of certain verse 
tests to the three extant plays of Bhavabhuti with a view to 
determine their chronological sequence. The last volume is 
devoted to notes, variant readings, and critical apparatus, and 
a few more appendices discussing topics such as 'text-tradition 
of the play', 'stage-conditions in ancient India', and so forth. 
The last two volumes are being printed in the Nirnaya Sagar 
Press of Bombay, and although more than half the text is 
already in type, still owing to the distance at which the work 
has to be carried on, it will be some time next year before 
these volumes are actually published. The subject matter of 
the following paper is taken from two appendices in the third 

Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum lists some eighty five 
manuscripts of the Uttara-fl&ma-charita (text and commen- 
taries), and in the lists of manuscripts published since 1903 
I have noted some thirty new manuscripts; so that, even after 
allowing for repetitions in the lists and for loss of manuscripts, 
the number of manuscripts that are available for constituting 
the text of the play is well over a hundred. Of course not 
all these manuscripts would be ultimately valuable, but it is 
at least necessary to examine them, if it be merely to discard 

Sliripad Krishna Belvalkar, Stage-emendations <&c. 429 

them later; and I intended to do so before actually publishing 
my edition. However this is a task that may easily take years, 
and since, strangely enough, in spite of the fact that there 
are some twelve Indian editions of the play, no Occidental 
edition of it has so far appeared, I was advised to put forth 
at first a tentative edition of the play, going back to it and 
preparing a second definitive edition as early as I could. The 
present edition accordingly is based on only eight manu- 

The selection of these particular eight manuscripts was made 
for various reasons. In the first place, I tried to get together 
manuscripts from parts of India widely different from each 
other, such as Madras and Nepal, Poona and Calcutta, Guzerat 
and Vizagapatam. Secondly, the manuscripts are written in 
four different characters: Nevarl, Devanagari, Grantha, and 
Telugu, only the first two of which slightly resemble each other 
in the form of their letters. Lastly, the manuscripts belong 
to different ages, ranging from the twelfth to the nineteenth 
century, and at least four of these eight manuscripts have in- 
dependent value. Hence the results yielded by a careful col- 
lation of these manuscripts, although admittedly tentative, may 
at least be regarded as sufficiently plausible. I shall give a 
few significant illustrations. 

The 27th stanza of the fifth act of the Uttara-Rama-charita 
runs as follows: 

Ajitam ipunyam urjasvi kakutsfhasyeva te mahah 
Sreyase sdsvato Devo Varahah parikalpatam. 
Instead, the commentator Viraraghava and three of the eight 
manuscripts used for my edition give a prose passage identical 
with the above stanza in the beginning and end *. One of these 
manuscripts is the oldest extant manuscript of the play, being 
dated Saiiivat 309 of the Nepal era, which corresponds to the 
year 1196 of the Christian era. This fact therefore gives us 
a line of manuscripts genetically descended from an original 
exemplar of the twelfth century or earlier. Owing to a fracture 
or a peeling off of the leaf at this particular place, the ori- 
ginal exemplar apparently had a lacuna which in a conscien- 
tious copy would be indicated by a blank. This later came 
to be filled in by the insertion of a few words which along with 

i The identical portions are un-italicized. 

430 Shripad Krishna Belvalkar, 

the beginning and the end could give some sort of a meaning 
to the whole passage such as we find it in the printed editions 
o f the play with Viraraghava's commentary. Manuscripts which 
give the original stanza intact I call A manuscripts; those 
which give the substitute prose passage I call B manuscripts. 

In addition to the case above described there are a number 
of other cases over seventy-five where manuscripts of class 
A give consistently readings different from those of class B; 
and while some of these variations can conceivably be ex- 
plained away as scribal errors, there are others where a de- 
liberate change of some sort seems to be in evidence. I shall 
cite only one instance, which comes from the prologue at the 
beginning of the play. All A manuscripts read the first half 
of the second stanza thus: 

Tarn Brahmanam iyam Devi Vag vasyevanuvartate, 
while the B manuscripts read: 

Tarn Brahmanam iyam Devi Vag vasyevanvavartata; 
where there is a deliberate change of tense from 'anuvartate', 
present, to 'anvavartata', imperfect. The original reading de- 
scribed Bhavabhuti as one 'on whom the Goddess of Speech 
attends as a submissive handmaid'; while the other reading 
presumably introduced after the poet's death describes him 
as one 'on whom the Goddess of Speech attended as a sub- 
missive handmaid'. 

Other cases of variation were in the same fashion submitted 
to a careful scrutiny, and as a result I am able to group the 
changes under the following headings. 

1. Omissions. I shall mention three of the most significant 
places where A manuscripts give the passage and B manu- 
scripts omit it. The passages are 1 : act vii, stanza 38; act i, 
stanza 31 and the three speeches immediately preceding; and 
act iii, the whole passage from stanza 21 to the end of Rama's 
speech following stanza 24. This last omission covers four 
stanzas, and fourteen lines of prose. Now it is of course 
possible to explain omissions as due to errors of vision or the 
accidental loss of an intervening leaf. But this explanation 
does not readily commend itself in a place where the passages 
omitted happen to be just the passages that we would like 

i My references are to the Nirnaya Sagar edition of the play with 
YirarSghava's commentary. 

Stage-emendations in the Uttara-Rdma-charita. 431 

to see omitted, or, at any rate, such as a company of actors 
wishing to stage the play would inevitably omit as being not 
necessary to the action of the play. The three cases selected 
are of this nature. 

2. Alterations both in the order and the wording of a 
passage. These occur quite frequently and, in many cases, 
the two or more available variants are equally good. Some 
of the changes are of such a radical nature and are often 
such distinct improvements that one is led to ask whether it 
is Bhavabhuti himself revising and perfecting the earlier form 
of the work. Such a procedure would be just in the manner 
of the poet. 

3. Insertions and modifications in the stage-directions and 
other minor changes calculated to assist the actor in inter- 
preting his part correctly, or to produce dramatic vividness. 
Of the former kind, I have been able to put together some 
twenty or twenty-five instances where the B manuscripts usu- 
ally give a stage-direction or a form of address more precise 
or more exactly corresponding to the character and the 
occasion. Of the latter kind I will mention just one instance. 
Act iii, stanza 26, reads as follows (I give the English trans- 
lation) : 

'Thou art my life, my second heart; thou art the moon- 
light to my eyes, and to my body the immortal ambrosia': 
with these and a hundred other words of endearment her 
simple and loving soul thou didst beguile; and her now 
alas! why utter the rest? 

At the conclusion of the stanza the speaker, Vasanti, goes 
into a swoon. Now if Vasant! was going to swoon at all, the 
best opportunity for it was of course the word 'alas'. Instead 
she waits to complete the stanza, saying 'I shall not talk any 
more' (but go quietly into a swoon)! In a case like this the 
acting version would certainly omit the last words of the 
stanza, 'why utter the rest?' and this is just what some manu- 
scripts of class B do. 

I shall not inflict any further details upon you, but merely 
state my conclusion. The Uttara-Rama-charita has come down 
to us in two sufficiently distinct text-traditions, and one of 
these gives us a number of characteristic divergences which 
are best explained as successive stage-emendations, most of 
them introduced after Bhavabhuti's death and in the course 

432 Shripad Krishna Belvalkar, 

of the later stage-history of the play, although a few of them 
may well have come from the poet himself. That the Uttara- 
Rama-charita had a stage-history I infer from a passage in 
the Prithviraja-vijaya, a poem of the twelfth century which has 
survived to us in only one incomplete manuscript written on 
birch-bark, and which I am at present editing for the Biblio- 
theca Indica series of Calcutta. 

Assuming the truth of this result I draw from it two further 
corollaries. The first I should rather state as a problem. We 
know that Kalidasa's Sakuntala has come down to us in two 
or three or four recensions, and scholars are still disputing 
as to which of them is genuine. Now would it not be possible, 
I wonder, after a scientific study of all the available manu- 
script material, to come down to two ultimate recensions of 
the play, the differences between them being not necessarily 
greater than those between the first and the second quarto 
of Hamlet? In that case both would be genuine, one being 
the acting version of the other, possibly prepared by Kalidasa 
himself. I have already found out some evidence in support 
of such a theory, but the whole problem is so intricate as 
well as interesting that I hope sometime to study it in a 
thorough manner and with the help of all the available 

My second corollary is this: If in this manner we find 
reason to believe in the existence in ancient India of some 
sort of regular companies of actors who gave in a particular 
locality plays written for them by a more or less limited group 
of dramatists, then, in the very nature of the case, it is to 
be expected that the form, history, and development of drama 
would be different for different localities. A court-poet like 
Kalidasa, for instance, would write dramas exclusively dealing 
with the life at court and especially in the harem. Open-air 
performances given at fairs such as those of Bhavabhuti 
would differ from them not only in the theme selected, but 
also in the stage-conditions, by which I mean not merely the 
stage-properties but also the nature of the audience, which 
would have a deciding influence on the form of the drama. 
Viewed in this light the ten rupakas of Hindu dramatists, 
some of which under a more or less disguised form exist in 
India even to the present day, would acquire quite a new 
significance. In any case these considerations will at least 

Stage-emendations in the Uttara-fiama-charita. 433 

teach us caution in making any sweeping generalizations re- 
garding the Indian drama. In India no less than in Greece 
or Mediaeval Europe the drama as an institution came into 
existence in answer to a felt demand on the part of the 
people, and the different forms which it probably assumed in 
different Provinces were due to differences of environment. 
Hindu drama was not, as is sometimes thought, a form of 
literary exercise in a dead language. Sanskrit for that matter 
is not even now in any real sense of the term a dead language. 
Often it happens to be the only available means of communica- 
tion between scholars in different parts of India. Even now 
at times there are revivals of old Sanskrit plays such as the 
Sakuntala or the Mudra-Rakshasa: I have myself seen the 
former given by a regular professional company. To under- 
stand a play rightly we must therefore study the stage-condi- 
tions, partly with the help of direct statements as given in 
Bharata's Natya-sastra and partly in the light of such indirect 
testimony as the extant dramas afford us. I may announce 
here in passing -that I have at present on hand a critical 
edition of Bharata's Natya-Sastra to be published under the 
auspices of the Harvard Oriental Series. 







The annual meeting of the Society, being the hundred 
twenty-sixth occasion of its assembling , was held in Boston and 
Cambridge, Mass., on Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Easter 
Week, April 16th, 17th, and 18th, 1914. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 

sessions : 






Dennis, J. T. 

Kent, R. G. 
















Moore, G. F. 




Moore, Mrs. 

Warren, W. 


Bates, Mrs. 

Hussey, Miss 

Nies, J. B. 




Ogden, C. J. 


Channing, Miss 

Jackson, Mrs. 








TOTAL: 45. 

The first session was held in the House of the American 
Academy of Arts and Sciences, 28 Newbury Street, Boston, 
beginning at 11 a. m., the President, Professor Paul Haupt, 
being in the chair. 

436 Proceedings. 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting in Philadelphia, 
March 25th, 26th, and 27th, 1913, was dispenst with, because 
they had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 33, part 4, 
pages i-xi). 

The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, thru 
Professor Lanman, in the form of a printed program. The 
succeeding sessions were appointed for Thursday afternoon at 
three o'clock, Friday morning at half past nine, Friday after- 
noon at three, and Saturday morning at half past nine. It 
was announst that there would be an informal meeting of the 
members on Thursday evening ; that the members of the Society 
were invited to be the guests of the resident members at lun- 
cheon at half past twelve on Friday, the men at the Harvard 
Club and the women at the College Club; that the session on 
Friday afternoon would be devoted to papers dealing with the 
historical study of religion and to those of a more general 
character; and that the annual subscription dinner would take 
place on Friday at half past six at the Colonial Club, Cam- 


The Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. V. Williams 
Jackson, presented the following report: 

During the past year the correspondence of the Society has been fully 
as large as in previous years, if not actually larger. The majority of the 
communications received naturally came from different parts of America 
and Europe, but some came from the Orient itself, Japan, India, Persia, 
and other parts of Asia being represented. 

A memorandum that may interest the Society came from Capt. Corne- 
lius C. Smith, of the U. S. Army, who was for a number of years in the 
Philippines, but is now stationed at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. He writes 
(Feb. 8, 1914) that he is engaged on a book to be entitled 'Mindanao and 
its People', which will be appropriately illustrated and will deal not only 
with the Moros and the pagan wild tribes, but also with the fauna and 
flora of the island. 

Two notes worth mentioning came from Mr. Benjamin Burges Moore, 
now traveling in Central Asia and Persia, who has been proposed for 
election to membership at this meeting. At Samarkand he took pains to 
examine and carefully measure the Kok Tash, or coronation-stone, which 
Tamerlane and his successors mounted when they were crowned. This 
historic stone has been described by several travelers, notably by Schuyler, 
and was inspected also by me in 1910. Mr. Moore notes that there are 
no arabesque inscriptions on it, as is sometimes stated, but only an orna- 
mental design ; the stone itself, a gray composite, is 0.65 m. in height and 
rests upon a base of two blocks, each 0.13 m. in height. Mr. Moore's 
journey across Northern Persia from Mashhad to Teheran was a severe 



one thru heavy snows and took 17 days. He notes that at Damghan 'they 
are finding prehistoric bodies and remains'. He 'was taken into the mos- 
ques at Semnan and took photographs'. 

The Corresponding Secretary attended the annual meeting of the Ame- 
rican Year Book Corporation in January as representative of the Society. 
The American Year Book, besides being valuable as a general record, 
gives appropriate space to Oriental matters and to Oriental scholarship 
in America, and it is to be hoped that the members of the Society will 
lend their support to this undertaking by subscribing for the volume 
each year. 

Two members have been taken from us by death during the past year. 

The Rev. Samuel Holies Driver, D. D., Regius Professor of Hebrew at 
Oxford, and canon of Christ Church since 1883, died Feb. 26, 1914, at the 
age of 68 years. As teacher, author of numerous treatises on Biblical and 
Hebraic subjects, and member of the Old Testament Revision Company 
from 1876 to 1884, he rendered signal service to Oriental scholarship. He 
was elected an honorary member of the Society in 1909. 

The Rev. John L. Scully, Rector of St. Mary's Church, Lawrence 
Street, New York City, died March 11, 1914. He had been a member of 
the Society since 1908. 

In concluding this report the Secretary wishes to express once again 
his appreciation of the continued co-operation of all those who are asso- 
ciated with him in the work of the Society. 

Professor Jastrow spoke of the scholarly work of Professor 
Driver; Professor Barton, after adding to this tribute, referred 
to the achievements of Professor Wellhausen and moved that 
a committee of three be appointed to send him a congratu- 
latory letter on the occasion of his 70th hirthday. This motion 
was unanimously carried, and the chair appointed Professors 
Barton, Moore, and Jastrow. 


The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. W. Williams, 
was presented by Professor Jackson, as follows: 



Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1912 $ 1277.49 

Annual dues $ 1002.75 

Sales of the Journal 175.16 

Coupons 150 - 

Life membership 

Dues on hand, undeposited 40.00 1517.9: 

$ 2795.40 

438 Proceedings. 


Printing of the Journal, Volume 33 $ 1325.25 

Sundry printing and addressing 61.10 

Account book 2.25 

Cataloguing 92.76 

Editors' honoraria 200.00 

Subvention to Oriental Bibliography 285.61 

Subvention to Dictionary of Islam 50.25 

Interest written off (Savings Banks) 266.19 2283.41 

Balance io new account 511.99 

$ 2795.40 


1912 1913 

Bradley Type Fund $ 3178.21 $ 3337.95 

Cotheal Fund (with accumulated interest) 1380.38 1436.12 

National Savings Bank deposit 225.51 234.61 

2 Ch., R. I. & Pacific Ey. bonds (approx.) .... 1787.50 1780.00 

1 Virginian Railway bond (approx.) 990.00 1000.00 

$ 7561.60 $ 7788.68 


The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by Professor Jackson, as follows: 

We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the 
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also seen the 
Society's bonds in his possession and compared the entries in the cash 
book with the vouchers and bank and pass books, and have found all 

NEW HAVEN, Conn., April 8, 1914. TT - \ Auditors. 


The Librarian, Professor Albert T. Clay, presented the 
following report: 

In addition to the acknowledging of serial publications and accessioning 
of new books, the work of classifying and cataloguing the library has 
gone forward. The scheme of classification, which is brief, but adapted 
to the needs of the Library, is based on that of the Oriental Bibliography. 
We have classified and catalogued the books in Oriental science, Oriental 
history, geography, etc., linguistics, general and comparative, the Ural- 
Altaic group, the Indo-Chinese group, except Chinese (the cataloguing 
of which is now being done) and Japanese. The Semitic group is being 
arranged preparatory to final work, and the other groups will be classed 
in their turn. 

Proceeding. 439 

The catalog of serial publications is being rapidly revised and the 
entries brought up to date, about two-thirds of the titles now being in 
the new catalog. It is our purpose to publish during the coming year 
a catalog of serial publications, as well as an index to the MSS. In this 
way the Library will be made accessible to the members of the Society. 
As soon as this has been accomplished it is our purpose to publish as 
a second part a catalog of the balance of the Library. 

In this connection it gives me pleasure to mention the fact that I 
received on April 12th a check for $200. from Professor J. R. Jewett 
for the work of the Library, this being his subscription for last year 
and this year. It has been turned over to the Treasurer for the Lib- 
rary fund. 

Among the new books received within the year are the following: 
Bergstrasser, G. Hunain ibn Ishak und seine Schule. 1913. 
Bharucha, S. D. Pahlavi-Pazend-English glossary. 1912. 
Budge, E. A. "W. , ed. Syrian anatomy, pathology and therapeutics, or 

"The book of medicines". 1913. 2v. 
Chatterji, J. C. The Hindu realism. 1912. 

Collected Sanskrit writings of the Parsis. pt. 3. Mainyoi Khard. 1912. 
Conant, C. E. The Pepet law in Phillipine languages. 1913. 
Dinshaw, V. The date and country of Zarathushtra. 1912. 
Friedlaender, I. Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman. 1913. 
Gerini, G. E. Siam and its productions, arts, and manufactures. 1912. 
The Kashmir series of texts and studies, v. 1. The Shiva sutra Vi- 

marshim. 1911. v. 3. Kshemaraja. The Pratyabhijna Hridaya. 1911. 
Kerestedjian, B. Quelques materiaux pour un dictionnaire etymologique 

de la langue turque. 1912. 

Konig, E. Das antisemitische Hauptdogma. 1914. 
Kuka, M. N. The antiquity of the Iranian calendar and of the era of 

Zoroaster. 1913. 

Modi, J. J. Anthropological papers. 1912. 
Moulton, J. H. Early Zoroastrianism. 1913. 

Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums. 6. Bd., 5. 6. Heft. 

Paffrath,T. Zur Gotterlehre in den altbabylonischen Konigsinschriften. 1913. 

Pahlavi text series, no. 1. Manushchihar. Epistles. 1912. no. 2. Pahlavi 

rivayat. 1913. 
Porta linguarum orientalium. pars 16. Briinnow, R. E. Arabische Chresto- 

mathie. 2. Aufl. 1913. 
Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten. 11. Band, 4. Heft. 

Negelein, J. von. Der Traumschliissel des Jagaddeva. 1912. 
The sacred laws of the Aryas. v. 3. The Prayaschitta Adhyaya. 1913. 
Studies in Jewish literature in honor of Kaufmann Kohler. 1913. 
Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients. 1. Heft. 

Strothmann, R. Das Staatsrecht der Zaiditen. 1912. 
Swift, H. A study of the Iloco language. 1909. 
Tagore law lectures. 1910. Remfry, C.- 0. Commercial law in British 

India. 1912. 

Tate, G. P. Seistan. 1910-12. 2v. 
Tehmuras Dinshaw Anklesaria. The social code of the Parsees in Sa- 

sanian times. 1912. 

440 Proceedings. 

Thierry, G. J. De religieuze beteekenis van het aegyptische koningschap. 

1. De titulatuur. 1913. 

Thompson, R. C. A new decipherment of the Hittite hieroglyphics. 1913. 
Tiele, C. P. The religion of the Iranian peoples, pt. 1. 1912. 
Vararaj Vamsavatara. The history of Siam from A. D. 13501809. 1913. 3v. 
Zimmermann, E. Die Quellen der Mahanarayana-Upanisad. 1913. 


The report of the Editors of the Journal, Professors Oertel 
and Torrey, was presented by Professor Lanman , as follows : 

A few slight typographical changes will be made in the next volume. 
The volume-number and date will hereafter be printed in Arabic numerals. 
The abbreviated title, together with the number of volume and part, will 
be printed on the back of each instalment. The separate paging of the 
Proceedings will be discontinued. Signatures will be added to each sheet, 
as a guide for the binder. It will be necessary to print the first and 
second parts of the new volume as one double number, to appear in July. 
This arrangement will make it possible to print two lengthy papers 
without a break. 

All of the foregoing reports were severally accepted as 


The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected members of the Society (for convenience the names of 
those elected at a subsequent session are included in this list) : 

Professor C. Snouck-Hurgronje 


Mr. Arsene Aftandil Prof. Robert Ernest Hume 

Prof. Masaharu Anesaki Rev. Frederic C. Meredith 

Mr. Shripad K. Belvalkar Rev. John Miller 

Mr. Pierre A. Bernard Mr. Garabed M. Missirian 

Mr. Henry J. Cadbury Mr. Benjamin Burges Moore 

Mr. Clarence S. Fisher Mr. Edward Theodore Newell 

Mr. Kingdon Gould Mr. Paul Bowman Popenoe 

Mr. Philip S. Henry Dr. Israel Schapiro 

Prof. Jacob Hoschander Rev. Henry Swift 


The committee appointed to nominate officers for the year 
19141915, consisting of Professors Hopkins, E. G% Kent, and 
Hopes, reported thru Professor Ropes, as follows: 

President Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., of Philadelphia. 

Proceedings. 441 

Vice-Presidents Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven; Professor 
George A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr; Professor Richard J. H. Gottheil, of 
New York. 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of New 

Recording Secretary Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick "Wells "Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven." 

Directors The officers above named, and Professor Charles R. Lan- 
man, of Cambridge; Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; Professor 
Robert F. Harper, of Chicago; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York; 
Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven; Professor James H. Woods, 
of Cambridge; Professor Leroy Carr Barret, of Hartford. 

The Committee desires to express its conviction that in introducing 
into the Board of Directors several new members they are meeting 
adequately a situation which has gradually grown up without intention, 
but which it would be advisable to change. They^desire also to express 
the opinion that in their judgment it would be desirable in future to 
retire each succeeding President without election to the Board of Directors 
for a term of three years at least. 

The officers thus nominated were thereupon duly elected. 

After a recess of five minutes, the President delivered the 
annual address, the subject heing 'Armageddon. 7 At 12 : 20 p.m. 
the Society, took a recess until three o'clock. 


The afternoon session was opened at 3 : 02 p. m., President 
Haupt being in the chair. The Society proceeded to the hearing 
of communications, in the following order: 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: A cylinder inscription 
from Nippur of the time of the dynasty of Agade. Remarks by Pro- 
fessor Jastrow. 

Rev. Dr. J. B. NIBS, of Brooklyn : On the origin of the Sumerian signs 
dub, dubbin, amar, and lal. 

Professor K. ASAKAWA, of Yale University: Some problems of the 
origin of the feudal land-tenure in Japan. 

Dr. W. H. WORRELL, of Hartford Theological Seminary: An investi- 
gation of Arabic h and h with the Rontgen apparatus. (Illustrated with 
lantern slides.) 

Mr. S. K. BELVALKAR, of Poona, India: Studies in Bhavabhuti'i 
Uttararamacarita. Remarks by Professor Lanman, Dr. Abbott, and 
Professor Jackson. In reply to a question by Dr. Ogden, the author 
added some remarks on the Prakrit text of the drama. 

Mr. F. A. CUNNINGHAM, of Merchantville, N. J.: The Sothic cycle used 
by the Egyptians. Remarks and a question by Rev. Dr. Winslow and 
reply by the author. Further remarks by Professor Haupt. 

Professor F. EDGERTON, of the University of Pennsylvania: 
of the Corpus of Vedic Variants. 

30 JAOS 34. 

442 Proceedings. 

Professor F. EDGERTON: Vedic notes 1. AV. 4. 27. 4; 2. AV.4.6. 3, 
apaskambha; 3. AV. 4. 5. 7. Remarks by Professor Lanman and 
Dr. Ogden. 

At six o'clock the Society adjourned for the day. 


The members reassembled on Friday morning at 9 : 52 a. m. 
for the third session. The President, Professor Haupt, was in 
the chair. The reading of papers was resumed, as follows: 

Professor E. "W. HOPKINS, of Yale University: The priest and the 
frogs. Remarks by Professor Edgerton. 

Professor E. W. HOPKINS- The decapitation of Visim. 

Dr. M. SPRENGLING, of Harvard University: Lexicographical notes 011 
the Aramaic papyri from Elephantine. 

Professor A. V. W.. JACKSON, of Columbia University: Indo- Iranian 
notes. Remarks by Professor Hopkins and Dr. Ogden. 

Professor R. G. KENT, of the University of Pennsylvania: Note on 
Atharva-Veda 20. 127. 10. Remarks by Professor Edgerton, Dr. Ogden, 
and Professor Lanman. 

Dr. C. J. OGDEN, of Columbia University: Notes on the chronology 
of the Behistan inscription of King Darius. Remarks by Professor 

Professor S. G. OLIPHANT, of Grove City College : The Vedic dual 
Part 2: The dual in similes. Remarks by Professor Barret. 

Professor G. A. BARTON, of Bryn Mawr College: Religious conceptions 
underlying ; Sumerian proper names. Remarks by Professor Jastrow 
and (later) by Professor Clay. 

Rev. Dr. J. E. ABBOTT, of Summit, N. J.: On an ancient sword from 
Tibet. Remarks by Dr. Nies and Professor Haupt. 

Professor M. ANESAKI , of the University of Tokio : On two stones 
with Buddhist carvings and inscriptions. Remarks by Professor Edger- 
ton and Professor Hopkins. 

Professor L. C. BARRET, of Trinity College : The Kashmirian Atharva- 
Veda, Book 4. 

Professor F. EDGERTON, of the University of Pennsylvania: The Kash- 
mirian. Atharva-Veda, Book 6. Remarks by Professor Lanman. 

The President reported for the Directors that the next 
annual meeting would be held at Xew York on Thursday, Friday, 
and Saturday of Easter "Week, April 8th, 9th, and 10th, 1915. 
He reported further that the Directors had reappointed Pro- 
fessors Oertel and Torrey as Editors of the Journal for the 
ensuing year. 

After the election of Professor Snouck-Hurgronje as an 
honorary member and of two additional corporate members 
(included in the list above), the President announst the follow- 
ing appointments: 

Proceedings. 443 

Committee of Arrangements for 1915: Professors Gottheil and Prince 
and the Corresponding Secretary. 

Committee on Nominations: Professor Barton, Dr. Nies, and Professor 

Auditors: Professors Torrey and Hopkins. 

Professor Barton (at the request of the Directors) presented 
a communication from the Asiatic Institute regarding the de- 
struction of antiquities in China. After some discussion it was 
voted that a committee consisting of Professors Williams, 
Hirth, and Clay consider the matter and report next year to 
the Directors. 

On motion the following resolution was unanimously adopted: 

The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to the 
Board of Directors of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences for 
their hospitable welcome, to the President and Fellows of Harvard Uni- 
versity for courtesies extended at the session held at the University, to 
the Harvard Club and the College Club for the privileges so generously 
offered, and to the Committee of Arrangements for the thoughtful pro- 
vision made for the entertainment of the members. 

At 12 : 35 p. m. the Society took a recess until three o'clock. 


The Society met for the fourth session at three o'clock in. 
Brooks House, Harvard University, Cambridge. The President, 
Professor Haupt, was in the chair. The reading of papers 
was resumed, in the following order: 

Mrs. D. M. BATES, of Cambridge: On some satin scraps inscribed 
with the vows of Buddhist nuns. Remarks by Professor Lanman. 

Mr. W. H. SCHOFF, of Philadelphia: Some features of the overland 
Oriental trade at the Christian era. Remarks by Professor Edgerton 
and Dr. Nies. 

Professor C. R. LANMAN, of Harvard University: Yoga-bhasya quota- 
tions. Remarks by Professor Woods and Dr. Ogden. 

Rev. Dr.. A. YOHANNAN and Professor A. V. W. JACKSON, of Columbia 
University: Some wandering quatrains of Omar Khayyam. (Presented 
briefly by Professor Jackson.) 

Professor P. HAUPT, of Johns Hopkins University: The Sumerian 
names of Egypt and Nubia. 

Professor M. JASTROW, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania: Medi- 
cine and magic in Babylonian and Assyrian incantations and ritual texts. 

The Society adjourned at 4 : 25 p. m., to meet in New York 
on April 8, 1915 (the projected fifth session being omitted). 

The following communications were presented by title: 
Dr. F. R.BLAKE, of Johns Hopkins University: Apparent interchange 
between He and Aleph in Semitic. 

444 Proceedings. 

Dr. E. W. BURLINQAME, of the University of Pennsylvania : Critical 
study of the Dhammapada Commentary. 

Professor C. E. CONANT, of the University of Chattanooga: (a) Notes 
on the phonology of the Palau language (Caroline Islands) ; (b) R : L 
assimilation in certain Philippine languages. 

Dr. A. EMBER, of Johns Hopkins University: (a) Are the 'Apuriu of 
the Egyptian inscriptions identical with the Hebrews? (b) The phonetic 
values of the signs for 'hand' and 'bolt' in the Egyptian alphabet; 
(c) Hermapion's translation of an Egyptian obelisk in Ammianus Mar- 

Professor E. "W. FAY, of the University of Texas: Indo-Iranian word- 
studies, 2. 

Professor R. GOTTHEIL, of Columbia University: (a) Syriac folk-medi- 
cine; (b) A Hebrew inscription from Egypt. 

Professor P. HAUPT, of Johns Hopkins University: Some Assyrian 

Professor E. W. HOPKINS, of Yale University: The dynasties of the 
Kali age. 

Mr. W. S. KUPFER, of Columbia University: Some questions relative 
to the Kautillya Arthasastra. 

Professor M. L. MAROOLIS, of Dropsie College: The problem of quan- 
tity in the Hebrew vowel-system. 

Professor J. D. PRINCE, of Columbia University: Striking phenomena 
in Sumerian. 

Mr. G. P. QCACKENBOS, of the College of the City of New York: The 
Sanskrit poet Mayura as viewed by other Indian writers. 

Professor C. C. TORRE Y, of Yale University: Some less-known tradi- 
tions from the prophet Mohammed. 

List of Members. 445 


The number placed after the address indicates the year of election. 


M. AUGUSTS EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan- 

ciere, 10.) 1898. 
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll. Poona, India 

JAMES BURGESS, 0. I. E., LL. D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 


Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on-Mersey, England. 


Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893. 
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, Peter Lennestr. 72. 

Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Bieainger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 

Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906. 
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt,, l.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham, 

Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 


Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger- 
many. 1909. ' 

Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893. 
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de 

1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898. 
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West, Mommsenstr. 7.) 1908. 
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs- 

gasse 16.) 1878. 
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gottiugen, Germany. 1910. 

(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.) 
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr.l2,W.> 


446 List of Members. 

EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris, 

Fiance. 1908. 

Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. C. SNOUCK HURQRONJE, University of Leiden, Netherlands. (Witte 

Singel 84 a.) 1914. 
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber- 

strasse 18 a.) 1902. 
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (Universitats- 

strasse 15.) 1890. [Total: 25] 


Names marked with * are those of life members. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1900. 
Mrs. JUSTIN E. ABBOTT, 120 Hobart Ave., Summit, N. J. 1912. 
Dr. CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884. 
RONALD C. ALLEN, 148 South Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 


Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Northampton, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. MASAHARU ANESAKI, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1914. 
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, (Harvard Univ.), 25 Kirkland St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Prof. KANICHI A SAKAWA, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn. 1904. 
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D:, 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903. 
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888. 
Mrs. DANIEL BATES, 35 Brewster Street, Cambridge, Mass. 1912. 
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 418 West 20th St., New York. 1894. 
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
SHRIPAD K. BELVALKAR, care of Prof. Lanman, 9 Farrar St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1914. 

Prof. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J., 1906. 
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, New Brunswick, 5 Seminary Place, N. J. 1893. 
PIERRE A. BERNARD, 662 West End Avenue, New York, N. Y. 1914. 
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER, Union Theological Seminary, Broadway and 

120th St., New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42d St., New 

York, N. Y., 1907. 

Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md. 
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Syrian Protestant College, Beirut, Syria. 1898. 
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New 

York, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary, 

Rock Island, 111. 1900. (825, 35th St.) 
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 


List of Members. 


Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambery, Switzerland. 1897. 

Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLINC* (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran 

St., Washington, D. C. 1896. 
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14th St., Cleveland, Ohio. 


Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1881, 

Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909. 
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRUNNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton, 

N. J. 1911. 

Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces, 

Philippine Islands. 1908. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910. 
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 20 Graduate House, West Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1910. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
GRANVILLE BURRUS, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
HENRY J. CADBURY, Haverford College, Haverford, Pa. 1914. 
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896. 
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL. D., Williamstown, Mass. 
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897. 

Dr. I. M. CASANOVICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893. 
Rev. JOHN S. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899. 
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 
WALTER E. CLARK, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) 401 Humphrey St., New Haven, Conn. 


*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Ritzcarlton, 5th ave. New York, N. Y. 1908. 
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Chattanooga, Jenn. 1905. 
*ECKLEY B. COXE, Jr., 1604 Locust st., Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Rev. WILLIAM MEERIAM CRANE, Richmond, Mass. 1902. 
FRANCIS A. CUNNINGHAM, 508 W. Maple St., Merchantville, N. J. 1912. 
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 25 V. St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Paysan St., Baltimore, Md. 1908. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 


Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900. 
JAMES T. DENNIS, Woodbrook, Md. 1900. 

Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911. 
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York. N. Y. 1867. 
Rev. WM. HASKELL Du BOSE, University of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. 1912. 
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894. 
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Univ. of Penna., Philada. Pa. 1910. 
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEX, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901* 

448 List of Members. 

WILLIAM T. ELLIS, Swarthmore, Pa. 1912. 

Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, (Amherst College), 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass. 


Dr. AAEON EMBER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1902. 
Kev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 606 W. 122d St., New York, ST. Y. 1901. 
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin, 

Texas. 1888. 

Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, Peking, China. 1900. 
Dr. HENRY C. FINKEL, District National Bank Building, Washington, D. C. 

Prof. CLARENCE S. FISHER, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Rev. Dr. FONCK, Institute Biblico Pontifico, Via del Archelto, Roma, Italia. 


Rev. THEODORE FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900. 
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N.Y. 1907. 
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 

120th St., New York, N. Y. 1892. 

Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place, 

New York, N. Y. 1904. 

Dr. WM. HENRY FURNESS, 3d, 1906 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
ROBERT GARRET, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903. 
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909. 
EUGENE A. GELLOT 290 Broadway, N. Y., 1911. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 

Md. 1858. 

Prof. ALEXANDER R. GORDON, Presbyterian College, Montreal, Canada. 1912. 
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1886. 
KINGDON GOULD, 165 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 1914. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 76 Devonshire Road Aberdeen, Scotland. 1897. 
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 76 Devonschire Road Aberdeen, Scotland. 1907. 
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, Martindale Depot, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, 0., 1890. 
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 

*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 518 W. 140th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 100 Morningside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Mrs. IDA M. HANCHETT, care of Omaha Public Library, Omaha, Nebraska. 


NEWTON H. HARDING, 110 N. Pine Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 

Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 215 Longwood Road, Roland 

Park, Baltimore, Md. 1883. 
I'HILIP S. HENRY, 1402 Massachusetts Ave., Washington, D. C. 1914. 

List of Members. 449 

Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, MuncheD, Leopoldstr. 8. 1887. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907. 

Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 401 West 118th St, New York 

N. Y. 1903. 

*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893. 
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1881. 
Prof. JACOB HOSCHANDER, Dropsie College, Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 


WILSON S. HOWELL, Box 437, Pleasantville Station, N. Y. 1911. 
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. < 1907. 
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909. 
Prof. ROBERT ERNEST HUME, 606 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1914, 
*Dr. ARCHER M. HUNTINGTON, 15 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
S. T. HURWITZ, 217 East 69th St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 1913. 
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Mrs. A. Y. WILLIAMS JACKSON, care of Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1886. 

Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874. 

Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. C. E. KEISER, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1913. 
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office, London, S. W., England. 

Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1886. 
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1890. 

Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Dr. G. D. KHEIRALLA, Rapid City, S. Dak. 1913. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Billiard St., Cambridge 

Mass. 1899. 

RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111. 1911. 
WALTER S. KUPFER, 20 Green St., New York, N. Y. 1913. 
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909, 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.), 9 Farrar St.. Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 
Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111. 


H. LINFIELD, 52 Middle Divinity Hall, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Prof. ENNO LITTMANN, Hainholzweg 44, Gottingen. 1912. 
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893. 
Dr. DANIEL D. LUCKENBILL, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1912. 

450 List of Members. 

Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Urbana, 111. 1909. 

*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871. 

Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1882. 
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 

Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1893. 

C. Y. Me LEAN, Port Perry, Ontario. 1912. 

Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. HENRY MALTER, Dropsie College, Broad & York St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

1913. ' 

Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th 

St., New York, N. Y. 1889. 

C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, Box 886, Springfield, Mass. 1910. 
Rev. JOHN MEIGHAN, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Prof. SAMUEL A. B. MERCER (Western Theol. Sem.), 2735 Park Ave., 

Chicago, 111. 1912. 
Rev. FREDERIC C. MEREDITH, 32 Kita-kuruwa Cho, Maebashi, Jochu, Japan, 


J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907. 
MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906. 
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 

D. C. 1899. 

Rev. JOHN MILLER, Coudersport, Pa. 1914. 

Mr*. HELEN LOVELL MILLION, Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892. 
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILL?, 218 Iff ley Road, Oxford, Engld. 1881. 
GARABED M. MISSIRIAN, Andover Hall, Cambridge, Mass. 1914. 
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Greene St., German- 
town, Pa. 1903. 

BENJAMIN BURGES MOORE, 109 East 38th St., New York, N. Y. 1914. 
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave-, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1887. 

*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894. 
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, Jefferson, Wis. J906. 

Prof. W. MAX MUELLER, 4325 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908. 
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887. 
EDWARD THEODORE NEWELL, -321 Madison Square P. 0., New York, N. Y. 


Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Hotel St. George, Clark St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906. 
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908. 
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, 800 Cathedral Place, Richmond, Va. 


Dr. FELIX, Freiherr von OEFELE, 326 E. 58th St. New York, N. Y. 1913. 
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 628 West 114th St., New York, N. Y. 1906. 

List of Members. l :> ] 

Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, Hopkins Hall, Burlington, Vt. 1898. 
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Grove City College, Grove City, Penn. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, 911 Lowry St., Columbia, Mo. 1909. 
.Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette, 

Geneve, Switzerland. 1904. 

*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861. 
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 


Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Prof. GEORGE A. PECKHAM, Hiram College, Hiram, Ohio. 1912. 
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882. 
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Liudsborg, Kansas. 1909. 
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave., 

Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889. 

Dr. ARNO POEBEL, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1912. 
PAUL BOWMAN POPENOE, 511 Eleventh St., Washington, D. C. 1914. 
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago^ 111. 1887. 
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co., 

N. Y. 1888. 

GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 
RAMAKRISHNA PILLAI, Thottakkadu House, Madras, India. 1913. 
Dr. CAROLINE L. RANSOM, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 5th Ave. and 

82d St., New York, N. Y. 1912. 

G. A. REICHLING, 466 Nostrand Ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912, 
Dr. JOSEPH REIDER, Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa. 1913. 
Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St., 

Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 


J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Canada. 1913. 
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormick Theol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers 

Place, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897. 
J. J. ROSENGARTEN, 1704 Walnut St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1914. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 417 West 120th St., New York, N. Y. 1894 ^ 
Mrs. JANET E. RUUTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897. 
Mrs. EDWARD E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka. Kans. 1897. 
Dr. ISRAEL SCHAPIRO, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. 1914. 
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengrtcht, 
Amsterdam, Holland. 1906. 

452 List of Members. 

GEORGE V. SCHICK, 1045 Schick St., Fort "Wayne, Ind. 1909. 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
WILFRED H. SCHOFF, Commercial Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 1912. 
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER Jr., Department of State, Washington D. C. 1913. 
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGQIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 


Dr CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 49 Arthur St., Yonkers, N. Y. 1895. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1908. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 1227 Madison Ave., Baltimore Md. 1902. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904. 
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14 bis rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903. 
Major C. C. SMITH, Fourth Cavalry, Ft. Leavenworth, Kan. 1907. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH*, (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway 

and 120th St., New York, N. Y. 1877. 

Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall, 

London, S.W., England. 1911. 

Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1884. 
MARTIN SPRENGLING, 18 Divinity Hall, Cambridge. 1912. 
Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892. 
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, D.D., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 


MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907. 
Rev. HENRY SWIFT, Plymouth, Conn. 1914. 
Prof. WM. C. THAYER, 59 Market St. Bethlehem, Pa. 1913. 
DAVID E. THOMAS, 6407 Ingleside Ave., Chicago, 111. 1912. 
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 

*Prof. CHARLES C. TORREY, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1891. 
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass. 1871. 
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison 

Ave., N. Y. 1909. 
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School, 

Middletown, Conn. 1911. 

York, N. Y. 1908. 

ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863. 
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark, 

N. J. 1874. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 119 W. 40th St., New York, N. Y. 1869. 
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline, 

Mass. 1877. 

List oj Members. 453 

Rev. LEROY WATERMAN, Mead ville Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1912. 

Prof. J. E. WERREN, 1667 Cambridge St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 

Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD Asst. Gen. Adviser to H.S.M. Govt., 

Bangkok, Siam. 1903. 

ARTHUR J. WESTERMAYR, 100 Lenox Road, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1912. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELEB, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1886. 
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1877. 

JOHN G. WHITS, Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio. 1912. 
* Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1908. 
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 

Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1884. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, So. Pasadena, California. 1911. 
HENRY B. WITTON, 290 Hess St., South, Hamilton, Ontario. 1885. 
Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1620 Madison St., Madison, Wis. 1904. 
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
WILLIAM W. WOOD, Shirley Lane, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Prof. JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 179 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 


Dr. WILLIAM H, WORRELL, 152 Whitney St., Hartford, Conn. 1910. 
Dr. S. C. YLVISAKER, Luther College, Decorah, la. 1913. 
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., St. Xavier's Coll., Cruickshank Road, 

Bombay, India. 1911. (Total: 304) 






BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 
BROOKLYN, N. Y.: Theosophical Society. 
CHICAGO, ILL. : Field Museum of Natural History. 
Hibbard Egyptian Library. 

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. 
E. Steiger and Co. 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society. 

Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penn. 
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Archaeological Institute of America. 
WORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society. 


AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

K. u. K. Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek (Josephs- 

platz 1.) 

Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 
Geographische Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.) 
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.) 
Ecole Franchise d'extreme Orient (28, rue Bonaparte). 
Ministere de ^Instruction Publique. 
Revue Biblique Internationale (Librairie V. Lecoffre, rue 

Bonaparte 90). 
Revue de 1'Orient Chretien (care of Prof. Nau, 1Q, rue 


H. Welter, 4, rue Bernard-Palissy. 

GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche Bibliothek. 

Seminar fiir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.) 
DARMSTADT: Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek. 
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse 50.) 
Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein fiir Sachsen und Thii- 

KIEL : Universitats-Bibliothek.